Archive for category: Politics

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Women’s Political Power in the Solomon Islands

Women’s Political Power in the Solomon IslandsIn 46 years of independence, the Solomon Islands’ 50-seat national parliament has been home to exactly six women. Not six at a time. In total. The 2024 general election saw 20 women stand as candidates out of a field of 334. Just three won. One Honiara-based organization seeks to increase women’s political power in the Solomon Islands by teaching women the mechanics of the system directly, seat by seat, workshop by workshop. The goal is simple to state and hard to achieve: convert silence into ballots.

Empowering Women Politically

Vois Blong Mere Solomon (VBMS), led by Director Josephine Teakeni, has spent years running workshops aimed at closing the gender gap in parliament. Partnering with the government’s Civic Education Unit and United Nations (UN) Women, VBMS trains women in the fundamentals of democracy, governance and elections. This includes a practice parliament where dozens of women from across the country’s provinces gather in Honiara to role-play the institution most of them have never seen a woman sit in. Participants learn what it means to vote, engage with local government or one day stand as a candidate, giving them the knowledge to participate in political life on their own terms.

Beyond Women’s Political Power in the Solomon Islands

The stakes extend beyond representation alone. A 2025 World Bank report found that around 35% of Solomon Islanders were multidimensionally poor as of 2019, a rate higher than any other Pacific Island country. UN Women projects that by 2030, women and children will make up 69% of those living in extreme poverty in the country. Evidence shows that in developing countries, increases in female political representation have produced measurably better provision of public goods, particularly in education and health. In a country where poverty is both extreme and gendered, who sits in parliament is not an abstract question.

Structural and Cultural Barriers

VBMS works against structural and cultural barriers. The Solomon Islands uses a first-past-the-post electoral system, seen as one of the toughest formats for women to break into worldwide. A push for reserved parliamentary seats for women, one per province plus one for Honiara, was floated in 2008 but has never passed Cabinet and has stalled since.

Cost is another barrier. Campaigning in a country spread across more than 900 islands is expensive, and candidates without existing financial networks or party backing often struggle to reach voters. VBMS workshops address this by building a base of politically literate women who understand not just how to vote but how campaigns, funding and party structures work long before they need to use that knowledge.

Extending the Mission

The mission extends beyond formal politics. VBMS has also addressed gender-based violence, producing a video documentary “Breaking the Culture of Silence,” which gave women a public platform to speak about traditionally undiscussed experiences. VBMS has positioned itself as a bridge, connecting international frameworks like UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security to the realities of daily life in Solomon Islands communities.

VBMS’s approach reflects a broader theory of change taking hold in the Pacific: political representation cannot be legislated into existence from above if the underlying knowledge and confidence to participate are not first built from below. In a country where women have long been civically present but politically absent, teaching the mechanics of power may be the first real step toward sharing it.

– Alana Breslin

Alana is based in London, UK and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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The Cockroach Janta Party and Poverty in India

Cockroach Janta PartyThe Indian government has recently faced protests from the newly formed Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), a youth-led movement that started as an “online joke.”

When the chief justice of India, Surya Kant, stated that the nation’s “unemployed youth” were similar to “parasites” and “cockroaches,” Abhijeet Dipke, the founder, took to social media, writing, “What if all cockroaches come together?” Kant later said he had been misquoted and that his criticism targeted people using fraudulent credentials rather than young people generally.

Many people responded to the comment. The party’s Instagram page gained around 10 million followers within four days. The Cockroach Janta Party formed in May 2026.

India’s Youth Unemployment and Education System

Around 65% of India’s population is below 35 and about 40% of India’s graduates under 25 are unemployed – the urban youth unemployment rate is currently at 14%.

While high school and college enrollment has increased and gender and caste gaps have decreased, the last half decade has not generated salaried jobs in adequate numbers, meaning there are many young, educated people in the labor market but not enough jobs to support them. As the BBC notes, India has expanded education but has “not yet aligned these gains with the creation of productive, well-paying jobs.”

According to Generation India, high levels of youth unemployment can “lead to increased poverty, social unrest, and a greater burden on public resources.” The organization also describes a phenomenon called scarring, in which long periods of unemployment early in a person’s career make it harder to find work later and can lower lifetime earnings.

India’s education system is also extremely competitive. Over 2 million students sat for the 2026 National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET) – India’s medical exam, for only 130,000 places. Exam leakages required many students to re-take the grueling exams, and these leakages have been connected to dozens of suicide cases in the past few years. Leaks have affected other exams as well. The Cockroach Janta Party is now demanding accountability from the government for the leakages and has called for the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan.

Government Responses to CJP Protests

JP Nadda, the Health Minister, met with leaders of CJP on 20 July 2026. According to the spokesperson for CJP, Saurav Das, the “10-minute meeting with Nadda ended with” the commitment that the government would investigate the issue.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the current prime minister of India, called for creating a secure “public examination system”. According to Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, the government took action and arrested 13 people for the exam leakages. Modi also stated that the government had carried out re-examinations successfully.

According to Rijiju, the prime minister stated that everyone should collaborate to ensure that “strict steps are taken, those guilty are punished, and a foolproof system is created” to avoid compromising the future of young people. Some critics have alleged the movement may be linked to opposition parties, citing Dipke’s past association with the Aam Aadmi Party.

When a BBC reporter asked a woman in India why the leakage of the exams was “so upsetting,” she explained that it feels “brutal” when a student succeeds on one exam only to learn it is not the one being counted. The government says an improved, secure system could reduce stress for youth and prevent people from getting an unfair advantage from leakages.

Jobs and Poverty Reduction

The protests have advocated for reform and increased awareness of the significant problems young people in India face, from education to unemployment.

With a majority of India’s population at a young age, the government has an incentive to take action. If India’s government improves the job market after these protests, supporters say it could help lift people out of poverty.

India’s extreme poverty rate has decreased to 5.3% between 2022 and 2023; however, this could be further improved. According to the International Labour Organization, “gainful employment is still the most reliable way of escaping poverty.” Job creation gives people skills, dignity and long-term income while strengthening local economies, and expanding job opportunities and improving working conditions can help reduce poverty.

Looking Forward

The Cockroach Janta Party has advocated for youth unemployment, calling on the government to alleviate the issue, and if the government can improve the future of jobs in India for youth. It has the potential to lift many people out of poverty.

– Sahana Sundar

Sahana is based in Singapore and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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The Fight to End Child Marriage in Niger

Child marriage in NigerChild marriage in Niger has the highest rates in the world, with 76% of girls married before age 18 and 28% married before age 15. According to Girls Not Brides’ atlas, the percentage of girls married before 18 in central and western Africa is 32%, less than half of Niger’s rate. These numbers increase within rural and low-income communities and regions, such as the Maradi Region, where the child marriage rate is as high as 89%. Poverty often forces women to marry young, as they cannot rely on their own income. It also leads parents to marry off their daughters for financial gain.

Traditional and religious Nigerien values encourage high rates of child marriage by prioritizing marriage and childbearing over education and careers for women. These traditions often involve arranged marriages where young girls may not be aware of discussions, as well as polygamous marriages where men marry girls as additional wives to have someone younger, attractive and obedient.

What Needs to Change

Currently, the minimum marriage age for boys in Niger is 18. However, for girls, it is 15, making child marriage fully legal without exceptions. Under customary law, girls can marry even younger. While this is being revised so that children cannot marry under the legal age, leaders supporting religious and cultural traditions have slowed the process.

Beyond legal factors, child marriage is driven by high poverty and low education rates, especially for girls. In Niger, 44% of the population lives in extreme poverty, many of whom are children. Additionally, only 66% of Nigerien girls enroll in primary school, and a mere 17% complete secondary school.

Efforts to End Child Marriage

The Nigerien government has made multiple claims and demonstrations to show involvement in the fight to end child marriage. In 2017, President Issoufou Mahamadou stated that child marriage would no longer be tolerated, though a bill to raise the minimum age for girls is still under debate. Niger has committed to ending child marriage by 2030 as part of target 5.3 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and has co-sponsored two resolutions to end child marriage, one in 2015 and another at the 2018 United Nations (U.N.) General Assembly.

Niger is a focus country of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) Global Programme to Accelerate Action to End Child Marriage. The program has provided more than 19,500 girls with life-skills training, supported the education of 3,000 girls and educated more than 94,800 boys and girls on girls’ rights and gender equality. This training and education provide girls with knowledge on reproductive health and financial literacy, reducing reliance on parents or husbands.

Various charities, such as Girls Not Brides, also work against child marriage. The organization has 31 members working in Niger. The country is part of a Girls Not Brides national coalition advocating for better strategies and law implementation. Save the Children has also worked in the country since 2005 to end child marriage by alleviating poverty and food insecurity. Last year, it helped more than 490,000 children through health care, education, financial aid and protection from harm.

Looking Ahead

While child marriage in Niger may not end by 2030, having this and other resolutions in place shows increased awareness of the problem. With the help of UNICEF and various charities, child marriage may eventually become a thing of the past in the country.

– Ally Jones

Ally is based in Bethany, OK, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Efforts to Alleviate Roma Poverty in Spain

Roma Poverty in SpainSpain is home to 750,000 Roma people, who form the country’s largest ethnic minority. More than 80% of Spanish Roma live in poverty, making them one of the country’s most marginalized groups.

Due to centuries of discrimination and exclusion, Spain’s Roma population remains disadvantaged in education, employment, living conditions and health outcomes.

Though many challenges remain, the national government of Spain has made numerous efforts to alleviate poverty among Roma in Spain. Roma-led nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), such as the Fundación Secretariado Gitano, also work to achieve full social inclusion and equality for Roma people in Spain.

History of the Roma in Spain

The Roma are an ethnic group with origins in northwest India. Their presence in the Iberian Peninsula was first documented in 1425. Throughout their centuries-long history in Spain, Roma people have been continually marginalized, whether through social exclusion or forced assimilation.

The Spanish state enacted a series of decrees in the mid-16th century, forcing Roma people to abandon their traditional lifestyle, language, dress and trades. Thousands of Roma were incarcerated by the Spanish monarchy during the “Great Gypsy Round-Up” in 1749 and confined to forced labor or institutions. Spain’s Second Republic passed the Vagrancy and Delinquency Act in 1933. The Franco dictatorship later expanded that law and used it to systematically target Roma communities.

Current Challenges

Due to centuries of discrimination and marginalization, Roma communities are some of the most vulnerable in Spain. The European Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) reports that 80% of Roma people live in poverty, and 18% live in extreme poverty. The child poverty rate for Roma in Spain was 89% in 2022.

Structural poverty affects Roma communities due to a lack of protection of social and economic rights. Equal access to education and employment remains out of reach for many.

  • Education: A 63% failure rate for compulsory education among Roma youth was recorded in 2023, compared to 4% for the general population. This is partly caused by decades of exclusion and a resulting distrust of the school system. Schools also remain highly segregated, with most Roma children attending predominantly Roma schools.
  • Employment: The unemployment rate for the Roma population in Spain is 52%, over three times the national average, according to the Fundación Secretariado Gitano. This rate is even higher for Roma women, at 84%. Of those who are employed, most have unstable, unsalaried forms of work, such as street trading, seasonal agriculture and construction.
  • Housing: Many Roma live in impoverished neighborhoods outside of Spain’s major cities. Poor conditions, overcrowding and a constant threat of eviction are major issues there. A 2022 FRA report found that 64% of Roma in Spain live in inadequate housing, and most live in segregated, majority-Roma communities.
  • Health: Roma people in Spain have a life expectancy 10 years lower than the national average, due to discrimination in health care. A 2025 study published in the Journal of Racial and Ethnic Disparities also found higher rates of anxiety, depression and substance abuse among Roma people in Spain than in the general population.
  • Discrimination and Social Exclusion: Roma people in Spain continue to experience blatant forms of discrimination and “antigypsyism.” The Spanish national dictionary still defines the Spanish word for a Roma person, “Gitano,” as “swindler.” The persistence of harmful stereotypes and misinformation about Roma people perpetuates harmful attitudes toward Roma communities in Spain.

National Efforts for Roma Inclusion

The Spanish national government has made great strides toward Roma inclusion over the past quarter-century. Spain instituted the State Council of the Roma People in 2005, an advisory body that facilitates collaboration between Roma organizations and state officials to promote equal opportunities for Roma people.

The Spanish government formed the Institute of Roma Culture in 2007 to promote and recognize Roma contributions to the country’s culture and history. The 2012-20 National Strategy for the Social Inclusion of Roma followed. It was the first long-term policy instituted by the Spanish state to address the inequalities faced by Roma people in Spain, and it achieved moderate success.

The National Strategy for Roma Equality, Inclusion and Participation 2021-30 builds upon those earlier efforts to promote equality and alleviate poverty. It includes programs aimed at specific goals: eradicating illiteracy among Roma populations, reducing job insecurity and promoting knowledge of Roma history and culture.

The Fundación Secretariado Gitano

The Fundación Secretariado Gitano (FSG) is an NGO based in Madrid. It works to alleviate poverty and defend the rights of Roma people in Spain. Through its Promociona Program, FSG provides support and guidance to 5,000 Roma students each year. In 2024, 90% of Promociona participants who graduated from secondary school went on to pursue post-compulsory studies.

FSG’s Acceder vocational training program facilitates Roma integration into the labor market. In 2024, 4,544 Roma people found a job with the support of Acceder. Also in 2024, FSG assisted 1,888 families in accessing decent housing. FSG additionally handles anti-Roma discrimination cases. Its Calí Program for the Equality of Roma Women promotes gender equality and combats gender-based violence.

Looking Ahead

Spain marks the 600-year anniversary of the arrival of Roma people this year. The national government declared 2025 the Year of the Roma in Spain to celebrate that legacy and acknowledge the injustices Roma communities have faced. This sentiment offers hope for the empowerment of Roma communities following centuries of exclusion.

– India Kaz

India is based in Seattle, WA, USA and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Palestine Solidarity Campaign Making a Difference

Palestine Solidarity CampaignMore than 70,000 Palestinians have died in Gaza alone since 2023, the majority of them civilians. For more than eight decades, conflict has persisted over the Palestinian territory; however, the situation drastically escalated in 2023 after a Hamas attack on Israel. In addition, Israel has established a blockade around Palestine, severely limiting access to food, water and humanitarian aid. Continued warfare has also cost the lives of countless Palestinian children; every hour, a Palestinian child loses their life. The vast scale of the conflict is overwhelming, and in the West, many feel helpless. Yet, organizations such as the Palestine Solidarity Campaign are providing avenues for British civilians to contribute toward ending the conflict.

Palestine Solidarity Campaign

Established in 1982, Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC) is Britain’s largest Palestinian rights group, with nearly 70 branches across the United Kingdom (U.K.). According to PSC, it identifies as “not a charity but a political campaign” and advocates to end the violence in Palestine and restore human rights to its people. Supported by donations, the group lobbies MPs, challenges bills in Parliament and organizes large protests and meetings. Donations also help the group function as a business, as it was incorporated in 2004. Public donations fund its staff, office, technology and equipment, which are vital to the group’s work. However, PSC does not accept donations from political parties, governments or businesses.

Buy for Palestine

PSC members devote their time to advocacy; however, the group acknowledges that the average citizen may not have the time, experience or resources to volunteer. Therefore, PSC offers a quick and easy way to support their campaign via their website shop. With a minimum price of £2.50, there is a wide variety of items to choose from.

Many of the available accessories display a watermelon symbolizing Palestine, as it contains the colors of the Palestinian flag: black, red and green. All profit from purchasing one of these items goes directly to PSC and funds its advocacy campaign.

PSC also sells a type of scarf known as a keffiyeh. While these scarves are a Palestinian custom, due to the conflict they are now largely manufactured in India and China. PSC supports the Hirbawi family, a Palestinian family that makes and sells keffiyehs, and their products are available via the PSC shop, creating a way for people not actively involved in advocacy to support Palestinian lives during this difficult time.

What Difference Does a Donation Make?

Forty-four years of advocacy conducted by PSC has resulted in significant change toward a better future for Palestinians, such as successfully getting the U.K. to acknowledge Palestine. PSC contributed to this change by sending approximately 57,000 emails to MPs urging support. This resulted in the U.K.’s most attended backbench vote of all time in 2014, and PSC continues to strive for more.

As part of the multi-civil-society movement Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions, which began in 2005 and is also referred to as the “Don’t Buy Apartheid” movement, PSC helped convince Britain’s seventh-largest retailer, John Lewis, to discontinue the sale of SodaStream, a product PSC said was manufactured in “illegal Israeli settlements.” This boycott limits the financial support Israel receives from the U.K. that could potentially fund more warfare against Palestinian civilians.

This movement was also responsible for PSC’s successful campaign to remove Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation’s (HSBC’s) investment in Elbit Systems, the biggest provider of weapons in Israel, in 2018. Additionally, PSC organized a protest against violence in Palestine with nearly 150,000 people in attendance and made Palestine the most prominent diplomatic concern during the 2015 general election by sending more than 36,000 awareness emails to members of Parliament and receiving more than 1,000 replies.

Conclusion

PSC has shown determination, education and devotion to make a difference. Its online shop offers the average British citizen another way to support the campaign.

– Lisa Jane Bryant

Lisa is based in Glasgow, Scotland and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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The End of the UN Türkiye-Syria Aid Route

UN Türkiye-Syria aid routeThe United Nations (U.N.) announced on May 4, 2026, that it would end its cross-border aid route from Türkiye into Syria after 11 years. The U.N. Türkiye-Syria route delivered over 65,000 trucks of aid from July 2014, making it “one of the largest and most complex humanitarian supply chains,” according to U.N. spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric.

This marks what the U.N. has described as a sign of recovery for Syria following 14 years of conflict that damaged one-third of the country’s pre-conflict gross capital stock. The aid corridor supported a Syrian population where one in four are in extreme poverty, and two-thirds are below the lower middle-income poverty line. Its closure raises questions about what impact it will have, and what it signals about poverty in Syria overall.

Why Was the UN Türkiye-Syria Aid Route Needed?

Under U.N. Security Council Resolution 2165, the U.N. created the Türkiye-Syria corridor as an emergency bypass after civil war damaged infrastructure and shifted front lines. The Syrian conflict had devastating civilian consequences, costing almost half a million lives and displacing around half of the pre-war population. Despite the fall of the Assad regime in December 2024 triggering millions of displaced Syrians to return, the Türkiye-Syria earthquake in 2023, which killed almost 11,000 Syrians, had already deepened the country’s humanitarian crisis. The disaster reaffirmed the need for the aid route, particularly because it predominantly affected the northwestern region of the country, where the corridor operated. The route existed largely because of the destruction of people’s livelihoods, which thrust most of the population into poverty with little to no sustainable income in a volatile environment. The poverty rate increased almost threefold, from 33% to 90%.

Why Did the Aid Route Close?

With the end of the Assad regime, the international community eased sanctions, facilitating a reopening of border crossings to commercial traffic and regular supply routes. Türkiye has proposed to strengthen and modernize the border crossing with Syria to stabilize trade. The U.N. said the need for an emergency bypass is no longer necessary, since humanitarian aid should now be able to reach those in need through regular, stable trade routes — something U.N. officials have called a positive sign for Syria’s recovery. However, the U.N. has also made clear that poverty in Syria remains a significant issue, with humanitarian need remaining very high due to extensive infrastructural damage. Up to 13 million people still require food and clean water assistance.

The State of Syria Without the Aid Route

The closure of the aid route reflects a shift the U.N. and other observers have described as promising for the establishment of normal trade routes and, by extension, the country’s broader recovery. As trade becomes more stable, the country could begin to economically recover, invest in rebuilding infrastructure and create job opportunities, potentially helping to alleviate high poverty rates. Inflation fell to 11.5% in 2025 from 72% in 2024, and the Syrian government posted its first budget surplus since 1990 at the end of last year. While poverty rates remain high, these macroeconomic indicators suggest a trend that could ease pressure on low-income families and, over time, help generate jobs. Humanitarian aid is still reaching Syria, now through normal trade routes, allowing civilians to continue receiving assistance in the aftermath of conflict.

Overall, the closure of the U.N. Türkiye-Syria aid route marks a step toward the more stable establishment of the country’s trade routes and commercial border crossings. However, poverty remains widespread and continues to affect most civilians, a consequence of the displacement and infrastructure damage caused by 14 years of conflict. Humanitarian need in Syria remains urgent, but by ending its emergency measures, the international community is aiming to establish more long-term and stable arrangements while continuing to assist those in need.

– Amy Carpenter

Amy is based in Poole, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Reducing Poverty in West Bengal: Policy and Progress

poverty in West BengalWest Bengal is a state located in the eastern part of India. Its population is estimated to be between 100 and 106 million, making it the state with the fourth highest population in all of India. West Bengal has historically had very high poverty rates. However, the number of people suffering has greatly reduced in the last few years. The poverty rate was 27% by 1999, which was already trending downward from previous years. This trend continued, dropping to 20% by 2012, and a further six (6) points to 14% in 2018. The trend of reducing poverty in West Bengal has mainly been due to social policy introduced from the late 1970s onward, along with the creation of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).

Reducing Poverty in West Bengal

As with most places, rural areas have suffered the most from poverty in India. In 1973, 73% of West Bengal’s rural population was considered below the poverty line. A large number of farmers in the region work as sharecroppers; they rent land from landowners in exchange for up to half their crops. Many saw this as unfair, and it meant they were deprived.

In 1978, the left-wing government at the time, known as the Left Front Government, implemented Operation Barga. The policy set out four main goals: security for farmers, fair distribution of land, reducing exploitation and better farming and productivity. It achieved these goals by making sure the farmers were officially recorded, limiting the reach of powerful landowners, protecting farmers from high rents and limiting their dependency on landlords. This initiative was a big factor in reducing rural poverty in West Bengal, with it dropping from 73% to 31% from 1973 to 1999. It also helped increase output, with the farmers having a greater incentive to work and produce. Under the new laws, they could keep three-quarters of their crop and were protected from evictions as long as they provided the other quarter.

Food and Housing

Recent social policies guaranteeing food and housing have yielded positive results in West Bengal.

On Jan. 27, 2016, Khadya Sathi was a policy implemented by the Food and Supplies Department, intending to reduce food insecurity in the region. It benefits about 90% of West Bengal’s population. It ensures food security for 85 million (8.59 crore) people. Those belonging to disadvantaged sections of society, about 72 million people, receive a portion of wheat and rice, while the less disadvantaged, about 14 million people, can access food grains at half the market price.

In relation to housing, in 2018, the Bangla Awaas Yojana scheme was inaugurated by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. It was implemented in an attempt to provide housing to poorer areas both in urban and rural regions. Its objectives included providing housing for all, reducing poverty and promoting social equity. The Socio-Economic Caste Census determines who the beneficiaries are. There is a special preference for people with disabilities, seniors and women-headed households. It can manifest through financial assistance to construct or upgrade homes or focus on building environmentally sustainable and disaster-resistant homes.

NGOs

As important as government programs have been in reducing poverty in West Bengal, NGOs are also playing an essential role. Over the past few years, the role of charitable organizations has grown significantly. There is an array of NGOs that focus on sectors like education, health care and economic disparity. Nabatara Foundation – Save The Soul is one that makes it its goal to restore dignity to people in West Bengal. It covers a range of areas, including elder care, orphanage care, community development and women’s empowerment. Its food distribution program is especially effective. While partnering with donors, local businesses and volunteers, the Nabatara Foundation has served more than 1.2 million meals across West Bengal.

Conclusion

Reducing poverty in West Bengal has been a long and laborious process achieved through worker-centered social policy and NGOs like the Nabatara Foundation with compassion and dignity as their stated compass. The poverty rate is now approximately 8%, but as with all major policies, it has not been perfect, and the rate of poverty is still high for some in the region. However, the percentage of people under the poverty line continues to trend downward in West Bengal.

– Oisín Downes

Oisín is based in Galway, Ireland and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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Response to the US Embargo on Cuba

Response to the US Embargo on CubaWhen people think of Cuba, they often imagine the cool vintage cars seen driving around Havana. A closer look reveals a long history of sanctions and poverty.

The History of US Sanctions on Cuba

The United States (U.S.) has a long history of sanctioning and embargoing Cuba, starting with an embargo on Cuban sugar imports implemented by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1960. Historically, the sanctions aimed to push Cuba toward a free market-based capitalist economy, among other reasons.

President Donald Trump, in his second term, increased the severity of these sanctions. According to the U.S. government, Cuba is a threat to U.S. foreign policy and national security, and the Cuban government is “repugnant to the moral and political values of free and democratic societies.” U.S. officials have framed the sanctions as a pressure campaign intended to push political change in Cuba, citing the government’s human rights record and its historical seizure of U.S.-owned assets. Critics of the sanctions, including U.N. officials and international observers, argue that the measures amount to collective punishment that falls hardest on ordinary Cubans rather than the government itself.

Effect of the Recent Blockade on Poverty

Cuba has dealt with a high level of poverty for a long time. Many argue that this is due to socialist policy, while others point to the sanctions and embargoes through the years as the main cause. Even before the recent embargo, a study by Observatorio Cubano de Derechos Humanos at the end of 2025 revealed that 89% of Cubans were living in poverty. Twelve percent of the population could not afford medical supplies, even before the recent blockade, and 13% could not access them due to shortages.

On Jan. 29, 2026, the U.S. established a mechanism to impose additional tariffs on imports from nations that provide oil to Cuba. The U.S. has seized almost all oil tankers headed for Cuba since the blockade began. Only one, sent by Russia, reached Cuba. This oil blockade has further strained the country’s energy supply and overall poverty levels.

The lack of fuel means that major buildings such as hospitals struggle to function due to blackouts. According to the U.N., more than 100,000 people are awaiting surgery, including 11,000 children. Pregnant women are among the most at risk, with more than 32,000 struggling to access transportation and diagnostics. A stable supply of electricity is vital for lifesaving equipment in neonatal units.

Furthermore, these blackouts cause more than 3.1 million Cubans to face interruptions to their water supply. The water system operates with only 37% of the required fuel. Many residents get their supply from tanker trucks, which need fuel. With the shortage, people wait days for their water to arrive. Low-income communities, children, and the elderly are the most affected by the shortage.

International Response to the US Embargo of Cuba

Global actions reflect the international community’s evolving response to the U.S. embargo on Cuba. The most notable effort is the Nuestra América convoy that set off from Mexico to Cuba at the end of March 2026. This convoy comprised multiple boats traveling to Cuba with essential humanitarian aid and medical supplies. They brought medical supplies to one of Cuba’s most important hospitals, Hermanos Ameijeiras. They partnered with members of the LGBTQ community and distributed essential aid accordingly. To address the food shortage, food was delivered to families in Parque Maceo. This convoy was one of the most prominent aid deliveries of 2026.

A notable participant was streamer Hasan Piker, who served as a figurehead for the convoy, bringing significant attention to the cause and international sympathy. He has since been subpoenaed by the U.S. government in connection with an investigation into possible sanctions violations. Piker’s supporters have characterized the subpoena as retaliatory, while U.S. officials have not publicly detailed the basis for the investigation; the matter remains unresolved.

Providing humanitarian aid has not been the only form of resistance outside of Cuba. In Ireland, multiple groups have organized protests and campaigns against the actions of the U.S.

Since February 2026, pro-Cuban organizations have marched or held talks about the effects of the embargo. A pro-Cuba bloc joined forces with a pro-Palestine protest at the Garden of Remembrance in County Dublin. The Communist Party of Dublin distributed pamphlets demanding an end to the “illegal U.S. blockade of Cuba.”

Other resistance groups such as Libres Éire and the Workers Party of Ireland have also held similar demonstrations. These protests have pushed some members of the Irish government to speak out on the matter. A Sinn Féin Teachta Dála (member of parliament) called on the government to speak out against the actions of the U.S., after the Department of Foreign Affairs warned citizens not to visit Cuba due to safety concerns.

Local Response to the US Embargo of Cuba

The recent surge in poverty-related issues is prompting locals to find creative ways to alleviate the effects. One outcome of the fuel shortage is trash buildup. With state-run garbage trucks out of commission due to the lack of fuel, rubbish has started to accumulate across Havana. This has attracted rats, flies, and a general stench. Health officials worry about disease-carrying insects becoming a concern with rising summer heat and rain.

The buildup has urged locals to clean up neighborhoods themselves. One initiative is El Batazo. Some members sweep the streets, while a collector rings a bell twice daily to indicate to people to pick up household rubbish. Aluminum, glass, and other recyclable raw materials are sold. To help feed livestock, food scraps are repurposed, and remaining rubbish is put in a container for later transport to a landfill. Although initiatives like this are helping solve the problem, the health concerns due to the buildup remain a worry.

Looking Ahead

The humanitarian toll on ordinary Cubans has drawn growing international attention, driven in part by efforts like the Nuestra América convoy, which brought Hasan Piker’s large online following to the story, and by protests such as those in Ireland calling on governments to speak out. Local initiatives like El Batazo illustrate how communities are adapting to shortages in the meantime. Whether these pressures shift U.S. or Cuban government policy remains to be seen, but they underscore how deeply the standoff continues to affect daily life on the island.

– Oisín Downes

Oisín is based in Galway, Ireland and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Alleviating Poverty Through Criminal Justice Reform in Uganda

Criminal Justice Reform in UgandaFor many low-income households, a single encounter with the legal system can be a financially destructive force. While often viewed through a human rights lens, criminal justice reform in Uganda is a critical component of national poverty alleviation. By trapping vulnerable citizens in cycles of debt and removing primary earners from the workforce, the current justice system unintentionally bars economic mobility.

The Poverty Trap

According to the World Prison Brief, 79,698 people are imprisoned in Uganda. Approximately 46% are pre-trial detainees, revealing a massive hidden tax on the nation’s poorest families. If an individual cannot afford legal representation or bail, they are held in pre-trial detention for months, or even years. If the individual is a primary wage earner, their dependents then lose their primary income, guiding them further into poverty.

The financial instability of the poor is exacerbated by the application of Section 40 of the Civil Procedure Act. While the law intends for civil imprisonment to be a last resort for those who have the money but refuse to pay, in practice, lower courts often jail people simply for being unable to pay their debts. This policy carries a paradox: an individual cannot work because they do not have the means to pay, but they are unable to make money due to the inability to work. This ensures that the debt is never repaid, and the individual is trapped in a cycle of poverty. The Uganda Prisons Service reported that civil debtors increased by 13.3% in July 2025, rising from 581 to 658. Chapter Four Uganda claims this rushed sentencing violates international law and strengthens cycles of poverty.

Penal Reform International

Fortunately, Penal Reform International (PRI) is a non-governmental organization working tirelessly to enact criminal justice reform in Uganda. The group was founded in 1989 by a collection of London-based human rights activists, all outraged about the growing popularity of the death penalty and systemic discrimination. Since its inception, PRI has impacted more than 90 countries and notably collaborated with the U.N. to create the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, otherwise known as the Nelson Mandela Rules. The organization utilizes global advocacy and local cooperation to dismantle unequal prison structures like cash bail that trap low-income households into inescapable cycles of poverty.

In 2024, PRI’s initiatives directly protected the economic stability of thousands:

  • Alternatives to Imprisonment: By negotiating non-custodial sentences for 289 individuals, PRI kept those citizens in the workforce and allowed them to continue supporting their families and contributing to the local economy.
  • Professional Training: Through mediation training for 98 police officers and 81 prosecutors, PRI actively encourages officials to utilize non-custodial alternatives that keep individuals as part of the community and not behind bars.

Incarcerated Women in Uganda

The economic impact of the justice system is disproportionately felt by women. Research by PRI in 2015 showed that 76% of female prisoners in Uganda identify as poor, and 32% never received formal education.

A common barrier to rehabilitation is a lack of employable skills; thus, PRI offers vocational training to foster financial independence post-release. In 2024, 45 women at Fort Portal Women’s Prison participated in carpentry and culinary arts classes to build valuable experience. Moreover, entrepreneurship training was offered to women in Jinja Prison, a newly innovative kind of criminal justice reform. Start-up packs, which contained seed funding, were handed out to participants who would soon return home. In total, 101 women have received entrepreneurship training and start-up packs since the program’s inception in 2021. In 2024, 60% of participants received formal business certification. Penal Reform International has demonstrated that when the justice system prioritizes rehabilitation over incarceration, it can create building blocks for a sustainable, poverty-free future.

Looking Ahead

These initiatives foster hope for the future of criminal justice reform. By equipping individuals with alternatives to incarceration and employable skills, Penal Reform International directly tackles the root causes of poverty. The tangible results of these efforts, which affect hundreds of lives, demonstrate a reformed criminal justice system that can encourage economic empowerment. In this way, the building blocks for a sustainable future have been placed for countless people across Uganda.

– Julia Sanders

Julia is based in Fitchburg, WI, USA and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Indigenous Political Representation and Poverty in Bolivia

A Bolivian Indigenous leader speaking at a political gathering, highlighting Indigenous political representation. Poverty in BoliviaIndigenous peoples make up roughly half of Bolivia’s population, yet for generations they remained largely excluded from the political decisions that shaped their lives. Over the past two decades, constitutional reforms have expanded Indigenous political representation in Bolivia, giving Indigenous communities a greater voice in government and helping shape policies affecting land rights, education, health care and poverty reduction.

Electoral Quotas in Bolivia

Electoral quotas are most commonly associated with increasing women’s political participation. However, some countries have also used electoral reforms to improve the representation of Indigenous peoples. Bolivia is a prime example. Although Indigenous peoples make up around half of the population in Bolivia, they have historically faced political exclusion, discrimination and disproportionately high poverty rates.

While political representation alone cannot eliminate poverty, Bolivia’s reforms have helped create more inclusive institutions that support Indigenous communities. Alongside the efforts of organizations such as the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) and development partners like the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), these reforms have contributed to stronger land rights, expanded public services and greater opportunities for Indigenous communities to participate in decisions that affect their futures.

Poverty in Bolivia

Although Indigenous peoples make up a significant share of Bolivia’s population, they have historically experienced higher levels of poverty than the national average. According to the World Bank, rural areas where Indigenous populations are disproportionately concentrated recorded a moderate poverty rate of 77.3% and an extreme poverty rate of 63.9% in 2007. These communities have also faced longstanding barriers to accessing quality education, health care and other public services.

Indigenous political representation in Bolivia can help address these disparities by giving Indigenous communities a stronger voice in decisions affecting their livelihoods. This can contribute to policies that expand public services, strengthen land rights and improve economic opportunities. More inclusive political institutions can support policies that expand access to public services, protect land rights and promote economic opportunities in historically marginalized communities.

Electoral Reform and Indigenous Representation

Bolivia’s political landscape changed significantly in 2005 with the election of Evo Morales, the country’s first Indigenous president. His administration introduced constitutional reforms that strengthened Indigenous political representation in Bolivia.

The 2009 Constitution redefined Bolivia as a Plurinational State, formally recognizing the country’s many Indigenous nations and guaranteeing their participation in political institutions. The Constitution also recognizes Indigenous forms of self-government and established special Indigenous electoral districts that reserve seats for Indigenous representatives in the national legislature. These measures complement Bolivia’s gender quota system, making it one of the few countries to promote representation based on both gender and Indigenous identity.

Why Representation Matters

Indigenous political representation in Bolivia has helped bring issues affecting Indigenous communities onto the political agenda. Bolivia reserves seven special Indigenous electoral districts in the national legislature, and the ninth officially recognized Indigenous autonomous government was recently created for Challa. Since these reforms, governments have expanded recognition of Indigenous territories and strengthened collective land rights, giving many communities greater control over their traditional lands.

Bolivia has also promoted intercultural bilingual education, allowing Indigenous students to receive instruction in both Spanish and their native languages while incorporating Indigenous cultures and knowledge into the curriculum. These policies aim to improve educational outcomes while protecting Indigenous identity.

Organizations have also helped translate these political reforms into practical improvements. IWGIA has worked alongside Indigenous communities to strengthen territorial rights and support Indigenous self-governance, while UNDP has partnered with Bolivian institutions to promote inclusive democratic participation and strengthen local governance. Together, these efforts help Indigenous communities turn increased political representation into lasting social and economic gains.

Continuing Challenges

Despite significant progress, challenges remain. Indigenous communities continue to experience higher poverty rates than many urban populations, and political representation does not always translate into equal economic outcomes. One example is the ongoing debate over natural resource extraction in Indigenous territories. In Bolivia, conflicts over mining, oil and gas development have raised concerns among Indigenous communities about environmental protection, consultation rights and control over ancestral lands. Although resource projects can generate government revenue and economic opportunities, Indigenous organizations have argued that communities must have a voice in decisions affecting their territories.

Looking Ahead

Political representation is not solely about gaining seats in government but also about ensuring Indigenous voices influence economic and environmental policies. Continued efforts to strengthen Indigenous consultation processes, support community-led development and invest in education and land rights can help balance economic growth with Indigenous self-determination. Even so, Bolivia’s experience demonstrates that expanding Indigenous political representation can be an important step toward reducing poverty and inequality. By combining inclusive political institutions with continued investment in education, Bolivia is enabling historically marginalized communities to play a central role in shaping policies that improve livelihoods and create more equitable opportunities for future generations.

– Anna Morin

Anna is based in Fairfield, CT, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr