Archive for category: Legislations and Policies

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Ghana’s Anti-Witchcraft Bill: A Second Chance to Become Law

Ghana's Anti-Witchcraft Bill
Six years ago, Akua Denteh, a 90-year-old woman from the town of Kafaba, was killed after being accused of witchcraft. A crowd beat her to death on July 23, 2020, after she was accused of using witchcraft to prevent rain from falling in the area. Footage of the attack spread across the country within hours. The killing drew public condemnation and renewed calls for Parliament to act.

Pattern of Accusations

The accusation that led to Denteh’s death did not materialize on its own. A priestess blamed her for a run of misfortune in Kafaba, including a poor rainy season. Researchers describe a consistent pattern: droughts, crop failures and unexplained illness create pressure to assign blame. That blame tends to fall hardest on vulnerable women who are older, poor, widowed, living with a disability or otherwise without someone to defend their claim to land and property. Once people make an accusation, it compounds that existing vulnerability, stripping a woman of her home and income on top of what she has already lost.

Exile as an Alternative

For the women who survive, exile is often the alternative to death. Across northern Ghana, hundreds of people accused of witchcraft live in settlements commonly known as witch camps, after being banished from their communities or fleeing because they feared further violence. More than 97% of residents of such camps report an extremely low quality of life.

Political Spotlight

Denteh’s death pushed an old, deeply rooted practice into the political spotlight, and Parliament responded. Three years later, in July 2023, members of Parliament passed the Criminal Offences (Amendment) Bill, commonly known as the Anti-Witchcraft Accusations Bill, which would make it a criminal offense to accuse, name or label another person as a witch. It would also outlaw witch-finding, the rituals through which priests, priestesses and other self-styled witch-finders identify supposed witches, and it proposed a route toward protection, justice and compensation for victims.

Presidential Assent

However, Parliament’s passage did not make it law. President Nana Akufo-Addo did not give the bill his assent. According to reports, his objection centered on a constitutional and procedural question: the bill had originated as a private member’s bill, and his administration argued that the government should have introduced legislation carrying financial implications for the state rather than individual MPs.

Continued Efforts

For the women in the camps, the distinction between Parliament passing a bill and Ghana having a law was not abstract. Without presidential assent, the proposed criminalization of witchcraft accusations did not take effect, while women already displaced by accusations remained in exile. The fight has now returned to Parliament. In July 2026, five MPs from the same group that sponsored the original bill reintroduced it, again as a private member’s bill. Government ministers have separately signaled interest in taking up the legislation, and Amnesty International Ghana has appealed to President John Mahama to certify it as urgent. Whether that support translates into the government formally sponsoring the bill, or into presidential assent this time, is still an open question. The procedural issue raised over the 2023 bill — its status as a private member’s bill with financial implications — has not yet been definitively resolved.

Building Pressure

Outside Parliament, pressure has been building too. Amnesty International Ghana, ActionAid Ghana, Songtaba, Oxfam and the Sanneh Institute have formed part of a coalition pushing for the bill’s passage. Campaigners have traveled to the camps, gathered testimony from women living there and taken their demands back to Accra. Their petition has attracted almost 19,000 signatures.

Future Challenges

This is no longer simply a story about whether MPs agree that witchcraft accusations are wrong; they have already voted on that once. It is a story about what it will take to convert that agreement into an assented law, and about what happens next if that finally happens. The first bill did not fail because Parliament rejected the women it was meant to protect; it stalled over a procedural dispute about how the bill was introduced. Whether that obstacle has genuinely been cleared this time, or will resurface, remains to be seen.

Even if Parliament passes the bill again and it receives assent, a harder question will still be waiting: what happens to the women already living in the camps? A law can make a new accusation a crime. Reintegrating women who have already been displaced, rebuilding a lost home, restoring lost land, repairing a relationship with a family that still believes an accusation, persuading a village that a woman it once feared is safe to welcome home is a separate, longer undertaking that legislation alone does not resolve. That is the implementation gap between passing a law and closing the camps.

And it is where Akua Denteh’s story, six years after her death, leads next: not back to the village square where she was killed, but into the corridors of Parliament, where Ghana’s lawmakers have another chance to decide what happens after her death.

– Alana Breslin

Alana is based in London, England and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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How Political Isolation in Bahrain Affects Economic Opportunity

Political Isolation in Bahrain
Political restrictions can dictate more than who appears on a ballot. Human Rights Watch reports that political isolation in Bahrain extends beyond elections into civil society and that separate good conduct certificate practices can also affect access to education and employment. In 2018, Bahrain implemented new laws that restrict former members of opposition groups and certain other select individuals from serving on the boards of civil organizations or running for parliament.

Human Rights Watch has documented delays and denials of good conduct certificates among some former opposition members and prisoners. Human Rights Watch has additionally reported that these certificates can be required for employment and university admission. In the absence of official government data, Bahraini civil society groups have used membership lists from dissolved political societies to estimate that 6,000 to 11,000 Bahrainis may be subject to political and civil restrictions. Together, these political and administrative restrictions can affect access to civic participation, education, employment and economic opportunity for some individuals.

Bahrain’s Political Isolation Laws

The 2018 political isolation framework followed the court-ordered dissolution of two major political opposition societies, Al-Wifaq in 2016 and Wa’ad in 2017. In June 2018, Bahrain enacted Law 25/2018, limiting eligibility to run for the Council of Representatives. The law affects multiple groups, including the leaders and members of political societies the government dissolved, people with specific criminal convictions and individuals whom authorities consider responsible for disrupting constitutional or parliamentary life. Bahraini lawyers and civil society groups have interpreted this grouping to include former lawmakers and other individuals who have either resigned or boycotted their elected posts in protest. The U.S. State Department stated that such restrictions on former members of banned political groups limited political participation, while Bahrain has continued to maintain an elected lower legislative chamber and an appointed upper chamber.

In August 2018, Bahrain enacted Law 36/2018, extending eligibility requirements beyond elections to the boards of associations. The law amended Bahrain’s associations framework to require board members to possess full civil and political rights. As a consequence, individuals deprived of full civil and political rights can also be barred from leadership positions in civil society organizations. Human Rights Watch reported that authorities prevented three nominees from joining the Bahrain Human Rights Society’s board in 2022 because of their previous affiliations with Wa’ad. This demonstrates that these restrictions reach organizations operating separately from formal electoral politics and may further limit participation in civic institutions.

Economic Consequences of Political Isolation

A more direct link between political isolation in Bahrain and economic opportunity appears in Human Rights Watch’s reporting on Good Conduct Certificates. Bahrain’s Ministry of Interior handles these documents through the General Directorate of Crime Detection and Forensic Evidence. Human Rights Watch reports that Good Conduct Certificates may be required for employment, starting a business, university admission and membership in social and cultural organizations. The organization documented former opposition figures and former prisoners facing lengthy delays and denials. In one specific case, a former opposition member said he could not accept a position as head of a school because government authorities did not issue the mandated certificate. This documented example shows how a certificate delay or denial can create a direct employment barrier for an affected individual.

The certificate issue overlaps with the 2018 political isolation laws but remains legally distinct from them. The 2018 laws do not themselves deny Good Conduct Certificates to opposition members. Instead, Human Rights Watch has documented certificate delays and denials as a separate issue affecting some of these same politically marginalized communities. For individuals whose employment, education or business activities require the certificate, delays or outright denials can restrict access to jobs, education, and other income-generating opportunities. For affected households, those barriers can make it harder to maintain a stable income.

Recent Steps Toward Reintegration

Recent government measures have expanded prisoner-release and reintegration programs. On April 8, 2024, King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa issued a royal pardon for 1,584 prisoners, including some who were convicted on charges related to earlier protests. Reuters reported that around 65% of the released prisoners had riot-related convictions. Separately, Bahrain has also used an alternative-sentencing program that allows select eligible prisoners to finish their sentences through the completion of community service, rehabilitation courses and electronic monitoring. By April 2024, Bahrain’s government reported that nearly 6,500 prisoners had benefited from the alternative sentencing program since its introduction in 2017.

Bahrain’s Open Prison program provides a more direct example of reintegration tied to economic opportunity. According to the U.S. State Department’s 2023 human rights report, the initiative opened in December 2022 and allowed 48 prisoners to reunite with their families while continuing to serve their sentences in a new facility. In 2023, 13 prisoners entered alternative programs and obtained full-time private-sector employment through an agreement between the Ministry of Interior and INJAZ Bahrain. The 2023 agreement was designed to provide training in employment, financial literacy, entrepreneurship, and other practical skills intended to support participants’ reintegration into the workforce and civil society.

By December 2024, Bahraini officials reported a 97.5% rehabilitation and reintegration rate and stated that more than 7,600 families had benefitted from the alternative-sentencing and Open Prison Programs. Officials also highlighted partnerships with Gulf University and Applied Science University to provide full and partial scholarships to program beneficiaries.

Political Participation and Economic Inclusion

Political isolation in Bahrain remains in place while the government has separately expanded pardons, alternative sentencing programs and the Open Prison Program. On March 27, 2025, King Hamad granted amnesty to 630 inmates, according to Human Rights Watch’s 2026 World Report, following a series of pardons in 2024. The pardons and reintegration programs operate through mechanisms separate from the 2018 political isolation laws and the Good Conduct Certificate practices. At the same time, the 2018 political isolation laws remain in force. Whether that reintegration translates into broader access to education, employment and civic participation will dictate how far these efforts extend beyond prison walls.

– Elias Haskins

Elias is based in Claremont, CA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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3 Pathways To Rule of Law in Papua New Guinea

Rule of Law in Papua New GuineaIssues regarding the rule of law in Papua New Guinea (PNG) are a matter of reach. The country has constitutional rights, courts, police and public institutions, yet many Papua New Guineans, particularly those in remote areas, cannot readily access them. Limiting factors like distance, cost, lack of legal knowledge and inconsistent government services make it difficult to navigate conflict within the law, often pushing communities to look outside formal systems. This fragility, however, does not mean that PNG lacks governance. It means that governance remains uneven across the country.

Compounding the challenge, economic shocks and natural disasters can intensify political instability – particularly for those living in poverty. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) identifies these pressures as interacting sources of fragility: they weaken government capacity to deliver services, reduce poverty and manage risks. Papua New Guinea faces some of the most complex and intersectional poverty in the world and when citizens cannot access reliable courts, health care or education, public institutions can lose legitimacy – the gap between constitutional promise and reality widens.

1. Rights Need Accessible Institutions

PNG’s Constitution protects civil and political rights, but basic procedural barriers make it difficult to enforce them. One constitutional review found that PNG frames socio-economic and cultural rights largely as guiding principles rather than rights, making it difficult to legislate enforceable protections. For people without access to legal services, rights to protection, education and health remain difficult to claim.

The formal justice system also cannot operate alone. Poverty in Papua New Guinea is not just about money; it’s about compounding factors. Most Papua New Guineans live outside urban centers, which means access to courts, police and other state services can become remote in every sense of the word. Rural communities also account for 88.5% of PNG’s population, 61.5% of whom experience multidimensional poverty. For the many citizens who are isolated from city centers, the village courts and customary systems become the first stop to keep the peace.

Village courts often provide the most accessible forum for dispute resolution. They sit closer to communities and can incorporate customary processes, though they still require safeguards for human rights and gender equality. Australian support has helped strengthen this local infrastructure. In 2026, PNG’s Village Courts and Land Mediation Secretariat report showed the total network to consist of 14,496 village courts, operated by more than 15,000 officials, 900 of whom are women. These courts strengthen state fragility and the rule of law in Papua New Guinea by providing fundamental access to state justice.

2. The Issue of Parliamentary Supremacy

The Papua New Guinea rule of law also depends on political institutions that constrain power. The 2011–12 constitutional crisis exposed the consequences when political leaders treat constitutional limits as negotiable. The crisis followed the removal of Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare and produced competing claims to executive authority. Research from the Australian National University characterized the fragility and the rule of law in Papua New Guinea issues during this period as a serious retreat from previous years. Fluid political loyalties and incentives prioritized parliamentary survival over institutional reform.

Fifteen years later, the Lowy Institute argues that PNG’s party law can exclude citizens from meaningful democratic participation. Political parties mostly lack deep membership structures, leaving voters with limited influence over candidate selection or party policy between elections. While more accountable political parties would not solve every justice problem, they could give citizens greater ability to demand service delivery and legal reform.

3. Power of the Local

PNG also has active solutions that address fragility at the community level. Femili PNG, a local organization that began operating in Lae in 2014, helps survivors of family and sexual violence access police, medical, welfare and justice services. Between July 2014 and June 2024, Femili PNG admitted 7,452 survivors as clients. Now, in 2024-25 alone, Femili PNG assisted 1,652 survivors and delivered more than 33,000 services. The organization works to connect survivors to services rather than expecting them to navigate a fragmented system alone.

Australia’s law and justice partnership aims to extend this work. Providing an estimated $500 million in bilateral assistance to PNG in 2026–27, Australia will allocate a total ODA of $680.5 million. Its development program supports security, policing and law and justice services, while the Australia–PNG Law and Justice Partnership aims to strengthen accessible justice at national and community levels. Funding to support state courts and police can help tackle fragility and the rule of law in Papua New Guinea, but assistance must also strengthen village courts, survivor services and trusted local mediators.

Pathways Forward

Most Papua New Guineans live in rural communities with higher levels of multidimensional poverty, which means formal legal institutions cannot alone secure the rule of law. The rule of law is not something a single piece of paper – it is the practice and tradition, reinforced with every new judgement and decision, that there is no person or power above the law. When most people in a country have challenges accessing justice, power rather than law becomes the stronger force. So, all of these local leaders, village courts, churches, rural communities and NGOs are not support structures: they are access points to justice.

– Matilda Beikoff Smart

Matilda is based in Brisbane, Australia and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Fragility and Rule of Law in Ghana

Fragility and Rule of Law in GhanaOne challenge facing fledgling democracies is maintaining social order via a stable, incorruptible government. Ghana is a prime example of a young democracy encountering this problem today. Shortly after gaining independence from the United Kingdom in 1957, Ghana adopted its constitution to form a republic. Despite coups and protests, Ghana has been able to preserve its government, though notable threats to Ghanaian democracy continue to prevail. 

Corruption and Bribery

Despite anti-graft legislation, corruption continues to persist within Ghana’s government. One metric of corruption, the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI), ranked Ghana as the 32nd most corrupt nation out of 129 countries surveyed. This index notes that multiple scandals involving elite members of the Ghanaian government have eroded public confidence in institutions.

This corruption is apparent in the system of bribery that pervades Ghana’s government. In 2015, scores of government officials–including judges and state attorneys–were implicated in accepting bribes for favorable legal rulings. Although some of these officials were suspended, no formal legal charges were brought against any of the culpable. Moreover, Ghana’s police force also accepts bribes in exchange for the alteration of criminal or civil cases.

The Judiciary

Ghana’s judicial system is uniquely disposed to internal corruption. Although Ghana’s constitution protects judicial independence, the structure of the judiciary prevents it from swiftly and accurately exacting justice. Firstly, Ghana’s justice system is slow. This has led many Ghanaians to perceive the judiciary as being corrupt or biased. Moreover, the government does not have an obligation to provide citizens with legal representation in court. This forces some citizens to represent themselves in legal battles, which greatly reduces the likelihood of winning recompense. Lastly, Ghana’s law provides little protection for women against discrimination, which hinders their ability to find education and employment. Overall, Ghana’s judiciary has numerous flaws that permit corruption to erode society.

External Influence

Officially, Ghana is a part of what political analysts call the Non-Aligned Movement. This group refers to states that oppose strong military or ideological alignment and embrace a democratized system of international relations. Despite this, Ghana has struggled to articulate a coherent foreign policy that emphasizes these values. Though Ghana has pledged some of its resources toward peacekeeping operations via the Economic Community of West African States, the desire to raise funds for its military has often motivated these missions instead of its Non-Aligned Movement affiliation. Furthermore, Ghana’s foreign policy regularly contradicts itself, and sometimes even contradicts its own constitution, such as when Ghana remained silent during the Tongolese coup de ta in 2005.

It is not just regional issues that threaten fragility and rule of law in Ghana either. The U.S. State Department has issued warnings of Islamist extremist groups that may seek to expand into western Africa. It has also noted that Russian influence is growing in the region, which may threaten Ghana’s independence. All of these international strains have the potential to erode Ghana’s stability as it continues to develop.

Connections to Poverty and Looking Ahead

Poverty and stability are not isolated variables in developing nations. Political stability and strong governance are both associated with lower rates of poverty, whereas corruption exacerbates human poverty and low income levels. So, as Ghana continues to reduce its poverty levels, corruption and threats to the rule of law will certainly be factors that it must take into account.

That being said, Ghana’s future is promising. Poverty rates are dropping: in 2016, the poverty rate was 39.03%, as opposed to just 21.9% as of 2025. Furthermore, Ghana unveiled its new National Ethics and Anti-Corruption Action Plan (NEACAP) this year, which seeks to fight corruption in the government, civil society and private sector. Ghanaian officials, in alignment with the United Nations’ Convention against Corruption, believe that NEACAP will help to increase institutional capabilities, improve judicial integrity, strengthen rule of law and fight organized crime in the country.

Though Ghana has only just implemented this plan, it ultimately seeks to increase access to public services and encourage investment. Thus, if successful, NEACAP will not only help to eliminate corruption in Ghana, but will also expand important government resources that work towards reducing poverty in the country. All in all, despite challenges to its stability that threaten to decrease quality of life, fragility and rule of law in Ghana appear to be on a stable path as the nation works to eliminate corruption and widespread poverty.

– Tucker McSpadden

Tucker is based in Norwich, VT, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Fragility and Rule of Law in Guatemala

Rule of Law in GuatemalaThe rule of law underpins any free and thriving democracy. It ensures access to justice for all, places limits on executive power and protects fundamental human rights and freedoms. It is particularly important for the most vulnerable in society, those living in poverty. Although Guatemala has been a democratic country since the 1990s, its institutions are fragile, corruption is rife and it consistently underperforms on international rule of law rankings.

Rule of Law in Guatemala

Freedom House, an American NGO promoting democracy worldwide, labelled Guatemala a “partly free” country in 2026, with a particularly low score for rule of law. The NGO gave independence of the judiciary, due process in civil and criminal matters and equal effects of state laws and practices, a concerning one out of four. The implications of these troubling scores demonstrate that fragility and rule of law in Guatemala disproportionately affects the poor.

A Dependent Judiciary and Corruption

For the rule of law to be upheld, a judiciary independent of political influence is essential. This is a particular area in which Guatemala is faltering. A 2022 poll showed that 54% of Guatemalans believe that top government officials seek to limit the courts’ competencies and freedom to interpret the law.

The appointment of members to the country’s judiciary is a non-transparent process, riddled with political meddling. As a result, corruption is able to thrive in Guatemala, as the judiciary serves to favor the interests of the rich and powerful.

The severity of the problem is evident in the Corruption Perceptions Index’s 2023 report, wherein Guatemala placed 154th out of 180 countries.

A corrupt, dependent judiciary will not protect the human nor material rights of vulnerable people who need that protection most. It leads to an unjust society where resources and opportunities are concentrated at the very top, and therefore blocking people from rising out of poverty. 

Due Process and Equal Laws

The fragility of rule of law in Guatemala prevents due process and the equal application of laws for all of society. An example demonstrating the implications of the lack of these core democratic features lies in the Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights 2023 report claiming that Guatemala is seeing increased forced evictions and land conflicts. The situation primarily affects indigenous communities, those most affected by poverty and longstanding marginalization. Land laws do not protect their rights to ancestral lands, and many indigenous leaders seeking to prevent displacement meet with criminalization and harassment from the state.

A New Start

One of the many organizations working in Guatemala to remedy the situation is Be Just, a nonprofit that promotes the rule of law in Central America through strengthening democratic institutions, judicial independence and free elections. 

In November 2025, Be Just ran a workshop in Sacatepéquez, Guatemala ahead of the Attorney General and Head of the Public Prosecutor’s Office elections in May 2026. The workshop sought to educate participants on how the election process operates, what is at stake for Guatemala’s democracy and the socio-political context shaping the election. A population educated on and invested in free and fair elections serves to prevent impunity and corruption and ensures that elected officials serve the public good.

Hope for 2026

The year 2026 brings hope for democratic rule of law in Guatemala. In May, Be Just’s efforts paid off, as the public voted in a new Attorney General, Gabriel García Luna, replacing the eight year tenure of María Consuelo Porras. The former Attorney General had played an outsized role in dismantling the rule of law in Guatemala. Her list of wrong-doings are long: impunity was rife, as Porras disassembled key prosecution units in charge of investigating corruption cases and human rights violations committed during Guatemala’s internal armed conflict of 1960-1996, and criminalization was political, with journalists, human rights activists and anti-corruption activists being prosecuted. In 2023, she attempted to nullify the presidential election results, and in 2024, more than 40 countries sanctioned her for eroding democracy and the rule of law.

Looking Ahead

The country has some hard work ahead of it before the public’s trust is regained and rule of law in Guatemala reinstated. But with the work of foundations like Be Just helping the public to oust corrupt officials like Porras, the country is taking encouraging steps toward a more free and fair democracy for all. 

– Amelia Krone

Amelia is based in London, UK and focuses on Technology and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Fragility and the Rule of Law in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The Rule of Law in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Amid growing economic pressures, changing weather patterns, technological development, inequality and political extremism, governments around the world are under increasing pressure to uphold the rule of law while remaining inclusive and accountable. Nearly three decades after the Bosnian War (1992-1995), fragility and the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina remain closely linked. While the country has made significant progress in rebuilding institutions, political divisions and corruption continue to hinder development.

From Conflict To Institutional Fragility

The Bosnian War (1992-1995) claimed more than 100,000 lives and displaced millions before ending with the Dayton Peace Agreement. While the agreement secured peace, it also established a highly decentralized political system designed to balance power among the country’s three main ethnic groups: Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats.

Today, Bosnia and Herzegovina consists of two autonomous entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska, and the self-governing Brčko District. This highly decentralized system creates overlapping responsibilities that delay policymaking, reforms and public service delivery.

Although this constitutional framework has helped preserve peace since the end of the war, it has also contributed to ongoing institutional fragility. Political divisions, corruption and legislative deadlock still hinder effective governance and weaken public confidence in state institutions.

The European Commission’s 2019 Expert Report on Rule of Law Issues concluded that a lack of commitment to the rule of law remains a fundamental challenge, requiring substantial legislative and institutional reforms to meet European Union standards.

These governance challenges are reflected in the World Justice Project’s 2024 Rule of Law Index, where Bosnia and Herzegovina ranks 70th out of 143 countries globally. While the country was one of the few to improve its overall score, concerns remain over delays in the civil justice system, government interference and the broader impact of political polarization on judicial independence and accountability.

Why the Rule of Law Matters for Development

A strong rule of law is fundamental to sustainable development. Independent courts, transparent institutions and accountable governments help create stable societies where public services function effectively and citizens’ rights are protected. Conversely, corruption and weak governance can divert public resources away from priorities such as healthcare and education, limiting opportunities for communities to thrive.

Addressing fragility and strengthening the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina remain essential to improving living standards and supporting long-term development. According to the World Bank, Bosnia’s fragmented governance has slowed the reforms needed to attract foreign investment, create jobs and advance European Union accession, limiting economic growth and institutional modernization. For many Bosnians, stronger institutions are about more than governance as they help ensure fair access to public services, employment opportunities and legal protections, particularly for those facing economic hardship.

At the same time, the United Nations has expressed concern over the deteriorating environment for human rights defenders, warning that legal uncertainty and political tensions can discourage civic participation and deepen social divisions. By strengthening judicial independence, improving government transparency and protecting fundamental freedoms, Bosnia can create a more stable environment that supports the wellbeing of citizens and lays the foundation for prosperity and democratic governance.

Strengthening public institutions is therefore not only a matter of good governance but also an important step toward reducing poverty and inequality. More effective and accountable institutions can improve access to services and create economic opportunities for communities across Bosnia and Herzegovina.

International Support and the Path Forward

Despite persistent challenges, Bosnia and Herzegovina has taken important steps toward strengthening the rule of law with support from international partners. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is helping modernize public administration through digital public services, open-data initiatives and improved public finance management, while also enhancing citizen participation in local decision-making.

The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) also supports judicial independence through trial monitoring, legal assistance and reforms that improve transparency and accountability. These initiatives aim to increase public confidence in the justice system.

Although significant challenges remain, continued domestic reform and international cooperation offer an opportunity to strengthen public trust, improve access to justice and reduce barriers that prevent vulnerable communities from benefiting fully from economic and social development.  

As Bosnia and Herzegovina continues to strengthen its institutions, addressing fragility and reinforcing the rule of law will be essential to ensuring lasting peace, economic opportunity and inclusive development.

– Maisie Russell

Maisie is based in Surrey, UK and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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3 Things To Know About Fragility and Rule of Law in the Maldives

Fragility and Rule of Law in the MaldivesThe Maldives — a modern honeymooning paradise. However, when it comes to fragility and the rule of law in the Maldives, recent years show mixed success, creating areas of vulnerability that have the potential to undermine the protection of its population. Yet, the country has made real progress, especially with the entrenchment of the separation of powers in the 2008 constitution, making the country increasingly democratically robust and building a more reliable legal framework for the Maldivian people.

The Rule of Law and Poverty in the Maldives

Fragility and the rule of law in the Maldives are deeply interconnected: where legal institutions are weak or politically compromised, the state struggles to protect its citizens, enforce rights equally or hold the powerful to account. The Maldives presents a compelling case study in this dynamic. As a small island nation heavily dependent on tourism revenue, it faces unique vulnerabilities — including economic inequality, geographic dispersal across atolls and limited institutional capacity — that can compound fragility in its legal system.

These structural pressures have a direct bearing on poverty and access to justice. According to the World Bank, while the Maldives has achieved relatively low headline poverty rates, significant inequality persists between the capital Malé and the outer islands, where public services — including legal aid and court access — are far less available. For citizens living in poverty, particularly those outside the capital, navigating the justice system is a considerable challenge: legal representation is costly, travel to courts is expensive and awareness of legal rights remains uneven. This means that when fragility and the rule of law in the Maldives are under strain — whether through judicial interference, restricted press freedom, or concentrated executive power — it is those already marginalized by poverty who are most exposed to the consequences. Here are three key things to know about its recent state:

1. Reforms

The People’s Majlis (Maldivian Parliament) has driven recent legal reforms and amendments that promote human rights, more effective governance and environmental protection. For example, the legislature revised the Maldives Penal Code to move away from punitive measures and instead foster a rehabilitative approach by decriminalizing certain offences. A marked swell toward reforms that aim to enhance legal accountability has emerged, directly addressing fragility and the rule of law in the Maldives. These moves from the central government have had a tone-setting effect on the citizens of the Maldives, fostering an active rights-aware society that can continue to effectively pressure the government into reducing fragility and promoting democracy.

2. Threats to Judicial Independence

However, despite promising moves since 2008, this fledgling democracy certainly has some unavoidable cracks in the robustness of the rule of law, which have become particularly visible since President Muizzu took office. The tightening of media control and the restriction on protests and journalists reveals the fragility in the 2008 constitution. Most notably, threats have come from a subversion of judicial independence, where the executive allegedly suspended three Supreme Court justices in an alleged intimidation attempt to secure their support for the government during a constitutional review. This threat also drew attention in a joint submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review in April 2025, which highlighted elements of fragility and the rule of law in the Maldives as areas of serious concern.

3. Response to Fragility

Despite this threat, one cannot ignore that while the Maldivian people have experienced some threats to the rule of law — due to corruption and the concentration of power within the executive branch of government — significant moves exist to redress this overreach of power, ultimately aiming to retain power in the hands of public interest. This includes the drafting of an Asset Declaration Bill, as well as the Anti-Corruption Commission expanding its presence. Equally, the role of other power-limiting institutions like the Bar Council is being clearly exercised through their call for President Muizzu to return the bill — which had stripped the three Supreme Court judges of their positions — back to Parliament for revision.

Looking Ahead

It is clear that while threats have certainly tested fragility and the rule of law in the Maldives, overall the country demonstrates clear momentum in continually reducing fragility and ultimately improving and bolstering the protection of citizens in this evolving democracy.

– Amy Carpenter

Amy is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Policies That Lifted Millions Out of Poverty Around the World

Policies That Lifted Millions Out of PovertyGlobal poverty has declined in recent decades and much of this progress stems from policies that have helped lift millions out of poverty. Governments and organizations did not rely on chance; they implemented targeted strategies that improved incomes, expanded opportunities and strengthened social protection. Here is an overview of several policies that have helped lift millions out of poverty, highlighting real-world examples and why they worked.

Conditional Cash Transfers: Direct Support That Works

One of the most effective policies that lifted millions out of poverty is conditional cash transfers. These programs provide money to low-income families while encouraging education and health care. 

In Brazil, the Bolsa Família program helped alleviate extreme poverty and improve school attendance. Low-income families with children receive payments in return for sending their children to school and ensuring regular health care checkups. According to the World Bank, the program has contributed significantly to Brazil’s declining poverty and inequality.

Mexico also implemented a similar program, Prospera, which has shown long-term improvements in education and health outcomes. These programs succeed because they address immediate needs while investing in future generations. 

Investments in Rural Development and Agriculture

Many impactful policies that have lifted people out of poverty have focused on the rural populations, where poverty is often concentrated. In Vietnam, rural development and agricultural reform played a central role in poverty reduction. This began in the ’80s with the Đổi Mới reforms. 

The government moved away from collective farming toward a market-oriented system that gave households control over land and production. According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) these reforms have helped reduce poverty from 58% in 1993 to 16% by 2006, largely driven by improvements in rural livelihoods and agricultural productivity. These reforms worked because they empowered individuals, improved market access and encouraged economic participation. 

Expanding Access to Education

Education plays a vital role in policies that have lifted millions out of poverty, particularly when governments prioritize girls’ education. Bangladesh made major progress by increasing female school enrollment and supporting women’s employment in industries like textiles. Programs that provided stipends for girls to attend school helped delay early marriage and improve long-term earning potential. 

According to UNICEF, Bangladesh achieved near gender parity in primary and secondary education. Educated women contribute more to the workforce, support healthier families and help break cycles of poverty. 

Universal Health Care and Social Protection Systems

Strong social protection systems represent another group of policies that lifted millions out of poverty. These systems reduce financial shocks and improve overall well-being. In Rwanda, the government introduced community-based health insurance, expanding access to medical care. 

Citizens gained affordable health care, reducing out-of-pocket expenses and preventing families from falling deeper into poverty. The World Health Organization (WHO) highlights Rwanda as a model for expanding health care coverage in low-income countries. Health care access supports productivity and stability, both of which drive poverty reduction. 

Economic Growth Paired With Inclusive Policies

Economic growth alone does not reduce poverty; governments must pair growth with inclusive strategies. China provides a clear example of this combination. 

China experienced rapid economic growth while implementing targeted poverty alleviation programs in rural areas. These programs included infrastructure development, relocation initiatives and job creation. The World Bank estimates that China has lifted more than 800 million people out of poverty since 1980, largely through these initiatives.

China’s approach shows that growth must reach marginalized communities to create a lasting impact. 

Why These Policies Matter Today

These examples of policies that have lifted millions out of poverty reveal common traits: 

  • Governments targeted the most vulnerable populations
  • Leaders invested in long-term human development
  • Programs combined immediate relief with structural change
  • Organizations like The Borgen Project advocate for similar approaches because they produce measurable results. 

Global poverty remains a challenge, but these successes prove that effective policies can drive meaningful change. When countries adopt and adapt these strategies, they move closer to achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of ending poverty worldwide. 

– Leah Denning

Leah is based in Bristol, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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The Rule of Law in the Isle of Man: Fragility and Changes

Rule of Law in the Isle of ManIn the Isle of Man, the rule of law is often tested when vulnerable people need to rely on public institutions for their protection. A recent High Court of Justice of the Isle of Man judgment regarding allegations of abuse and systemic care failure at a care home shows that courts are still willing to listen to human right claims, because fairness and accountability are still important in the administration of justice. The following article will explore the fragility of the rule of law in the Isle of Man, the reforms meant to maintain it and why its preservation is crucial for the marginalized.

The Rule of Law Fragility

In the Isle of Man, like most nations, institutions carry the task of protecting vulnerable individuals’ rights. When those institutional mechanisms fail, those in positions of power rarely bear the weight. Those who are marginalized and have almost no voice do. Recent reforms show how the Isle of Man changed its priorities by understanding the fragility and the rule of law in the Isle of Man.

The Isle of Man is home to many people with living situations that expose them to unfair treatment. Migrants navigating complex immigration rules, low-income families dependent on social support and those caught in the criminal justice system all face risk. Although specific data for the Isle of Man are rare, Comparative studies have shown that, for these people, obtaining legal representation and fair treatment are recurring issues.

Poverty and Access to Justice

Poverty represents one of the most significant barriers to justice in the Isle of Man. Low-income individuals often cannot afford legal representation, leaving them unable to challenge unfair decisions. According to recent data, approximately 15% of the island’s population lives in relative poverty after household costs, making access to the justice system a serious concern.

The Isle of Man government has taken steps to address this gap through legal aid programs designed to ensure that financial hardship does not prevent individuals from exercising their legal rights. Legal aid plans to provide representation in courts for people who aren’t able to afford lawyers, using specific eligibility criteria to ensure no one is excluded from the justice system because of costs.

The Reform That Changed the Island

The Criminal Justice Reform Act of 2021 represents the most recent shift for the rule of law in the Isle of Man. The legislation gave the criminal justice board a mandate to overhaul the entire system, from policing to detention. The board removed outdated laws that were slowing and hindering the system. It also accelerated the handling of cases. The faster and optimized process gave marginalized individuals access to justice again, particularly benefiting those who could not afford months of legal disputes.

In immigration matters, Isle of Man courts have started to push back against unfair government decisions that fall short of human rights standards. In recent cases, courts found that some revoked visas failed to comply with European human rights principles, which forced the government to answer to a higher standard. For foreign nationals with limited resources and almost no political power, this oversight has been one of their only protections.

To ensure that reforms to the rule of law in the Isle of Man survive political pressure, judges receive appointments through a process free from political influence. Courts remain accessible to the public, allowing all who are interested to witness accountability and the judicial process directly. These are not merely features. They are purposefully designed to prevent authorities from abandoning reforms when they become inconvenient.

What Remains at Stake

Progress is real, but it is never permanent. Vulnerable people still face risks when legal reforms take too long, when court oversight weakens and when court access becomes too costly for those in poverty. The framework, while stronger than before, still needs constant revision to ensure proper functioning. In other words, the rule of law in the Isle of Man needs accountability for its reforms in order to prosper.

The High Court judgment shows that the rule of law in the Isle of Man is not only about formal proceedings but whether the courts are able to guarantee that vulnerable people are still heard when institutions of power fail them. By allowing the human right claim, the High Court proved that accountability, fairness and public scrutiny are central when serious and cumulative harm are made against public bodies. The rule of law in the Isle of Man is still fragile, but with each improvement, it becomes stronger, more efficient and better at protecting the population.

– Charles Bakar

Charles is based in Montréal, Québec, Canada and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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3 Legislative Moves & Global Poverty in 2026

Global Poverty in 2026Poverty has emerged as one of the most challenging human rights issues and though it is improving in many regions, areas such as sub-Saharan Africa have seen declines. While it is traditionally believed that poverty naturally eases as a nation’s economy and GDP increase, this is not always the case. While an expanding economy does alleviate poverty, many other factors persist, such as education and discrimination. 

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), countries can adopt numerous legislative measures to address poverty, including land tenure rights, social protection systems and rural employment. Therefore, it is not only necessary for a government to expand markets and support investment, but also to pass legislation specifically aimed at improving the conditions that allow poverty to arise. Here is what some countries around the world are doing to legislate poverty eradication:

$16 Billion Rural Aid in Vietnam

Vietnam is creating legislation to lower global poverty in 2026. On December 11, 2025, the National Assembly passed a resolution to provide unprecedented funds for rural development until 2030. The move follows years of efforts since 2021, which by 2025 have already reduced the number of needy and near-poor households by 52.49%. In addition, the government built new housing in areas with ethnic minority populations and brought communes up to environmental safety standards.

The new resolution intends to follow in the successful footsteps of what came before. Notably, the program aims to reduce gender inequality, which is essential to improving the lives of impoverished individuals. According to the National Library of Medicine, there is a link between poverty and equity and therefore, addressing gender discrimination and inequality goes a long way.

Basic Income Grants in South Africa

In South Africa, the two richest individuals hold as much wealth as 50% of the population and the country has the highest Gini coefficient, a measure of social inequality, among all countries. This makes poverty a central issue that the government must confront. One political topic that has gained momentum recently is the implementation of basic income grants (BIGs).

Countries such as Namibia and India have introduced similar programs and shown increases in economic activity, nutrition levels, school attendance and even independence for certain groups, such as women. During COVID-19, South Africa carried out a BIG program and the results were effective. South Africa’s Department of Social Development (DSD) even reported a decrease in poverty at the Food Poverty Line, the lowest income possible to satisfy one’s nutritional needs. 

The DSD has ordered a report on the possibility of such a program in South Africa and concluded that its COVID-19 policy should be continued and perhaps even the workup to a full-scale BIG program. While critics worry that the program will crowd out other spending or create an unsustainable fiscal burden, a future program could transform the fight against poverty.

Bangladesh’s Family Card

Recently, Bangladesh launched a new program to transform welfare services. Launched on March 10, 2026, the program shifts the focus from individual to household, given that poverty is experienced “collectively.” Accordingly, each household will have one card issued in the name of the female head. 

The government has set ambitious goals, hoping to provide every citizen with a card by 2030. However, not everyone qualifies. Some example criteria include belonging to a marginalized group or being in a vulnerable household. This ensures that not just anybody receives these government benefits, only those who truly need them. 

Overall Picture

Governments around the world are discovering that they can’t just let market forces determine the outcome of poverty in their countries; they must enact specific legislation to address it. As Joseph Stiglitz noted: “Much of the inequality that exists today is a result of government policy.” This is exactly what Vietnam, South Africa and Bangladesh are doing, pushing for policies that help those who need it most, a sign that the world is beginning to confront global poverty in 2026.

– Ben Anderson

Ben is based in Madrid, Spain and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash