Archive for category: Politics

,

Response to the US Embargo on Cuba

Response to the US Embargo on CubaWhen people think of Cuba, they often imagine the cool vintage cars seen driving around Havana. A closer look reveals a long history of sanctions and poverty.

The History of US Sanctions on Cuba

The United States (U.S.) has a long history of sanctioning and embargoing Cuba, starting with an embargo on Cuban sugar imports implemented by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1960. Historically, the sanctions aimed to push Cuba toward a free market-based capitalist economy, among other reasons.

President Donald Trump, in his second term, increased the severity of these sanctions. According to the U.S. government, Cuba is a threat to U.S. foreign policy and national security, and the Cuban government is “repugnant to the moral and political values of free and democratic societies.” U.S. officials have framed the sanctions as a pressure campaign intended to push political change in Cuba, citing the government’s human rights record and its historical seizure of U.S.-owned assets. Critics of the sanctions, including U.N. officials and international observers, argue that the measures amount to collective punishment that falls hardest on ordinary Cubans rather than the government itself.

Effect of the Recent Blockade on Poverty

Cuba has dealt with a high level of poverty for a long time. Many argue that this is due to socialist policy, while others point to the sanctions and embargoes through the years as the main cause. Even before the recent embargo, a study by Observatorio Cubano de Derechos Humanos at the end of 2025 revealed that 89% of Cubans were living in poverty. Twelve percent of the population could not afford medical supplies, even before the recent blockade, and 13% could not access them due to shortages.

On Jan. 29, 2026, the U.S. established a mechanism to impose additional tariffs on imports from nations that provide oil to Cuba. The U.S. has seized almost all oil tankers headed for Cuba since the blockade began. Only one, sent by Russia, reached Cuba. This oil blockade has further strained the country’s energy supply and overall poverty levels.

The lack of fuel means that major buildings such as hospitals struggle to function due to blackouts. According to the U.N., more than 100,000 people are awaiting surgery, including 11,000 children. Pregnant women are among the most at risk, with more than 32,000 struggling to access transportation and diagnostics. A stable supply of electricity is vital for lifesaving equipment in neonatal units.

Furthermore, these blackouts cause more than 3.1 million Cubans to face interruptions to their water supply. The water system operates with only 37% of the required fuel. Many residents get their supply from tanker trucks, which need fuel. With the shortage, people wait days for their water to arrive. Low-income communities, children, and the elderly are the most affected by the shortage.

International Response to the US Embargo of Cuba

Global actions reflect the international community’s evolving response to the U.S. embargo on Cuba. The most notable effort is the Nuestra América convoy that set off from Mexico to Cuba at the end of March 2026. This convoy comprised multiple boats traveling to Cuba with essential humanitarian aid and medical supplies. They brought medical supplies to one of Cuba’s most important hospitals, Hermanos Ameijeiras. They partnered with members of the LGBTQ community and distributed essential aid accordingly. To address the food shortage, food was delivered to families in Parque Maceo. This convoy was one of the most prominent aid deliveries of 2026.

A notable participant was streamer Hasan Piker, who served as a figurehead for the convoy, bringing significant attention to the cause and international sympathy. He has since been subpoenaed by the U.S. government in connection with an investigation into possible sanctions violations. Piker’s supporters have characterized the subpoena as retaliatory, while U.S. officials have not publicly detailed the basis for the investigation; the matter remains unresolved.

Providing humanitarian aid has not been the only form of resistance outside of Cuba. In Ireland, multiple groups have organized protests and campaigns against the actions of the U.S.

Since February 2026, pro-Cuban organizations have marched or held talks about the effects of the embargo. A pro-Cuba bloc joined forces with a pro-Palestine protest at the Garden of Remembrance in County Dublin. The Communist Party of Dublin distributed pamphlets demanding an end to the “illegal U.S. blockade of Cuba.”

Other resistance groups such as Libres Éire and the Workers Party of Ireland have also held similar demonstrations. These protests have pushed some members of the Irish government to speak out on the matter. A Sinn Féin Teachta Dála (member of parliament) called on the government to speak out against the actions of the U.S., after the Department of Foreign Affairs warned citizens not to visit Cuba due to safety concerns.

Local Response to the US Embargo of Cuba

The recent surge in poverty-related issues is prompting locals to find creative ways to alleviate the effects. One outcome of the fuel shortage is trash buildup. With state-run garbage trucks out of commission due to the lack of fuel, rubbish has started to accumulate across Havana. This has attracted rats, flies, and a general stench. Health officials worry about disease-carrying insects becoming a concern with rising summer heat and rain.

The buildup has urged locals to clean up neighborhoods themselves. One initiative is El Batazo. Some members sweep the streets, while a collector rings a bell twice daily to indicate to people to pick up household rubbish. Aluminum, glass, and other recyclable raw materials are sold. To help feed livestock, food scraps are repurposed, and remaining rubbish is put in a container for later transport to a landfill. Although initiatives like this are helping solve the problem, the health concerns due to the buildup remain a worry.

Looking Ahead

The humanitarian toll on ordinary Cubans has drawn growing international attention, driven in part by efforts like the Nuestra América convoy, which brought Hasan Piker’s large online following to the story, and by protests such as those in Ireland calling on governments to speak out. Local initiatives like El Batazo illustrate how communities are adapting to shortages in the meantime. Whether these pressures shift U.S. or Cuban government policy remains to be seen, but they underscore how deeply the standoff continues to affect daily life on the island.

– Oisín Downes

Oisín is based in Galway, Ireland and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

, ,

Alleviating Poverty Through Criminal Justice Reform in Uganda

Criminal Justice Reform in UgandaFor many low-income households, a single encounter with the legal system can be a financially destructive force. While often viewed through a human rights lens, criminal justice reform in Uganda is a critical component of national poverty alleviation. By trapping vulnerable citizens in cycles of debt and removing primary earners from the workforce, the current justice system unintentionally bars economic mobility.

The Poverty Trap

According to the World Prison Brief, 79,698 people are imprisoned in Uganda. Approximately 46% are pre-trial detainees, revealing a massive hidden tax on the nation’s poorest families. If an individual cannot afford legal representation or bail, they are held in pre-trial detention for months, or even years. If the individual is a primary wage earner, their dependents then lose their primary income, guiding them further into poverty.

The financial instability of the poor is exacerbated by the application of Section 40 of the Civil Procedure Act. While the law intends for civil imprisonment to be a last resort for those who have the money but refuse to pay, in practice, lower courts often jail people simply for being unable to pay their debts. This policy carries a paradox: an individual cannot work because they do not have the means to pay, but they are unable to make money due to the inability to work. This ensures that the debt is never repaid, and the individual is trapped in a cycle of poverty. The Uganda Prisons Service reported that civil debtors increased by 13.3% in July 2025, rising from 581 to 658. Chapter Four Uganda claims this rushed sentencing violates international law and strengthens cycles of poverty.

Penal Reform International

Fortunately, Penal Reform International (PRI) is a non-governmental organization working tirelessly to enact criminal justice reform in Uganda. The group was founded in 1989 by a collection of London-based human rights activists, all outraged about the growing popularity of the death penalty and systemic discrimination. Since its inception, PRI has impacted more than 90 countries and notably collaborated with the U.N. to create the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, otherwise known as the Nelson Mandela Rules. The organization utilizes global advocacy and local cooperation to dismantle unequal prison structures like cash bail that trap low-income households into inescapable cycles of poverty.

In 2024, PRI’s initiatives directly protected the economic stability of thousands:

  • Alternatives to Imprisonment: By negotiating non-custodial sentences for 289 individuals, PRI kept those citizens in the workforce and allowed them to continue supporting their families and contributing to the local economy.
  • Professional Training: Through mediation training for 98 police officers and 81 prosecutors, PRI actively encourages officials to utilize non-custodial alternatives that keep individuals as part of the community and not behind bars.

Incarcerated Women in Uganda

The economic impact of the justice system is disproportionately felt by women. Research by PRI in 2015 showed that 76% of female prisoners in Uganda identify as poor, and 32% never received formal education.

A common barrier to rehabilitation is a lack of employable skills; thus, PRI offers vocational training to foster financial independence post-release. In 2024, 45 women at Fort Portal Women’s Prison participated in carpentry and culinary arts classes to build valuable experience. Moreover, entrepreneurship training was offered to women in Jinja Prison, a newly innovative kind of criminal justice reform. Start-up packs, which contained seed funding, were handed out to participants who would soon return home. In total, 101 women have received entrepreneurship training and start-up packs since the program’s inception in 2021. In 2024, 60% of participants received formal business certification. Penal Reform International has demonstrated that when the justice system prioritizes rehabilitation over incarceration, it can create building blocks for a sustainable, poverty-free future.

Looking Ahead

These initiatives foster hope for the future of criminal justice reform. By equipping individuals with alternatives to incarceration and employable skills, Penal Reform International directly tackles the root causes of poverty. The tangible results of these efforts, which affect hundreds of lives, demonstrate a reformed criminal justice system that can encourage economic empowerment. In this way, the building blocks for a sustainable future have been placed for countless people across Uganda.

– Julia Sanders

Julia is based in Fitchburg, WI, USA and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

,

Indigenous Political Representation and Poverty in Bolivia

A Bolivian Indigenous leader speaking at a political gathering, highlighting Indigenous political representation. Poverty in BoliviaIndigenous peoples make up roughly half of Bolivia’s population, yet for generations they remained largely excluded from the political decisions that shaped their lives. Over the past two decades, constitutional reforms have expanded Indigenous political representation in Bolivia, giving Indigenous communities a greater voice in government and helping shape policies affecting land rights, education, health care and poverty reduction.

Electoral Quotas in Bolivia

Electoral quotas are most commonly associated with increasing women’s political participation. However, some countries have also used electoral reforms to improve the representation of Indigenous peoples. Bolivia is a prime example. Although Indigenous peoples make up around half of the population in Bolivia, they have historically faced political exclusion, discrimination and disproportionately high poverty rates.

While political representation alone cannot eliminate poverty, Bolivia’s reforms have helped create more inclusive institutions that support Indigenous communities. Alongside the efforts of organizations such as the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) and development partners like the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), these reforms have contributed to stronger land rights, expanded public services and greater opportunities for Indigenous communities to participate in decisions that affect their futures.

Poverty in Bolivia

Although Indigenous peoples make up a significant share of Bolivia’s population, they have historically experienced higher levels of poverty than the national average. According to the World Bank, rural areas where Indigenous populations are disproportionately concentrated recorded a moderate poverty rate of 77.3% and an extreme poverty rate of 63.9% in 2007. These communities have also faced longstanding barriers to accessing quality education, health care and other public services.

Indigenous political representation in Bolivia can help address these disparities by giving Indigenous communities a stronger voice in decisions affecting their livelihoods. This can contribute to policies that expand public services, strengthen land rights and improve economic opportunities. More inclusive political institutions can support policies that expand access to public services, protect land rights and promote economic opportunities in historically marginalized communities.

Electoral Reform and Indigenous Representation

Bolivia’s political landscape changed significantly in 2005 with the election of Evo Morales, the country’s first Indigenous president. His administration introduced constitutional reforms that strengthened Indigenous political representation in Bolivia.

The 2009 Constitution redefined Bolivia as a Plurinational State, formally recognizing the country’s many Indigenous nations and guaranteeing their participation in political institutions. The Constitution also recognizes Indigenous forms of self-government and established special Indigenous electoral districts that reserve seats for Indigenous representatives in the national legislature. These measures complement Bolivia’s gender quota system, making it one of the few countries to promote representation based on both gender and Indigenous identity.

Why Representation Matters

Indigenous political representation in Bolivia has helped bring issues affecting Indigenous communities onto the political agenda. Bolivia reserves seven special Indigenous electoral districts in the national legislature, and the ninth officially recognized Indigenous autonomous government was recently created for Challa. Since these reforms, governments have expanded recognition of Indigenous territories and strengthened collective land rights, giving many communities greater control over their traditional lands.

Bolivia has also promoted intercultural bilingual education, allowing Indigenous students to receive instruction in both Spanish and their native languages while incorporating Indigenous cultures and knowledge into the curriculum. These policies aim to improve educational outcomes while protecting Indigenous identity.

Organizations have also helped translate these political reforms into practical improvements. IWGIA has worked alongside Indigenous communities to strengthen territorial rights and support Indigenous self-governance, while UNDP has partnered with Bolivian institutions to promote inclusive democratic participation and strengthen local governance. Together, these efforts help Indigenous communities turn increased political representation into lasting social and economic gains.

Continuing Challenges

Despite significant progress, challenges remain. Indigenous communities continue to experience higher poverty rates than many urban populations, and political representation does not always translate into equal economic outcomes. One example is the ongoing debate over natural resource extraction in Indigenous territories. In Bolivia, conflicts over mining, oil and gas development have raised concerns among Indigenous communities about environmental protection, consultation rights and control over ancestral lands. Although resource projects can generate government revenue and economic opportunities, Indigenous organizations have argued that communities must have a voice in decisions affecting their territories.

Looking Ahead

Political representation is not solely about gaining seats in government but also about ensuring Indigenous voices influence economic and environmental policies. Continued efforts to strengthen Indigenous consultation processes, support community-led development and invest in education and land rights can help balance economic growth with Indigenous self-determination. Even so, Bolivia’s experience demonstrates that expanding Indigenous political representation can be an important step toward reducing poverty and inequality. By combining inclusive political institutions with continued investment in education, Bolivia is enabling historically marginalized communities to play a central role in shaping policies that improve livelihoods and create more equitable opportunities for future generations.

– Anna Morin

Anna is based in Fairfield, CT, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

, ,

The Impact of UK Foreign Aid Cuts on Poverty Reduction

A woman in a rural village carries water, highlighting poverty challenges. U.K. foreign aid cutsIn February 2025, Sir Keir Starmer, former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (U.K), announced reductions to Britain’s foreign aid budget, which will decrease from 0.5% of gross national income (GNI) to 0.3%. These cuts to U.K. foreign aid will fund defense spending, with the aim of increasing the government’s budget from 2.5% of gross domestic product (GDP) to 3% by the next parliament. This development represents a further drop from the U.K.’s self-imposed commitment to spend 0.7% of GNI on foreign aid. Previous reductions have already affected the U.K.’s aid response to international crises; the Independent Commission for Aid Impact found that British relief for the 2022 floods in Pakistan and the rising drought in the Horn of Africa was smaller and came later than for similar crises in previous years.

In real terms, these cuts to U.K. foreign aid mean that the budget, projected to be approximately £15.4 billion in 2027, will instead reduce to £9.2 billion. Anneliese Dodds, the international development minister, resigned following the announcement, saying a reduction in aid spending would mean less support for vulnerable groups in Africa and the Caribbean and would affect the U.K.’s international reputation.

In March 2026, a year after Starmer’s announcement, the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) published its spending plan for the Official Development Assistance (ODA) budget, clarifying the potential impact of the cuts on poverty reduction programs.

Multilateral Programs

One immediate impact of the cuts will be a decrease in funds allocated for multilateral programs, such as the World Bank and Education Cannot Wait, which implement support and relief on a global scale. While the government has pledged to maintain contributions to those specific organizations, other grants are set to fall or cease altogether. On average, multilateral programs will see reductions of around 22%, and affected institutions will include global health organizations, humanitarian groups and United Nations development agencies.

Groups working to treat deadly diseases and provide lifesaving health care to impoverished communities will be affected by these cuts. Previous support to Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, contributed to the immunization of more than 1.2 billion children worldwide, preventing an estimated 20.6 million deaths. British foreign aid also helped the Global Fund achieve a 63% reduction in the death rate of AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. The U.K. has confirmed that future contributions to both organizations will be cut. Meanwhile, assistance to the Global Polio Eradication Initiative, whose work has helped bring about a 99.9% decrease in polio occurrence worldwide, will cease altogether, with the U.K. saying it would continue to support the cause through other programs.

Bilateral Programs

Direct U.K. aid efforts will also be affected by cuts to bilateral programs, which will see an overall 37% reduction in allocation. The reduction will be especially pronounced in Africa, with British funding set to fall from £818 million to £688 million. What this will mean for specific nations is less clear, as the government has not yet announced its country-by-country allocations, but preliminary assessments indicate that Sierra Leone and Malawi will cease to receive health care support and that social programs in Ethiopia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Tanzania and Zambia will shrink. These seven countries alone are home to more than 15% of the global population living in extreme poverty.

When the question arose in the House of Commons, Baroness Jennifer Chapman, the minister of state for international development and Africa, said support for conflict-affected areas such as Ukraine and Sudan would remain level, while funding for fragile states would be reallocated from 54% to 71%. It remains unclear how these figures will manifest in real terms or what the implications will be for bilateral programs in developing nations not considered fragile or conflict-affected states. Access to health care, education and welfare for vulnerable people in these countries could be affected, though the scale of that impact is not yet known.

Private Finance

To offset the impact of the cuts, Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper said she intends to work with the private sector to secure needed investment. She proposed restructuring the ODA budget to prioritize initiatives that support “financial leverage and private capital mobilization.”

However, research from groups such as the International Development Committee has identified drawbacks to relying on private finance for poverty reduction. While such initiatives can potentially facilitate employment creation and economic growth, they can also be poorly targeted, concentrating in regions and sectors prioritized by investors rather than the poorest places or most marginalized groups that need the greatest assistance.

Looking Ahead

The government has stated that the foreign aid budget will be restored to 0.7% when fiscal circumstances allow, though a strategy to achieve this target has yet to be announced. At the Global Partnerships Conference held in London in May, there was little discussion of how the U.K. foreign aid cuts might be reversed beyond relying on private finance. Estimates by the National Institute of Economic and Social Research indicate that the U.K. could lose more financially from reduced exports than it would gain in savings from lower aid spending.

The full impact of the cuts on poverty reduction will become clearer once the government announces its country-specific allocations

– Aled Warren

Aled is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

, ,

Addressing the HIV Epidemic in Eastern Europe and Central Asia

HIV Epidemic in Eastern Europe and Central AsiaThe United Nations (U.N.) is an international, intergovernmental organization comprising 193 member states. The U.N. General Assembly meets every five years to discuss the Global AIDS Strategy. The U.N. designed this guide to outline the strategies each member state will employ to combat the global health threat and highlight inequalities that are preventing progress in the global response to the HIV crisis. Governments in Eastern Europe and Central Asia are approaching the crisis via the criminal justice system rather than treating HIV as a public health issue. However, the HIV epidemic in these regions continues to grow significantly, with approximately 2.1 million people living with the virus.

HIV and AIDS at a Glance

Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) attacks the body’s immune system, and patients often experience flu-like symptoms before the virus progresses to acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS). This is the most severe stage of the disease, and once diagnosed, patients with AIDS often survive around three years.

The virus is transmitted through bodily fluids, such as blood and semen, meaning contracting the disease can be prevented by exercising careful protection strategies, such as wearing condoms during intercourse and only using clean needles and syringes.

Health care workers combating the HIV epidemic in Eastern Europe and Central Asia face a critical dispute between what is medically proven to help patients with HIV and what doctors are legally permitted to use. There is a ban on opioid agonist therapy (OAT), which is illegal in Russia, Turkmenistan and other countries in these regions, despite being a recognized tool used to prevent the spread of HIV among drug users.

Another example is the life-saving pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) pill that scientists manufactured to prevent the acquisition of HIV, which is largely unavailable in many Central Asian countries, where the pill is considered unaffordable or completely missing from state funding budgets.

The 95-95-95 Target

The UNAIDS 95-95-95 target originates from the 2021-2026 strategy and is yet to be achieved by all member states, continuing in the 2026-2031 strategy. The goal is for 95% of those with HIV to receive a diagnosis, 95% of those diagnosed to be on antiviral therapy, and 95% of people undergoing treatment to achieve “viral suppression,” meaning they can no longer transmit the disease to others.

Promoting Harm Reduction Programs

Harm reduction programs, such as the Eurasian Harm Reduction Association (EHRA), are promoted by the U.N. to help combat HIV transmissions directly related to needle use.

EHRA’s “Sustainability of Services for Key Populations in the EECA Region” is one of the biggest projects combating the HIV epidemic in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. The project aims to reduce criminalization and promote harm reduction for drug users by advocating for the dissolution of certain drug policies, which prevent people from accessing HIV prevention strategies and seeking HIV treatment and care.

Programs like EHRA advocate against the use of drug registries and similar methods of drug-use restriction. In its Position Paper on Drug Policy, EHRA argued that “drug dependence should no longer be an aggravation but should be considered as a basis for social and medical care provision,” explaining that by criminalizing drug users, governments induce a fear of the legal system that directly prevents drug users from both achieving safe needle and syringe usage to prevent HIV transmission and seeking help when they contract the disease.

Integrating HIV Screening Into Primary Care

The HIV epidemic in Eastern Europe and Central Asia is predominantly driven by relations between heterosexual partners, people who partake in drug use, and sex workers. The transmission of HIV to thousands of people each year could be prevented if local health care clinics implemented regular testing policies.

In addition to the 95-95-95 targets, UNAIDS has also committed to a 30-80-60 plan, which requires communities to deliver 30% of testing and treatment services and 80% of prevention programs.

Despite the introduction of new policies, such as the European Standards of HIV Prevention and Care policy, developed in 2025 to raise expectations for the implementation of these obligations, progress has temporarily stalled. A UNAIDS report released following the Geneva Convention in June 2026 revealed that extreme funding cuts have led to a reduction in HIV testing, with programs falling by 22% between 2024 and 2025 and funding for condoms being cut by more than 90% in some areas. Officials, however, remain hopeful that stricter enforcement of the European Standards of HIV Prevention and Care policy will cause HIV prevalence to decline.

– Ruby Fraser

Ruby is based in Cannes, France and focuses on Global Health, Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

, ,

The Legacy of Child Soldiers in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Black and white photo of a young boy looking somber. Child Soldiers in Bosnia and HerzegovinaIn 1992, as Bosnia and Herzegovina descended into war, thousands of minors traded their toys for Kalashnikovs and artillery. Across a fractured nation, boys as young as 10 joined local defense units, placing themselves on the front lines of the ethno-nationalist conflicts that shattered the Balkans in the 1990s.

Today, the former child soldiers of Bosnia and Herzegovina are adults who carry deep and invisible wounds. Middle-aged men and women suffer from chronic and untreated trauma that has devastated their lives and locked them in a vicious cycle of poverty. Although three decades have passed since the Dayton Peace Agreement marked the end of the conflict in 1995, many of the surviving child soldiers live on the margins of society and are trapped in the lingering void of economic survival and social exclusion.

The Consequences of the War

After the war, Bosnia and Herzegovina adopted a complex, decentralized and fragmented system of government that divides social protections across two autonomous entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republika Srpska.

The nation that emerged from the ashes of the old Yugoslavia immediately faced the devastating consequences of the conflict. Both factions’ military tactics relied on debilitating the enemy’s economic activity, placing a direct target on civilian and production facilities.

When the arms finally fell silent, the newly independent country began its history as a land ravaged by a conflict that culminated in a death toll of 250,000, the displacement of 50% of the population, and a 90% drop in industrial production, according to a 2002 study published in World Development by economists Alberto Chong and Marcelo Bisogno. Poverty became the norm in post-war Bosnia, with 38.8% of the population living below the poverty line and unemployment levels reaching between 33% and 45%.

This critical situation triggered an influx of foreign aid upon which most of the population came to rely. Before the end of the century, more than $5 billion was funneled through massive donor programs to face the extreme crisis and rebuild basic services such as education and health.

The Legal Void

Following the signing of the peace accords, most combatants demobilized into civilian life, rapidly forming a distinct social group that secured specific rights and began organizing into numerous associations. They quickly gained significant political leverage, allowing them to capture a substantial share of humanitarian resources through large government subsidies. Beyond that, war veterans secured a wide range of social and economic benefits, including unemployment assistance, health care, privileged pensions and low-interest loans.

As foreign donations gradually dried up and humanitarian aid transitioned into permanent social assistance, veterans continued to absorb a massive portion of these funds. By 2017, 61% of all social assistance in Bosnia was directed toward war veterans, according to World Bank data.

Consequently, veterans legislation often requires proof of formal military mobilization, rendering all those who enlisted voluntarily or informally invisible in the eyes of the law. Many of these children joined out of desperation, constrained to defend their local communities.

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted in 1989, prohibited the recruitment and direct participation in armed conflict of children under age 15, establishing the legal framework for the protection of children during war.

The former Yugoslavia ratified the convention, but its implementation was severely undermined by the outbreak of the conflict two years later. At a domestic level, Yugoslav law prohibited the enlistment of minors under 18, yet it remained silent on voluntary participation. As a result, during the conflict, an estimated 2,000 children joined the front lines without formal enlistment papers, creating an administrative black hole that continues to exclude them from the rights and benefits afforded to their fellow conscripts.

The Ripple Effect

When the conflict ended, it had already robbed Bosnia and Herzegovina’s former child soldiers of their childhood, and the devastation left by the conflict continues to shape their lives. Today, these now middle-aged men are denied veteran status and remain excluded from the social protection system designed to help former fighters reintegrate into civil society.

From a legal standpoint, they are eligible for the state-funded benefits that helped other soldiers rebuild their lives, yet former child soldiers in Bosnia and Herzegovina affirm that in practice they are often ignored. A study on Bosnian social policy by Professor Nikolina Obradovic shows that in 2009, only one out of 16,542 privileged pension beneficiaries was between the ages of 25 and 29, illustrating the exclusion of veterans who were children during the conflict from social protection meant for veterans.

Many suffer from disabilities, severe injuries and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), making it difficult to live ordinary lives, leaving many trapped in cycles of addiction, economic vulnerability and social isolation.

Thrown into active combat as children, their education was interrupted and their formative years disrupted by the horrors of war. Having missed critical years of schooling, they entered a collapsed Bosnian economy with no qualifications and no clear path forward. According to the same 2002 World Bank-cited study by Chong and Bisogno, the risk of exposure to poverty rises sharply when lacking formal education: those with no education face a 62.5% risk, and those with just primary education face a 57.6% risk.

Former child soldiers, such as Sanel Kruščica, struggled to find work after the war, possessing no other skills than, as he told Bosnian journalist Aida Mia Alic, to “fight a war and drive a car.”

The stigma extends beyond unemployment. Mirsad Geko, who volunteered at 17, struggled to find work even after earning a master’s degree years after the conflict. This pattern of rejection also affects veterans seeking mental health and psychiatric care, many of whom accuse the government of negligence and indifference.

Meanwhile, authorities’ responses have followed the same line, refusing to grant former child soldiers a special status based on claims about their age and informal enlisting.

How Local NGOs Are Intervening

Amid state inaction, local civil society organizations have stepped in to fill the void. In Sarajevo, the Association of Former Child Soldiers, founded in 2011 by Kemal Salaka, advocates for the legal recognition of a unique status for adults who participated in the conflict as children. The organization had an estimated 226 members registered at its early stages and represented more than 500 former child soldiers.

The Association of Young Volunteers, led by Branko Matošin, represents former child volunteers who served in the Croatian Defense Council. The organization has been one of the main advocates against the lack of psychological care, employment opportunities and institutional recognition for former child soldiers.

Although operating in different parts of the country, both organizations stress that securing psychological support and social integration for former child soldiers is not only vital for their well-being but essential for transitional justice, which in the long term will benefit society as a whole.

Looking Ahead

More than three decades have passed since the end of the war. Yet for thousands of former child soldiers in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the fighting did not end with the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords; it evolved into a struggle to fit back into civil society. Although the topic of child soldiers in Bosnia and Herzegovina remains largely absent from the broader global discourse on children in armed conflict, today, those same boys who held weapons instead of toys are the leading advocates for the support they have long been denied. Their stories reflect resilience and illustrate why integration should be a priority in every peace process.

– Mateo Montes Asturias

Mateo is based in Montpellier, France and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

, ,

Brazil’s Legislative Strategy for Informal Workers

 

Brazil's legislative strategy for informal workersHistorically, Latin American economies have left informal laborers and gig economy workers completely outside state regulatory safety nets. This structural gap traps millions of street vendors, domestic cleaners, and ride-hailing drivers in structural vulnerability. In Brazil, where approximately 37.3% of the workforce operates informally—representing over 38 million citizens—the lack of formal protections historically meant that a medical emergency, an economic downturn, or a sudden vehicular breakdown could instantly plunge low-income families into absolute destitution. However, a major legislative turning point is underway in South America. The Brazilian federal government, through the Ministry of Labor and Employment, has systematically advanced groundbreaking labor frameworks designed to formally absorb informal workers into the state’s social architecture. This proactive strategy provides a scalable blueprint for developing nations worldwide, proving that targeted poverty reduction can effectively align with modern technological growth.

Aligning With Global Progress and the ILO Treaty

Brazil’s transformative domestic policy is moving forward alongside historic international milestones. In June 2026, the United Nations’ International Labour Organization officially adopted its landmark global treaty on platform work, known as the Decent Work in the Platform Economy Convention (Convention No. 193). This groundbreaking treaty represents the first time the global community has established a binding international standard to guarantee fundamental rights, algorithmic transparency, and social safety nets for those earning their livelihood via digital platforms. The convention still requires individual member states to ratify it before it becomes legally binding in those countries.

By positioning its domestic laws to align with the June 2026 ILO treaty, Brazil has demonstrated notable leadership on this issue. The synchronization between international guidelines and Brazil’s legislative strategy for informal workers has accelerated the implementation of vital safety nets across the country. Rather than viewing technological innovation as a legal loophole to bypass labor protections, Brazil’s current approach utilizes these modern business models to systematically lift citizens out of precarious financial situations. The shared momentum between Geneva and Brasília ensures that millions of ride-share drivers and couriers now operate under a recognized, legally protected framework that guarantees algorithmic transparency, a predictable baseline income, and clear avenues for legal recourse against unfair platform account deactivations.

The Dual Strategy

At the heart of Brazil’s legislative strategy for informal workers is a sophisticated, dual-pronged strategy that directly addresses the root causes of systemic financial insecurity. The first component focuses on legal enforcement and immediate economic stability. The federal framework introduces a mandatory minimum hourly wage specifically calculated for app-based workers, ensuring that corporate algorithms cannot drive base payouts below a livable standard. Simultaneously, the legislation establishes strict working-hour caps. These caps actively prevent individuals from enduring the extreme exhaustion and hazardous conditions that previously characterized unregulated gig labor, directly fostering a healthier, safer, and more sustainable working environment.

The second component of the strategy secures long-term structural mobility by integrating these newly recognized workers into the official state public pension and maternity benefit systems. Historically, an informal courier or driver had no access to retirement security or paid parental leave. The new system remedies this through an innovative, shared social security contribution model. Under this architecture, digital tech giants are legally mandated to co-contribute to the state social security fund alongside the workers, meaning that companies pay a fixed percentage of the labor costs directly into the social security system to match the individual worker’s inputs.

This model effectively shifts the sole burden of risk away from the individual and shares it with multinational digital platforms. These policy adjustments deliver clear, measurable safety nets for vulnerable households:

  • Guaranteed Retirement: Platform workers accumulate verifiable years of service toward a state pension.
  • Maternity Protection: Female gig workers and domestic cleaners access full maternity benefits, protecting maternal and infant health without risking a total loss of household income.
  • Injury Buffers: Universal coverage provides automated disability and workplace injury buffers, preventing temporary health crises from turning into long-term economic disasters.

The CNPJ Surge and the Decline of Informality

The positive impacts of Brazil’s legislative strategy for informal workers extend far beyond the digital gig economy. Simultaneously, a national surge in registrations within the Cadastro Nacional da Pessoa Jurídica (CNPJ), Brazil’s official National Registry of Legal Entities, has transformed the country’s broader macroeconomic landscape. By simplifying the registration process and offering clear fiscal incentives, the government has encouraged millions of micro-entrepreneurs, independent traders, and traditional street vendors to formalize their small businesses.

According to data released by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) in 2026, this national wave of formalization has driven the country’s informality rate down to 37.3%, the lowest level recorded in over five years. At the same time, IBGE tracked a historic rise in the usual real monthly earnings of Brazilian workers, reaching an average of 3,652 Brazilian reais (BRL), which represents a 5.4% increase in an annual comparison. Transitioning into the CNPJ registry opens up a vast array of previously inaccessible economic opportunities for independent workers. Registered individuals can now open official business bank accounts, secure low-interest public credit lines through state-backed banks to expand their operations, and issue legal tax invoices.

This shift meaningfully changes the socioeconomic outlook for millions of citizens. By replacing structural vulnerability with institutional legitimacy, the registry acts as an engine for upward financial mobility. It transforms survival-based informal labor into thriving, more protected micro-enterprises.

A Sustainable Blueprint for Global Poverty Reduction

The measurable success of Brazil’s legislative overhaul provides an encouraging template for the global development community. For decades, international organizations combating extreme poverty struggled with the reality that informal economies in developing nations represent a massive, unprotected block of human labor. Brazil’s current trajectory suggests that modern states do not need to choose between technological advancement and human rights; instead, regulatory frameworks can evolve alongside digital platforms.

By successfully absorbing vulnerable populations into the formal state architecture, Brazil is effectively building a stronger defense against sudden poverty. The positive outcomes visible across the country—ranging from stabilized weekly household incomes to comprehensive social protection access for over 38 million citizens—illustrate that targeted legislative action yields significant systemic benefits. As other emerging markets look to address the expanding gig economy, Brazil’s legislative strategy for informal workers stands out as a notable example of progressive, balanced socioeconomic policy.

– Ioana Marin

Ioana is based in Bucharest, Romania and focuses on Business and Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

, ,

Local Government Provides Juruá River Flood Relief Efforts

Flooded homes along the Juruá River, with residents navigating in small boats.The Amazon River is the largest river in the world by water volume; it accounts for nearly 20% of the river water that feeds into the ocean globally and contains more gallons than the next seven largest rivers combined. It spans roughly 4,000 miles across the Amazon Rainforest and flows through Peru, Colombia, Brazil, Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia. Offshoots of the Amazon River and Rainforest extend into neighboring countries of its primary watershed as well.

A River System Under Strain

Because of the Amazon River’s size, it feeds into more than 1,000 offshoots and water-feeding tributaries from its main channel. On April 30, 2026, one of these offshoots, named the Juruá River, flooded to 14.13 meters. This volume exceeded the river’s overflow limit and presented imminent threats to its surrounding communities. The Juruá River is an affluent offshoot of the Amazon River located in Peru and Brazil. This particular flood impacted the Brazilian state of Acre, located in the country’s northwest and bordering Peru directly. More specifically, the April 2026 Juruá River flood devastated large portions of Cruzeiro do Sul, the second-largest city in the state of Acre. This flood impacted an estimated 13 neighborhoods, as well as three rural communities.

The instant devastation caused in the wake of the Juruá River flooding in April 2026 prompted the local government to act swiftly in administering flood relief in Cruzeiro do Sul. The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) reported that approximately 7,087 families, representing about 28,350 individuals, were affected by the flood. Authorities said 628 families were displaced and 55 remained homeless, with 242 individuals accommodated in six public shelters established by the local government. The mass devastation caused by the April 2026 Juruá River flood changed the lives of tens of thousands in Brazil’s mountainous west on a deeply personal level.

Impact on Tourism and the Local Economy

This flood was particularly devastating because of Cruzeiro do Sul’s relationship with tourism as a main contribution to its economy. As a result, local government disaster relief efforts must address residents’ immediate safety and livelihood needs alongside long-term economic stabilization. The city is the major transportation hub to the Serra do Divisor National Park, sometimes referred to as “the Yellowstone of the Amazon,” a world-renowned destination for ecotourism due to its high levels of biodiversity. The park is difficult to access and sits in a largely untouched portion of the Amazon Wilderness, making it a priority for ecological conservation and a bucket-list item for nature enthusiasts. The April 2026 Juruá River flood brought Cruzeiro do Sul’s ecotourism to a halt; although temporary, this loss to the city’s economy and employment had the potential to be devastating.

Local Juruá River Flood Relief

However, the Municipality of Cruzeiro do Sul has begun relief efforts to address the unfolding situation. The Cruzeiro do Sul State Civil Defense routinely switches to a high-alert cycle during months of heavy rain, which proactively includes April before the recent flood. In April 2026, the city provided disaster relief to flood victims in these key ways:

  • Coordinating evacuations for citizens in areas isolated by the flood.
  • Distributing clean water and fresh food to impacted communities cut off by recurrent flash flooding.
  • Launching humanitarian aid trucks to heavily impacted areas to distribute emergency supplies, laundry services and hot meals to affected families. These mobile services were coordinated by the Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA), a religious humanitarian aid organization, in partnership with the local government of Cruzeiro do Sul.

– Natalie Naylor

Natalie is based in Berkeley, CA, USA and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

, ,

Updates on Progress Against Child Marriage in Barbados

Number 16 candle on cake slice with party blower, against black background. Child Marriage in BarbadosGlobally, 12 million girls are married before the age of 18 each year. While international momentum to end the practice is growing, progress in the Caribbean has been slower. In Barbados, child marriage often takes forms that are less visible than formal ceremonies, making it more difficult to measure and address through legislation. Although Barbados has made recent strides in child protection reform, legal loopholes and informal unions continue to place girls at risk of educational disruption and economic hardship.

Child marriage and early unions can perpetuate cycles of poverty by interrupting girls’ education, limiting future employment opportunities and increasing the likelihood of early pregnancy and financial dependence. Despite Barbados’s reputation as a high-income Caribbean nation, poverty and inequality persist, making efforts to protect vulnerable girls an important part of promoting long-term economic opportunity.

Child Marriage in Barbados and Informal Unions

While the legal minimum age for marriage in Barbados is 18, individuals ages 16 and 17 may still marry with parental consent. Advocates have increasingly called for the removal of this exception.

However, child marriage in Barbados more commonly takes the form of informal unions known as “visiting relationships,” which involve social and sexual relationships without cohabitation. According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), child, early and forced marriage and unions in Barbados frequently occur through these arrangements, with more than 40% of girls ages 15 to 19 married or in a visiting relationship.

Although these unions are often informal, they can produce consequences similar to those of formal child marriage. Girls who enter unions at a young age are more likely to leave school, become financially dependent and experience health risks associated with adolescent pregnancy.

Data from Girls Not Brides illustrates the relationship between early unions and educational attainment. In Barbados, 22% of women who completed only primary school were married or in a union before age 18, compared with 13% of women who completed higher education. These findings suggest that early unions can limit educational opportunities and reduce future earning potential, reinforcing cycles of poverty.

Legislative Efforts Addressing Child Marriage in Barbados

One of the most significant developments in recent years has been Barbados’s introduction of the Child Protection Bill and the Child Justice Bill in 2023. Since February 2022, the government has renewed its commitment to addressing child abuse and strengthening protections for young people.

The Child Protection Bill broadens the legal definition of abuse and creates access to safe houses for children experiencing harm at home. These measures could provide important support for girls seeking to leave coercive relationships and other unsafe environments.

Parliamentary discussions surrounding the Child Justice Bill in 2024 also prompted calls from government backbencher and medical practitioner Dr. Sonia Browne to raise the age of consent to 18. Browne argued that existing legal gaps disproportionately affect girls ages 16 and 17, particularly when they seek reproductive health care. The debate signals growing recognition among policymakers that marriage laws, age-of-consent policies and child protection measures are closely connected to the well-being of adolescent girls.

International Support for Ending Child Marriage in Barbados

Barbados does not operate in isolation. The country ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990 and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1980. Both frameworks call for the protection of children’s rights and emphasize free and full consent to marriage.

In 2017, the U.N. Committee on the Rights of the Child formally recommended that Barbados amend its Family Law Act to remove the parental consent exception to the minimum marriage age. Barbados has also committed to ending child, early and forced marriage by 2030 in accordance with Sustainable Development Goal Target 5.3.

Civil society organizations such as Girls Not Brides continue to bring visibility to the issue and advocate for reform. Regional examples also demonstrate that change is possible. In 2017, Trinidad and Tobago fully prohibited marriage under age 18 after years of sustained advocacy efforts, illustrating that Caribbean countries can successfully implement stronger legal protections for children.

Looking Ahead

Recent child protection legislation and growing parliamentary discussion suggest that Barbados may be approaching a turning point in its efforts to address child marriage and early unions. Advocates argue that removing the parental consent exception could help more girls remain in school, delay early pregnancy and gain greater economic independence.

Although legal reforms remain unfinished, the framework for change is increasingly taking shape. Continued legislative action and advocacy could strengthen protections for vulnerable girls and help break cycles of poverty by expanding educational and economic opportunities for future generations in Barbados.

– Estelle Aubry

Estelle is based in Montreal, Quebec, Canada and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Magnific

, ,

Yemen’s Economic Recovery

Yemen's Economic RecoveryThe World Bank recently approved a new 5-year framework aimed at supporting Yemen’s economic recovery through investments in jobs, infrastructure and essential services. The plan comes after a decade of conflict that has severely damaged Yemen’s economy and infrastructure.

More Than a Decade of War

Civil war has affected Yemen for more than a decade as conflict between the Houthis and the internationally recognized government continues to drive one of the world’s worst humanitarian and economic crises.

Yemen’s economy has faced severe strain due to policy decisions on both sides, including the relocation of the Central Bank of Yemen from Sanaa to Aden and the printing of trillions of rials in new banknotes without sufficient foreign reserves. These actions have contributed to currency depreciation and rising inflation.

One of the country’s biggest challenges is the existence of two separate financial systems. In 2019, authorities in Sanaa stopped accepting government-issued banknotes, further dividing monetary policy between the two areas.

The collapse of oil exports and reduced foreign currency inflows further weakened government revenues, accelerating economic decline. Combined with disruptions to trade and infrastructure, these pressures deepened Yemen’s overall economic crisis.

The Human Cost of Conflict

Even before the war, Yemen had one of the highest malnutrition rates in the world and ranked among the most vulnerable countries in the Middle East. Nearly half of the population lived in poverty and lacked access to safe water.

Today, food insecurity affects 17 million people, while 18 million lack access to safe water and sanitation. Additionally, 80% of the population lives below the poverty line, while displacement remains widespread across the country. Women and children account for 80% of Yemen’s 4.5 million internally displaced people. Women and girls face heightened risks of gender-based violence, exploitation and early marriage as conflict and economic hardship place additional pressures on families.

Better Livelihoods and More Jobs Amid Fragility

In response to these challenges, the World Bank’s new framework aims to support Yemen’s long-term recovery through investments in health care, infrastructure, water access and economic development.

Under the theme “Better Livelihoods and More Jobs Amid Fragility,” the new Partnership Framework aims to improve nutrition, expand access to electricity and strengthen agriculture and fisheries businesses. The framework also seeks to increase women’s participation in the economy by expanding access to jobs, resources and economic opportunities.

To support these goals, the World Bank approved four projects focused on health care, water access, infrastructure and institutional development.

One of the largest investments targets health and water security. A $94 million health, nutrition and water and sanitation project will expand access to essential services for vulnerable populations, particularly women and children. The initiative will strengthen disease monitoring systems, improve health infrastructure and provide outpatient services to more than 6 million people.

Another $153.6 million project addresses Yemen’s ongoing water crisis by restoring irrigation systems, rehabilitating water infrastructure and introducing digital tools to manage water resources more efficiently. By 2030, the project aims to expand access to water, sanitation and hygiene services to 6.4 million people.

The framework also invests in urban infrastructure. A $21 million project will restore roads, electricity and water systems in selected cities, improving access to essential services for up to 1.75 million people.

In addition to rebuilding infrastructure, the World Bank plans to strengthen public institutions. A $20 million governance project will improve financial management and statistical systems, helping rebuild government capacity and support Yemen’s economic recovery.

Looking Ahead

While Yemen continues to face economic and humanitarian hardships, the new framework offers renewed support for a country working toward recovery. Stéphane Guimbert, World Bank Division Director for Egypt, Yemen and Djibouti, said Yemen’s future “has to be built now,” adding that the goal is to create real opportunities for Yemenis, especially women, while strengthening the institutions that will carry the country forward. Although recovery will take time, the framework aims to lay the foundation for a more stable future.

– Isabella Pedroza

Isabella is based in Salt Lake City, UT, USA and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels