Migration to India has long reflected a complex mix of geography, history and regional instability. From persecuted minorities in South Asia to economic migrants seeking work, India has, for decades, absorbed people crossing its borders. In many cases, this migration has offered a lifeline; safety, access to livelihood and new beginnings. However, in recent years, the politics of Hindu nationalism has reshaped how the country views migrants, deepening vulnerabilities and reinforcing cycles of poverty. Yet, amid these challenges, there remain examples of resilience and potential for a more inclusive approach.
1. A Historical Overview
India has historically hosted displaced populations including Tibetans, Afghans, Sri Lankan Tamils and Rohingya Muslims. While not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, India has traditionally adopted a pragmatic, albeit informal, approach to asylum. In many communities, local support networks, religious institutions and NGOs have helped new arrivals find their footing. This social infrastructure has allowed some migrants to gradually improve their living conditions, find employment and send children to school.
However, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of December 2019, marked a key turning point. The law fast-tracks citizenship for non-Muslim migrants from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan, excluding Muslims from its scope, thereby punishing them. Presented by the government as a humanitarian gesture, it draws criticism from citizens and groups for institutionalizing religious discrimination. Consequently, migration to India is increasingly becoming, not a matter of regional urgency or economic contribution, but a question of religious identity.
2. Exclusion and Statelessness
Among the groups most affected are Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar. Many came to India after fleeing violent persecution, hoping for protection. Instead, India detained or labeled them illegal immigrants. In 2024, Rohingya refugees in Assam held a hunger strike to protest indefinite detention. With no formal recognition of their status, access to housing, education and health care remains extremely limited.
For migrants without documents, whether due to fleeing conflict or bureaucratic exclusion, the result is a state of legal invisibility. Without proof of identity, the country denies them welfare benefits, government schooling and formal employment. This leads to entrenched poverty that is less about economic conditions and more about political choices.
3. Hindu Nationalism and the Narrative of Threat
What has shifted in recent years is not the scale of migration to India, but the narratives surrounding it. Hindu nationalist discourse presents Muslim migrants as demographic threats or infiltrators. In this environment, policies such as the CAA and the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC) serve to redefine national belonging.
In Assam, the NRC process has already left thousands, many of them poor and Muslim, stateless. These individuals now face the burden of proving their citizenship through documentation they may never have had. For those arriving in India today, poverty is no longer simply a backdrop; it is often the outcome of systematic exclusion.
4. Labor and Local Integration
Despite these obstacles, many migrants contribute meaningfully to India’s economy. In border states and urban centers, migrants work in construction, agriculture, domestic labor and small-scale manufacturing. Even in the absence of formal protections, many have managed to secure stable income over time. In cities like Hyderabad and Delhi, refugee communities have set up small businesses, language schools and community support services, often with limited resources but strong internal solidarity.
These contributions challenge the dominant narratives of threat and burden. Instead revealing how migration to India can, when supported by thoughtful policy, contribute to local economies and social resilience.
5. Toward a More Inclusive Future
The path forward depends on how India chooses to balance national interest with humanitarian responsibility. A more inclusive approach would involve expanding legal protections, enabling access to documentation and ensuring that religion is not the basis for citizenship. Small policy shifts, such as temporary work permits, school access for children or municipal registration for housing, could significantly reduce poverty among new arrivals.
At the same time, civil society, legal advocates and local communities have shown that change does not depend solely on national policy. Grassroots efforts continue to offer legal aid, education and medical services to undocumented migrants. These actions, while limited in scale, show what is possible when dignity and inclusion are prioritized. While difficult to find structured organizations, there are groups helping the cause of migrants. For example “an Indian medical specialist who volunteered in several migrant-led organizations, such as a regional group and the Indian consulate-general medical committee, and has successfully helped repatriate bedridden patients and the mortal remains of deceased to India. He simultaneously partners in a law firm specializing in insurance cases for migrants who have met with accidents.” Although the motives of those helping are questionable and often selfish, they do eventually benefit migrants and those in need to a tangible extent.
Looking Ahead
Migration to India reflects both the region’s humanitarian need and the country’s political divides. For many migrants, it offers a last resort against persecution or poverty. Yet too often, their arrival is met with suspicion, exclusion and institutional neglect. Still, the potential for integration remains. Migration continues, but under policies that choose who gets dignity and who remains disposable. Unless these dynamics are addressed, migration will remain a mirror not just of poverty, but of the nation’s growing inequality.
– Maryam Qutbuddin
Maryam is based in Reading, UK and focuses on Business and Good News for The Borgen Project.
Photo: Unsplash
Understanding Poverty Among the Orang Asli in Malaysia
Most Orang Asli communities practice subsistence farming with surplus crops sold to neighboring villages to supplement income. Most of these communities depend on the local environment for their lifestyle; local rivers are used for drinking water, agriculture, washing and transport to other communities or urban areas.
The Orang Asli make up 13.8% of Malaysia’s population. Yet, 80% live below the global poverty line. Additionally, the infant mortality rate for the Orang Asli is 51.7% compared to the national Malaysian average of 8.9%, due to inadequate access to health infrastructure.
Land Rights and Environmental Pressures
Orang Asli live on land designated by the Aborigines Act of 1954, which was created under British colonial rule. This act deems that the Malaysian government owns all land. The Orang Alsi are established as “tenants at will” and only given minimal financial compensation for encroachment. Land encroachment forces the Orang Alsi to leave their traditional lifestyle and settle in urban areas.
Government initiatives since the ’60s have focused on integrating the Orang Asli into urban society. Schemes include the introduction of cash crop agriculture and actively discouraging the hunter/gatherer lifestyle that the Orang Asli use. The Orang Asli have a sustainable lifestyle and only take what they need from the surrounding forest, keeping an equilibrium in the areas entrusted to the Orang Asli communities.
This contrasts with harsh economic development practices that have relied on rapid deforestation for monetary gain, causing mudslides, floods and soil erosion. Deforestation to make room for oil palm plantations greatly contributes to the increased poverty levels among the Orang Asli. Palm oil provides 2.5% of Malaysia’s GDP in 2021, with government officials using financial incentives to buy off Orang Asli headmen.
Land inhabited by the Orang Asli is targeted because they lack the means to advocate for themselves. Malaysia’s economic improvement strategies include hydroelectric dams to meet its expectations for renewable energy by 2050. However, it is disrupting the Orang Asli rivers, which hold spiritually significant areas of importance.
Without access to forested regions, the Orang Alsi have their rights to food, clean water and access to health and education infrastructure jeopardized.
Education and Social Marginalization
Many Orang Asli who withdrew from school expressed concerns about the lack of transport, support, and resources to access government-built schools. However, education is a key component of poverty alleviation; without it, many remain unable to improve their living conditions.
The Orang Asli also face cultural marginalization. Their lifestyle is often viewed as primitive by the wider Malaysian government. Deforestation hinders their cultural identity and unique livelihoods and places their entire way of life at risk.
Strategies To Help the Orang Asli Communities in Malaysia
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) such as Pusat KOMAS in Malaysia raise advocacy for human rights issues surrounding the Orang Asli. It particularly focuses on racial discrimination that the Orang Asli face in wider society. Humanitarian Affairs Asia assembles volunteers to redevelop primary schools for Orang Asli communities, ensuring they are easily accessible.
Furthermore, the Malaysian government launched the Shared Prosperity Vision as a blueprint for 2030. It addresses various social and economic problems affecting the Orang Asli, including welfare assistance, legal protections and reducing inequality within their communities. Financial contributions of $19 million have been allocated to JAKOA (Department of Indigenous People Development) to improve socioeconomic status, such as upgrading existing health facilities.
The Jahai Jeli school scheme is an innovative strategy that targets community inclusion. It uses a culturally receptive school curriculum to foster a collaborative relationship between the school and the wider community. The scheme was a trial project between 2018 and 2020. It showed promising results, including increased Orang Asli involvement at national decision-making levels.
The importance of the Orang Asli maintaining cultural agency, such as preserving their language, religious beliefs and environmental ownership, should coexist within poverty reduction frameworks.
– Liberty Whitford Webb
Photo: Flickr
The Silicon Valleys of Africa: The Burgeoning Tech Hubs in Africa
It is an incredibly resource-rich continent that has been the victim of colonial exploitation. While the imagery of malnourished children with bloated stomachs draws sympathy, it does not tell the whole story. In truth, there are many thriving industries and burgeoning hubs in Africa.
Africa is the fastest-growing continent in terms of population and aid creates a pathway for future profitable trade relations. Aid should not focus only on short-term fixes but also on long-term paths to autonomy for African nations. Many cities are already prosperous markets that foster innovation. Here are three burgeoning tech hubs in Africa:
Lagos, Nigeria
Lagos has already established itself as one of the leading tech hubs of the future, not just in Africa, but globally. It ranked first in the Rising Stars category of Dealroom.co’s 2025 Tech Ecosystem Index, with a 1100% growth rate since 2017. There are five unicorns, private companies with valuations of more than $1 billion, based in Lagos.
The city provides a centralized market, as most industries are focused on the neighborhoods of Marina and Victoria Island, as opposed to the split markets of Johannesburg and Cape Town. Infrastructure currently poses a challenge to expansion in Lagos. It is difficult to “find anywhere in Lagos that would take 3,000 people in one go.” In response, Tech entrepreneur Iyin Aboyeji is building a 72,000-square-foot business park near the metro area.
Education is one of the foundations of upward mobility. Providing equal access to education is a way to improve the lives of those suffering and ensure that a nation’s best talent is placed in the proper roles. The Global Partnership for Education grant is a partnership between the United Kingdom’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office and Nigeria’s Ministry of Education that provides funding for education initiatives within Nigeria.
The program has pledged $100 million in funding from 2024 to 2027. Some of its priorities include improving school infrastructure and teacher training in various facets of education.
Nairobi, Kenya
Nairobi, also known as Silicon Savannah, is one of the burgeoning tech hubs in Africa and has cemented itself as East Africa’s center of innovation. The international community is taking notice of Nairobi, as Microsoft has just invested $1 billion in a data center in Kenya. This will provide cloud computing through Microsoft Azure to East Africa.
M-Pesa, a mobile payment enterprise, is largely responsible for Nairobi’s rise as a tech hub. In 2007, it pioneered a secure platform that enabled people to transfer money using only their cellphones. The fintech sector has continued to expand, with other companies, such as M-Kopa, Lendable and Tala, basing their operations in Nairobi.
Incubators have also found a foothold in Silicon Savannah. The U.S. Embassy operates tech hubs for entrepreneurs who may not have proper access to technology. Both founded in 2010, iHub and Nailab are two incubators intended to accelerate African innovation and improve Kenya’s economic prosperity by bringing together creative thinkers and providing proper mentorship.
Programs that foster innovation will help maintain Nairobi’s growth and its status as one of the burgeoning tech hubs in Africa.
Kigali, Rwanda
Although currently a smaller market than the previous two cities, Kigali remains one of the burgeoning tech hubs in Africa. Unlike Nairobi’s private enterprise-driven expansion, Kigali maintains substantial support from Rwanda’s government. There has been a state-led effort for “digital transformation.” 4G or 5G currently enables 95% of the city.
The Kigali Innovation City is a business hub that houses universities, incubators and office spaces for emerging tech companies. Additionally, the city hosts the Africa Tech Summit. However, the city faces challenges like the infamous “brain drain.”
Because Kigali’s innovation efforts are public endeavors, salaries remain more lucrative in cities such as Nairobi and much of Kigali’s top talent is being lured out of Rwanda. The solution, once again, lies in education. In conjunction with Andela’s coding boot camp, institutions such as Carnegie Mellon University and African Leadership University produce approximately 2,600 tech graduates annually.
The Timbuktu Fund, sponsored by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), aims to foster startups around Africa. Programs like these help drive up wages and economic growth in places like Kigali, which in turn helps the city maintain its workforce.
Conclusion
Lagos, Nairobi, and Kigali show that Africa is redefining its story, from dependency to innovation. With growing investment, talent and education initiatives, these hubs are positioning the continent as a rising force in global technology.
– Patrick Feeney
Photo: Flickr
Community Identity in Guyana
In 2019, 48.4% of the Guyana population lived below the poverty line of $5.50 per day. However, this worrying statistic provoked positive change in a nation striving to place its citizens at the heart of recent economic revival.
Grassroots Strategies for National Growth
President Dr. Mohamed Irfaan Ali has led political efforts to tackle disparities in living conditions and employment opportunities for Guyanese. He has recently sought to adopt a strategy centered on a campaign that involves “meeting residents at the grassroots level” rather than relying on the ever-fluctuating international market. As a result, self-dependency is tied to a strengthened facet of community identity in Guyana.
Outlined in the 2017 National Development Strategy, the government voiced strong concern over a de-skilled workforce caused by regional disparities within the country. The goals of recent legislation can be explained through a two-pronged approach:
Political Investment into Individual Communities
Community identity in Guyana has been central to developments revolving around a poverty reduction strategy under Ali’s administration. Regional strategies that target community initiatives have aimed to address problems unique to those living within the region. For example, the president visited residents living in Baracara village to emphasize agricultural production in the rural community.
Face-to-face contact between political representatives and their respective electorates ensures that policy-making adapts to the specific circumstances. The president visited communities in Georgetown to address urban issues such as unemployment. As a result of these discussions, more than 30 young people secured jobs, showing how domestic political engagement has directly improved the lives of Guyanese.
The Greater Guyana Initiative: Nonprofit Regional Partnerships
Alongside political efforts to strengthen community identity in Guyana, nonprofit organizations continue to run region-based programs. The Greater Guyana Initiative has supported communities nationwide with projects prioritizing local interests. In Potaro-Siparuni, Essequibo, the 2024 Hinterland Poultry “Egg Sandwich” Project Phase II has focused on egg production.
The organization has improved workplace machinery and equipment for workers in the region. As a result, the province has achieved at least a 75% hatchability rate, boosting both profit margins and workers’ salaries. The age of these workers is also an important consideration.
The Greater Guyana Initiative has taken active measures to provide opportunities for young people to remain in education. With child labor statistics in the Upper-Demerara Berbice region reaching 27.8%, nearly 10% above the national average, entrepreneurial programs have been offered as alternatives to full-time labor. These programs equip young adults with a skillset that encompasses both practical and analytical learning skills.
From 2024 to 2025, agriculture- and innovation-based initiatives were deployed across Guyana to boost youth employment in the industry. This pathway toward a promising career offers students an alternative to child labor, allowing them to apply skills gained from higher education. These carefully tailored initiatives highlight how organizations have sought to strengthen the domestic economy by improving the equipment and resources available to Guyanese.
At the same time, the targeted workers’ age reflects a moral commitment to reducing child labor in Potaro-Siparuni and Upper-Demerara Berbice. In essence, government and nonprofit organizations have recognized the potential of prioritizing domestic over international production.
Final Remarks
Locally based initiatives have carried national implications. A strengthened community identity in Guyana has brought greater focus to domestic output. As an alternative to international reliance, self-sufficiency has fostered a stronger national identity. With self-sufficiency comes greater community engagement with politicians, negotiations for better working conditions and improved salaries. Returning to the 2017 National Development Strategy, the long-term goal of repatriating the sizable Guyanese diaspora now appears increasingly attainable.
– Ash Fowkes-Gajan
Photo: Pexels
Organizations Assisting Mongolia After the Catastrophic Dzud
The Impact of Dzud
The winter of 2022-2023 was particularly brutal. Mongolia saw 90% of its territory covered in a thick layer of snow, making it the heaviest snowfall the country had seen in 49 years. Millions of livestock died from the extreme cold, but many also died of malnutrition as only a minimal amount of food had been cultivated over the summer months due to the droughts the country faced. Unfortunately, it is the country’s herding population that suffers the hardest impact. The death of livestock often means a loss of livelihood for many, as it is through selling their produce that many families make a living.
The heavy snow also makes it difficult to get to markets during the winter and the reduction in food supply drives up market prices, making many at risk of suffering from malnutrition. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), 5.9 million people died in 2023 as a result of the dzud and 9% of the country’s total herd was lost.
When the snow eventually melts, the remaining water leads to widespread flooding across the country. These floods cause further destruction, damaging infrastructure and grazing land, while also increasing the risk of food and waterborne diseases, particularly in poorer regions with simple sanitation systems. The dzud is therefore not only a natural disaster but also a social and economic crisis.
Ongoing Intervention Efforts
Many aid organizations and government officials have been assisting the country. The WHO and World Bank have collaborated with the Mongolian Ministry of Health to ensure those in rural areas receive the help they need. Frontline health workers with medical supplies and the capacity to offer psychological support to those affected have been offering aid in the 21 affected provinces.
The World Bank has also been working alongside the meteorological and environmental monitoring agency to compile a comprehensive disaster risk financing strategy. Weather data gathered is used to trigger the release of funding ahead of catastrophic weather events, ensuring herding families are protected with financial assistance before the dzud even begins.
One year after the 2024 dzud, the Mongolian Red Cross Society has been particularly helpful. It has continued to help herder households get back on their feet, delivering critical humanitarian assistance where needed and offering services such as psychological support to the families who suffered the hardest hit.
Looking Ahead
The dzud remains one of Mongolia’s most pressing climate challenges, threatening both livelihoods and long-term stability. Yet the efforts of organizations like the WHO, World Bank and Mongolian Red Cross Society show that early intervention, social protection programs and community support can make a difference.
– Niamh Trinder
Photo: Flickr
First Elections in BARMM: A Test of Peace in the Philippines
As reported by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP), the once-militant faction, Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which formerly clashed with the Philippines’ other governing authorities, has been making efforts to uphold a ceasefire. The group is also working to maintain peace in the region.
Election Violence and Security Concerns
While election violence almost doubled this year, the conditions for a ceasefire in BARMM have still technically been upheld. This gives hope for the upcoming elections, thanks largely to MILF and BARMM working toward peace. Both the government and MILF combatants formed the Joint Quick Response Team and have worked together to disarm and de-escalate violence in the region.
According to the University of the Philippines, while the country is striving toward a more integrated democratic nation, different forces have been attempting to coerce communities to vote a certain way through gun violence. Although official checkpoints have been established to confiscate firearms, rogue groups have set up their own checkpoints and even government officials are suspected of favoritism in how they follow through on checkpoints.
Global Implications and the Road Ahead
American organizations, such as the USIP, have been assisting in these areas. They credit MILF with striving to uphold peace and serving as an example of once-hostile forces working together toward a common goal. While the May midterms did not go as well as expected, there is hope that the October primaries will be both successful and less bloody. The fight for peace in the Philippines has been tenuous and how things will fare remains to be seen.
MILF created an agreement with the government in the late ’90s and early 2000s. The group has faithfully upheld its agreement and acted as an agent for peace in an otherwise volatile region. The Philippines could use more aid from countries like the U.S. and Japan, but the security of the whole Pacific region relies on the success of these upcoming elections.
Final Remarks
If this election is successful, it will be a step in the right direction for the Philippines as a democratic nation. It is of particular interest to countries like the U.S. and Japan in the fight against China’s push for control in Asia. As the Philippines becomes more secure, its economy is bound to thrive, poverty will decrease and it will become a more active member of the international political community. This hoped-for “unification” in the Philippines, while still showing signs of resistance in the area, promises to make the Philippines an “investment destination.”
The commitment of groups like MILF and USIP reflects optimism that maintaining peace in these volatile regions will lead to a better life for everyone involved. However, the history of the BARMM region casts considerable doubt on the future of the southern Philippines and its ability to move forward peacefully. Still, BARMM is working toward peace and the region’s future may be studied in textbooks for years to come.
– Gregory Walker
Photo: Flickr
New 6-In-1 Vaccine in Mauritania Can Save Millions of Lives
Difficulties in transporting the vaccine while keeping it at the proper temperature (called the “cold chain” process) and finding enough workers trained to administer it are only a few of the problems that these countries face. The sheer amount of immunizations that children must receive (as many as 30 by the age of 18) only compounds the problem. This puts strain on families to devote time and money to getting vaccinated.
However, scientists have a solution: a 6-in-1 vaccine that costs less and requires less medical assistance, thus eliminating barriers that previously prevented poor countries, like Mauritania from vaccinating. Mauritania and Senegal are the first two developing countries to adopt the 6-in-1 vaccine. Their adoption indicates a promising outlook for disease prevention in poverty-stricken nations.
About the Hexavalent Vaccine
The 6-in-1 (“hexavalent”) vaccine consists of a single shot that contains protection against diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis (whooping cough), hepatitis B, Haemophilus influenzae type b (Hib) and polio. Before it was first used in the mid-2010s, the World Health Organization (WHO) utilized a similar pentavalent vaccine containing all the same immunizations except for polio, which had to be administered through a separate shot.
The pentavalent vaccine was highly successful, protecting approximately 80 million children annually during its 20-plus-year stint. However, the new hexavalent vaccine may have even greater potential. This is due to its ability to reduce inefficiencies caused by multiple shots and reduce overall storage and shipping costs.
Financial Crisis in Mauritania
Mauritania and its neighbor, Senegal, were the first low-income countries to implement the hexavalent vaccine in July 2025. Both countries experience significant poverty rates. However, Mauritania faces an especially pressing problem: to produce enough crops to feed its population of 5.2 million when less than 0.5% of its land is suitable for farming.
Despite being one of the least densely populated countries in the world, Mauritania faces an alarming hunger crisis compounded by recent flooding and an influx of refugees. In fact, inflation and decreased agricultural productivity are expected to bring an additional 200,000 people into poverty by 2027. As of 2022, food insecurity rates have reached 20%, up 9% from the previous year. An influx of refugees from neighboring countries also burdens Mauritania.
These factors cast a grim shadow over the future of Mauritania. Only 55% of children attend school due to the nation’s severely underfunded education sector. The health care industry is similarly lacking; a recent diphtheria outbreak in a refugee camp underscores the need for disease prevention in Mauritania.
Given its precarious economic and social situation, Mauritania may seem like a losing battle; however, introducing the hexavalent vaccine marks a new chapter in comprehensive aid for struggling countries.
A Helping Hand
Mauritania needs all the help it can get and Gavi is determined to provide it. Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, is a Switzerland-based humanitarian organization responsible for introducing hexavalent vaccines into low-income countries, starting with Mauritania and Senegal. The group is also pushing for greater immunization equality worldwide.
In Mauritania alone, there are more than 35,000 underimmunized children. This results in exponentially higher infectious disease rates and an average lifespan 10 years shorter than that of the U.S. and other developed countries. The discrepancy can be attributed to lower levels of public health funding in impoverished countries like Mauritania. Without financial support, vaccines have also been too expensive to afford.
Katy Clark, a senior program manager at Gavi, expresses her frustration: “It wasn’t fair that high-income countries have had this combination vaccine for more than 20 years, while lower-income countries have had to wait.”
However, thanks to Gavi’s funding, Mauritania can purchase the 6-in-1 Vaccine for $3.00 per dose, which is $1.50 less than it would cost without Gavi’s support. The nation also saves money on labor and packaging, since the vaccine requires one fewer shot than the previous pentavalent and polio combination.
Conclusion
In the past 50 years, Gavi has vaccinated more than a billion children and prevented 40 million casualties from infectious diseases. This number can continue to increase through a strategic approach that prioritizes health care, affordable prices and humanitarian aid.
Global organizations like Gavi and UNICEF can provide targeted support by considering each nation’s specific needs and deficiencies, such as Mauritania’s hunger crisis and low vaccination rates. This approach can greatly improve the livelihoods of those in low-income countries.
The hexavalent vaccine has the potential to aid millions of people worldwide. Its path of trial and success demonstrates how crucial technological innovation is to the future of global health.
– Grace Gonzalez
Photo: Pexels
Migration to India, Poverty and the Politics of Exclusion
1. A Historical Overview
India has historically hosted displaced populations including Tibetans, Afghans, Sri Lankan Tamils and Rohingya Muslims. While not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, India has traditionally adopted a pragmatic, albeit informal, approach to asylum. In many communities, local support networks, religious institutions and NGOs have helped new arrivals find their footing. This social infrastructure has allowed some migrants to gradually improve their living conditions, find employment and send children to school.
However, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of December 2019, marked a key turning point. The law fast-tracks citizenship for non-Muslim migrants from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan, excluding Muslims from its scope, thereby punishing them. Presented by the government as a humanitarian gesture, it draws criticism from citizens and groups for institutionalizing religious discrimination. Consequently, migration to India is increasingly becoming, not a matter of regional urgency or economic contribution, but a question of religious identity.
2. Exclusion and Statelessness
Among the groups most affected are Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar. Many came to India after fleeing violent persecution, hoping for protection. Instead, India detained or labeled them illegal immigrants. In 2024, Rohingya refugees in Assam held a hunger strike to protest indefinite detention. With no formal recognition of their status, access to housing, education and health care remains extremely limited.
For migrants without documents, whether due to fleeing conflict or bureaucratic exclusion, the result is a state of legal invisibility. Without proof of identity, the country denies them welfare benefits, government schooling and formal employment. This leads to entrenched poverty that is less about economic conditions and more about political choices.
3. Hindu Nationalism and the Narrative of Threat
What has shifted in recent years is not the scale of migration to India, but the narratives surrounding it. Hindu nationalist discourse presents Muslim migrants as demographic threats or infiltrators. In this environment, policies such as the CAA and the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC) serve to redefine national belonging.
In Assam, the NRC process has already left thousands, many of them poor and Muslim, stateless. These individuals now face the burden of proving their citizenship through documentation they may never have had. For those arriving in India today, poverty is no longer simply a backdrop; it is often the outcome of systematic exclusion.
4. Labor and Local Integration
Despite these obstacles, many migrants contribute meaningfully to India’s economy. In border states and urban centers, migrants work in construction, agriculture, domestic labor and small-scale manufacturing. Even in the absence of formal protections, many have managed to secure stable income over time. In cities like Hyderabad and Delhi, refugee communities have set up small businesses, language schools and community support services, often with limited resources but strong internal solidarity.
These contributions challenge the dominant narratives of threat and burden. Instead revealing how migration to India can, when supported by thoughtful policy, contribute to local economies and social resilience.
5. Toward a More Inclusive Future
The path forward depends on how India chooses to balance national interest with humanitarian responsibility. A more inclusive approach would involve expanding legal protections, enabling access to documentation and ensuring that religion is not the basis for citizenship. Small policy shifts, such as temporary work permits, school access for children or municipal registration for housing, could significantly reduce poverty among new arrivals.
At the same time, civil society, legal advocates and local communities have shown that change does not depend solely on national policy. Grassroots efforts continue to offer legal aid, education and medical services to undocumented migrants. These actions, while limited in scale, show what is possible when dignity and inclusion are prioritized. While difficult to find structured organizations, there are groups helping the cause of migrants. For example “an Indian medical specialist who volunteered in several migrant-led organizations, such as a regional group and the Indian consulate-general medical committee, and has successfully helped repatriate bedridden patients and the mortal remains of deceased to India. He simultaneously partners in a law firm specializing in insurance cases for migrants who have met with accidents.” Although the motives of those helping are questionable and often selfish, they do eventually benefit migrants and those in need to a tangible extent.
Looking Ahead
Migration to India reflects both the region’s humanitarian need and the country’s political divides. For many migrants, it offers a last resort against persecution or poverty. Yet too often, their arrival is met with suspicion, exclusion and institutional neglect. Still, the potential for integration remains. Migration continues, but under policies that choose who gets dignity and who remains disposable. Unless these dynamics are addressed, migration will remain a mirror not just of poverty, but of the nation’s growing inequality.
– Maryam Qutbuddin
Photo: Unsplash
Renewable Energy in Tuvalu: Towards 100% Energy Independence
What Is Tuvalu?
Tuvalu is a small Polynesian island nation in the Pacific Ocean, composed of four reef islands and five atolls and totaling just 16 square miles. With a population of approximately 11,733, Tuvalu is known for its rich Polynesian culture, stunning marine environment and advocacy.
Tuvalu is also the 46th poorest country in the world, according to the 2024 World Economic Report. Despite some ocean economic activity, Tuvalu relies heavily on international aid to meet its basic needs, like water, sanitation, transportation, energy and health care.
Energy Poverty in Tuvalu
One of Tuvalu’s most pressing economic challenges is its dependence on imported fossil fuels. In 2021, 96% of Tuvalu’s energy came from imported fossil fuels, which consumed more than 70% of the nation’s budget. High energy costs and poor infrastructure mean many Tuvaluans spend large portions of their income on unreliable and unhealthy energy sources. This not only reinforces cycles of poverty, but also burdens the country’s health, education and clean water services and its economic development.
During the 2009 Conference of the Parties (COP15), Tuvalu’s President Feleti Teo highlighted this cost: “Oil prices in Tuvalu will keep on rising even above the current levels of 3-400% above world prices…this is simply unrealistic and unsustainable for our poor islands.”
Why Renewable Energy in Tuvalu Matters
Renewable energy provides Tuvalu with a path toward sustainability, economic resilience and energy independence. By implementing 100% solar, wind and other renewables, Tuvalu could eliminate the need for imported fuel, cut energy costs, create jobs and stabilize energy access. Recognizing this, Tuvalu set a national goal to achieve 100% renewable energy by 2030 and has made already made some major progress thanks to international aid from global partners.
Progress Towards 100% Renewable Energy in Tuvalu
In 2023, Tuvalu celebrated the installation of a 184 solar panel Floating Solar Photovoltaic system on Tafua Pond in Funafuti. This system will generate 174.2 megawatts per hour of electricity each year (2% of Funafuti’s energy demand), reduce Tuvalu’s fossil fuel consumption by 41,100 liters per year and save the nation approximately $68,000 USD per year.
In May 2024, Tuvalu completed its first large-scale solar farm and a two-megawatt-hour battery storage system on its main island, Funafuti. Spanning several hectares of land and rooftop and utilizing advanced photovoltaic technology, the project significantly reduces Funafuti’s diesel dependency and improves energy reliability. With this success, the government and its partners are actively developing additional solar and wind projects to diversify energy sources.
The Tuvalu government, in collaboration with the Tuvalu Climate Action Network, has also launched education and training initiatives to raise awareness about the benefits of renewable energy and prepare locals with the skills needed to maintain and operate the renewable energy systems.
The Role of International Support
Tuvalu relies heavily on international financial aid to fund its renewable energy projects. For example, grants from the World Bank, Asian Development Bank (ADB), Global Environment Facility and International Renewable Energy Agency made the solar projects possible.
Brian Webb, Director of Sustainability at the College of Wooster, visited Tuvalu in 2024 to prepare for a study-abroad program focused on Pacific island sustainability. In an interview with The Borgen Project, he commented on the relatively low cost of helping Tuvalu transition to clean energy: “It would not take very many million dollars to put them 100 percent on clean energy….Elon Musk spends more in a day than it would cost to fully outfit Tuvalu with clean energy. That is the sad part about it.”
Despite years of promises at global summits like COP15, Webb says, “It is a lot of talk and not a lot of action… Most countries that have the political means to make a positive impact are simply not doing that.”
Teo’s call for a physical UN presence in Tuvalu during COP15 still resonates today: “The UN cannot continue to be a ‘faceless’ actor on MDGs and sustainable development.”
Why the US Should Act
Investing in renewable energy in Tuvalu poses not only a humanitarian imperative but also offers a geopolitical opportunity for the U.S. in the Pacific. As Webb explained: “Countries like the U.S. talk a lot about the danger of China’s growing influence… For a relatively small investment, the U.S. could support Pacific nations and counter China’s reach in the region.” However, U.S. support would likely improve regional alliances, demonstrate U.S. leadership on poverty issues and foster long-term strategic returns from the Pacific.
Renewable Energy to Economic Self-Sufficiency
The transition to renewable energy in Tuvalu provides a road map towards resilience and self-sufficiency and serves as a guide for other developing island nations. As Teo stated: “By harnessing the power of the sun, we are taking control of our energy needs and setting an example for other small island nations facing similar challenges.”
– Dylan Kretchmar
Photo: Wikimedia Commons
Being Poor in Portugal: Ending the Cycle for Future Generations
A Society of Inequality
Many nations viewed Portugal as the world’s most powerful empire, despite its small size. During the 15th and 16th centuries, Portuguese explorers established routes to major regions, including India, Brazil and China. Yet, the prosperity concentrated in urban centers stood in sharp contrast to the poverty in rural areas.
By the mid-18th century, several major events weakened Portugal’s position on the world stage. The 1755 Lisbon earthquake devastated the capital and Napoleon’s invasion in 1807 further destabilized the country. With limited financial resources, Portugal struggled to keep pace with industrialization. Political instability, inadequate infrastructure and a fragile economy deepened poverty across the nation. Children were among the most vulnerable, facing restricted access to both health care and education.
In the early 2000s, major cities such as Lisbon experienced modest economic growth, driven by tourism and foreign investment. Yet being poor in Portugal remained a reality for many children, as poverty continued to affect a significant portion of the population.
Addressing the Challenge
Nations around the world often praise Europe for its education and health care systems, yet childhood poverty remains a pressing issue in Portugal. In 2021, UNICEF reported that nearly one in five Portuguese children were living in poverty, highlighting the work still needed to ensure equal opportunities for all.
Efforts to combat childhood poverty in Portugal are gaining momentum through advocacy and government programs. In 2023, the country launched the Child Guarantee National Action Plan, a major EU initiative aimed at improving children’s lives. The plan focuses on expanding access to health care, increasing educational opportunities, providing nutritious meals and ensuring adequate housing for those in need. Philanthropists and organizations like AMI are also driving meaningful change.
From the Pitch to the People: Soccer Star Gives Back
Cristiano Ronaldo, a native of Portugal, is one of the world’s most famous footballers. Fans will never forget his soccer achievements, and his advocacy continues to make a difference off the field.
In 2015, DoSomething.org recognized him as the world’s most charitable athlete. His generosity includes funding life-saving brain surgery for a 10-month-old baby suffering from seizures and donating $165,000 to the cancer center that treated his mother. More recently, during the coronavirus pandemic, he reportedly gave $1 million to hospitals in Lisbon and Porto.
One of Ronaldo’s greatest contributions to Portugal goes beyond financial donations. By using his platform to advocate for the world’s most vulnerable, he leaves a lasting impact not only on those he directly helps, but also by setting an example of generosity and compassion.
Solutions and Hope
Identifying the causes of child poverty in Portugal is the first step toward creating sustainable solutions and the Portuguese government has taken key measures to build a country where children have the opportunity to thrive.
Biennial reports on the Child Guarantee National Action Plan will track the program’s impact and help lawmakers make necessary adjustments to combat childhood poverty in Portugal. The 2024 report highlights new initiatives, including reduced health care costs for children and youth, expanded access to education for vulnerable communities and key housing reforms.
Being poor in Portugal is still a reality for many children, but growing advocacy, stronger government initiatives and rising public awareness are paving the way toward meaningful change. Improved data collection, especially for migrant children, will further strengthen efforts to build lasting solutions.
– Fernanda Nilson
Photo: Unsplash
Fragility and Rule of Law in Georgia
The government changed laws that infringe upon freedom of expression, assembly and media. It increased penalties for peaceful protests and imposed new restraints on media outlets. Analysts assert that these restrictions conflict with Georgia’s European goals and harm the rule of law in Georgia.
Poverty and Rule of Law: A Linked Threat
Georgia’s absolute poverty rate fell from about 15.6% in 2022 to nearly 11.8% in 2023, lifting roughly 140,000 people out of poverty. Rural areas dropped to 15.6% poverty; urban areas fell to 9.4%. These gains, however, remain fragile where legal protections weaken.
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) reported that poverty could decline to 11.9% by 2027 if Georgia maintains annual GDP growth of 4.8%. However, the report cautioned that fragility in institutions undermines the sustainability of these gains. Here are five key factors weakening the rule of law in Georgia.
The “Foreign Agents” Law
The Georgian Dream party passed a law requiring media outlets and NGOs with foreign funding to register as organizations serving “foreign interests.” Transparency International Georgia said this law paves “a path to dictatorship” by silencing dissenting voices and transparency advocates.
A Project Linking Rule of Law to Poverty Reduction
UNDP, funded by Germany, implemented the Improving Rule of Law and Access to Justice for All – Phase 1 project in Georgia. The project began in January 2023 and concluded in September 2024. It budgeted about $1.63 million USD and worked with courts, civil society and local governments to improve justice access for rural populations, women and persons with disabilities.
As part of the initiative, UNDP supported the Legal Aid Service in establishing mobile legal clinics, trained 250 legal professionals and helped more than 1,500 vulnerable individuals access legal services. The project also organized outreach campaigns that increased awareness of legal rights among marginalized groups.
Electoral System Instability and Human Rights at Risk
Frequent amendments to election laws weaken oversight and favor the ruling party, according to a European Parliament briefing. Critics also report that law enforcement sometimes applies harsh punishments even in peaceful protests. These practices deepen mistrust among citizens.
Looking Ahead
Georgia faces a critical crossroad: if the rule of law in Georgia continues to decay, poverty reduction may stall and democratic institutions may further weaken. Initiatives like UNDP’s legal aid project show that combining justice reforms with poverty interventions can protect vulnerable people. Georgia’s future depends on strengthening rights, reinforcing institutions and ensuring that laws work for all citizens.
– Salome Jincharadze
Photo: Pexels