Archive for category: Politics

, ,

How Political Isolation in Bahrain Affects Economic Opportunity

Political Isolation in Bahrain
Political restrictions can dictate more than who appears on a ballot. Human Rights Watch reports that political isolation in Bahrain extends beyond elections into civil society and that separate good conduct certificate practices can also affect access to education and employment. In 2018, Bahrain implemented new laws that restrict former members of opposition groups and certain other select individuals from serving on the boards of civil organizations or running for parliament.

Human Rights Watch has documented delays and denials of good conduct certificates among some former opposition members and prisoners. Human Rights Watch has additionally reported that these certificates can be required for employment and university admission. In the absence of official government data, Bahraini civil society groups have used membership lists from dissolved political societies to estimate that 6,000 to 11,000 Bahrainis may be subject to political and civil restrictions. Together, these political and administrative restrictions can affect access to civic participation, education, employment and economic opportunity for some individuals.

Bahrain’s Political Isolation Laws

The 2018 political isolation framework followed the court-ordered dissolution of two major political opposition societies, Al-Wifaq in 2016 and Wa’ad in 2017. In June 2018, Bahrain enacted Law 25/2018, limiting eligibility to run for the Council of Representatives. The law affects multiple groups, including the leaders and members of political societies the government dissolved, people with specific criminal convictions and individuals whom authorities consider responsible for disrupting constitutional or parliamentary life. Bahraini lawyers and civil society groups have interpreted this grouping to include former lawmakers and other individuals who have either resigned or boycotted their elected posts in protest. The U.S. State Department stated that such restrictions on former members of banned political groups limited political participation, while Bahrain has continued to maintain an elected lower legislative chamber and an appointed upper chamber.

In August 2018, Bahrain enacted Law 36/2018, extending eligibility requirements beyond elections to the boards of associations. The law amended Bahrain’s associations framework to require board members to possess full civil and political rights. As a consequence, individuals deprived of full civil and political rights can also be barred from leadership positions in civil society organizations. Human Rights Watch reported that authorities prevented three nominees from joining the Bahrain Human Rights Society’s board in 2022 because of their previous affiliations with Wa’ad. This demonstrates that these restrictions reach organizations operating separately from formal electoral politics and may further limit participation in civic institutions.

Economic Consequences of Political Isolation

A more direct link between political isolation in Bahrain and economic opportunity appears in Human Rights Watch’s reporting on Good Conduct Certificates. Bahrain’s Ministry of Interior handles these documents through the General Directorate of Crime Detection and Forensic Evidence. Human Rights Watch reports that Good Conduct Certificates may be required for employment, starting a business, university admission and membership in social and cultural organizations. The organization documented former opposition figures and former prisoners facing lengthy delays and denials. In one specific case, a former opposition member said he could not accept a position as head of a school because government authorities did not issue the mandated certificate. This documented example shows how a certificate delay or denial can create a direct employment barrier for an affected individual.

The certificate issue overlaps with the 2018 political isolation laws but remains legally distinct from them. The 2018 laws do not themselves deny Good Conduct Certificates to opposition members. Instead, Human Rights Watch has documented certificate delays and denials as a separate issue affecting some of these same politically marginalized communities. For individuals whose employment, education or business activities require the certificate, delays or outright denials can restrict access to jobs, education, and other income-generating opportunities. For affected households, those barriers can make it harder to maintain a stable income.

Recent Steps Toward Reintegration

Recent government measures have expanded prisoner-release and reintegration programs. On April 8, 2024, King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa issued a royal pardon for 1,584 prisoners, including some who were convicted on charges related to earlier protests. Reuters reported that around 65% of the released prisoners had riot-related convictions. Separately, Bahrain has also used an alternative-sentencing program that allows select eligible prisoners to finish their sentences through the completion of community service, rehabilitation courses and electronic monitoring. By April 2024, Bahrain’s government reported that nearly 6,500 prisoners had benefited from the alternative sentencing program since its introduction in 2017.

Bahrain’s Open Prison program provides a more direct example of reintegration tied to economic opportunity. According to the U.S. State Department’s 2023 human rights report, the initiative opened in December 2022 and allowed 48 prisoners to reunite with their families while continuing to serve their sentences in a new facility. In 2023, 13 prisoners entered alternative programs and obtained full-time private-sector employment through an agreement between the Ministry of Interior and INJAZ Bahrain. The 2023 agreement was designed to provide training in employment, financial literacy, entrepreneurship, and other practical skills intended to support participants’ reintegration into the workforce and civil society.

By December 2024, Bahraini officials reported a 97.5% rehabilitation and reintegration rate and stated that more than 7,600 families had benefitted from the alternative-sentencing and Open Prison Programs. Officials also highlighted partnerships with Gulf University and Applied Science University to provide full and partial scholarships to program beneficiaries.

Political Participation and Economic Inclusion

Political isolation in Bahrain remains in place while the government has separately expanded pardons, alternative sentencing programs and the Open Prison Program. On March 27, 2025, King Hamad granted amnesty to 630 inmates, according to Human Rights Watch’s 2026 World Report, following a series of pardons in 2024. The pardons and reintegration programs operate through mechanisms separate from the 2018 political isolation laws and the Good Conduct Certificate practices. At the same time, the 2018 political isolation laws remain in force. Whether that reintegration translates into broader access to education, employment and civic participation will dictate how far these efforts extend beyond prison walls.

– Elias Haskins

Elias is based in Claremont, CA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

,

Poverty Reduction in Italy

Poverty Reduction in ItalyMal comune, mezzo gaudio; an Italian phrase that encourages people to share a burden, making hardship easier to bear. The idea is relevant to poverty reduction in Italy and the government’s continuing efforts to address significant differences between regions and household types. In 2025, 22.6% of Italy’s population was at risk of poverty or social exclusion, down from 23.1% in 2024. Italy’s National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT) assessment includes people who are at risk of poverty, experiencing severe material and social deprivation, or living in households with few employed individuals. The figures point to some improvement, but the situation is more complex. Nearly one in five Italians are living below the poverty line.

Poverty Remains Uneven Across the Country

The national picture does not reflect the substantial regional differences in Italy. In 2025, the South and Islands had the highest rate of risk of poverty or social exclusion at 38.4%, compared with 11.3% in the Northeast. This gap reflects wider differences in household incomes and employment conditions across the country. ISTAT reported a median household income of €37,086 in the Northeast in 2024, compared with the South, where the figure was 29% lower (est. €26,331 per household).

Household structure also matters. In 2025, the risk of poverty or social exclusion was 31.6% for single-parent households and 30.6% for couples with three or more children. In comparison, 16% of couples without children whose reference person was under 65 were at risk—nearly half of the other two groups. Households relying mainly on pensions or public transfers also faced a relatively high risk, at 32.6%, while the figure was 14.3% for households whose main source of income was dependent employment.

These differences help explain why poverty cannot be understood only as a national average: family responsibilities, access to work and the main source of household income all shape exposure to economic hardship. For this reason, poverty reduction in Italy focuses attention to the different circumstances of households and regions rather than relying only on national figures.

The pattern is also visible in ISTAT’s measure of absolute poverty. In 2024, more than 5.7 million people, or 9.8% of Italy’s population, were living in absolute poverty. ISTAT measures absolute poverty by comparing household consumption with a threshold based on the cost of a basket of essential goods and services. This threshold varies according to household size, composition, region and municipality size. ISTAT results indicated that absolute poverty was particularly high among larger households: 21.2% of households with five or more members were affected, rising to 19.4% among couples with three or more minor children. Single-parent households recorded 11.8%.

How Italy Has Expanded Social Support

Italy has introduced several measures to support households facing financial hardship in recent years. One of the main ones is the introduction of the Assegno di Inclusione (ADI) in 2024, a national income support scheme for low-income households that include a person with:

  • A disability
  • Someone aged 60 or over
  • A minor
  • Someone in a protected-care situation

ADI provides financial support to eligible families and can also include help with rent. In simple terms, it is designed to give extra financial support to households that are most vulnerable to poverty.

Changes to the Equivalent Economic Situation Indicator (ISEE) were introduced on Jan. 1, 2026. These changes have altered how some households are assessed for welfare benefits. The new rules allow families to exclude a larger portion from their owner-occupied home when their economic situation is assessed, with a higher allowance in metropolitan areas. They also provide an additional adjustment for families with children. This means that some lower-income and vulnerable households may have a better chance of qualifying for support, even if they own their home.

These measures cannot solve Italy’s wider regional and household inequalities on their own, but they are an important part of poverty reduction in Italy. They help reduce financial pressure on vulnerable families while other factors, such as employment, housing, childcare and access to services, continue to shape people’s economic security.

Looking Ahead

Italy’s recent poverty data show an improvement in the overall share of people at risk of poverty or social exclusion, but the national figure does not highlight differences based on region, household or personal circumstances. The South and Islands continue to record much higher levels than northern regions, while single-parent families, larger families and households relying mainly on pensions or public transfers remain more exposed to poverty or social exclusion.

For Italy, reducing poverty involves more than increasing household income. The challenge is also to improve access to stable employment and services and to ensure that social support measures reach households whose needs are greatest. The future of poverty reduction in Italy will therefore depend not only on reducing the national poverty rate, but also on addressing the regional and household inequalities behind it. Measures such as ADI and the revised ISEE rules are part of this wider effort to improve economic security for the groups and regions that remain most vulnerable.

– James Moretti

James is based in the UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

, ,

The Taliban and the Afghan People: Oppression and Poverty

Taliban and the Afghan PeopleFive years ago, the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan, dismantling two decades of legal reform and setting aside the country’s constitution in favor of the group’s own interpretation of Islamic law. For the Afghan people, and especially for women and girls, the impact of the Taliban has been severe and, according to a recent report from Georgetown University’s Institute for Women, Peace and Security, unprecedented in the modern era.

A Government Built on Decree

Before 2021, Afghanistan operated under a constitution that balanced Islamic identity with human rights protections rooted in international treaties: no law could contradict Islamic principles, but the legal system was still expected to align with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. That framework collapsed after the Taliban takeover. The current government rules primarily through verbal and written decrees interpreting sharia law rather than through codified law, and discrimination based on gender, religious belief and social status has become part of the system itself.

The Taliban’s de facto authorities, referred to internationally as the DFA, have issued more than 100 decrees affecting the rights of women and girls since 2021. UN Women describes the scale of this transformation as without precedent, noting that no other country in modern history has dismantled the rights of half its population so systematically.

The Toll on Women and Girls

The numbers illustrate just how far-reaching the changes of the Taliban have been for the Afghan people. Under current decrees, husbands hold legal authority over their wives, and their disciplinary actions are only criminalized if they cause severe injury. Child marriage remains widespread: in 2023, 28.7% of Afghan women aged 20-24 had been married or in a union before age 18, including 9.6% who had been married or in a union before age 15.

Access to justice has narrowed sharply along gender lines, with only one woman able to reach legal recourse for every four men. Health care has suffered as well. Afghanistan’s maternal mortality ratio was estimated at 638 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2024, among the highest rates in the world. The psychological toll is just as stark: seven in 10 Afghan women now describe their mental health as bad or very bad.

Education and employment have been hit hardest of all. An estimated 78% of young Afghan women are not in education, employment or training, a level of exclusion that threatens to erase two decades of progress in a single generation.

These figures have fueled criticism of governments and institutions that condemned Taliban policy without meaningfully changing conditions on the ground, a critique that casts doubt on the effectiveness of purely diplomatic responses.

Support for the Afghan People Continues, Quietly

Despite the bleak headlines, international support for the Afghan people has not disappeared. It has largely moved out of the spotlight. The Afghanistan Humanitarian Fund, managed by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and supported by international donors, continues to fund humanitarian projects addressing basic needs, health care and nutrition. In 2025, for example, an AHF grant of $1.39 million supported six sub-health centers and 13 inpatient therapeutic feeding centers in four of the country’s most vulnerable provinces.

Civil society has stepped in where governments have pulled back, especially in education. Afghan girls barred from classrooms are increasingly turning to virtual and underground schooling run by small, often volunteer-driven organizations:

  • AESOP (Afghan Education Student Outreach Project) began in June 2022 with a single class of 19 girls. It has since grown into a program of nearly 600 students taught by close to 100 volunteer instructors, selected from more than 4,500 applicants, offering English, math, STEM and leadership courses. Several graduates have gone on to win scholarships at universities abroad.
  • Afghanistan Education Action, founded by educator Angela Ghayour, grew from the Herat Online School, which she started in 2021. AEA is now a UK-registered charity running three online schools, including one that helps students work toward internationally recognized qualifications. Some of its students have also received scholarships to study at schools and universities abroad.
  • LEARN Afghanistan, founded by activist Pashtana Durrani in 2018, built the country’s first digital school network. Before 2021, it already reached more than 10,000 students through 18 digital schools and trained hundreds of teachers; after the Taliban takeover, it resumed operations covertly within a month rather than shutting down.

Economic empowerment programs are showing effective results. In 2025 alone, UN Women directly supported more than 5,000 Afghan women entrepreneurs, including 940 women-led enterprises and 4,130 women who established income-generating livelihoods, in part through community-based and formal microloan mechanisms.

A Fragile Lifeline

These efforts remain small relative to what could be achieved with sustained government-level backing, and that backing is now at risk. More than half of the women-led organizations providing life-saving services in Afghanistan expect to suspend operations or close entirely within the next year because of aid cuts. That makes continued attention to the Afghan people’s situation more urgent, not less. The organizations working discreetly inside and outside the country have shown that meaningful change is still possible even under one of the most repressive governments. What they lack is not proof of the impact of the Taliban on the Afghan people, but the sustained support needed to scale it.

– Juan Guillermo Rueda Castrillón

Juan is based in Barcelona, Spain and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

,

How Rwanda’s Land Reform Policies Are Helping Reduce Poverty

Rwanda’s Land Reform PoliciesLand is an important source of economic opportunity for many people in Rwanda, where agriculture remains a significant part of the economy and rural households depend on land for their livelihoods. However, unclear or insecure property rights can make it more difficult for people to invest in land, resolve disputes or use property as an economic asset.

Rwanda’s land reform policies, including a nationwide land-tenure regularization program, have sought to address these challenges by formally documenting land rights and strengthening legal protections for landholders. The reforms are particularly significant as Rwanda continues to address poverty. As of 2023, the most recent year for which World Bank data is available, approximately 38.6% of Rwanda’s population lived below the World Bank’s international poverty line of $3 per day, based on 2021 purchasing power parity. The World Bank estimates that 27.4% of the population lived below Rwanda’s national poverty line the same year. While Rwanda has made considerable progress in reducing poverty, these figures demonstrate the continued importance of policies that expand economic opportunities for low-income households.

Rwanda’s Land Reform Policies

Rwanda’s land reform policies have developed over several decades as the country has sought to create a more formal and secure system of land ownership. The country’s National Land Policy established principles for land management and emphasized equal access to land. Later reforms created a formal legal framework for registering land and recognizing property rights. One of the most significant initiatives was the Land Tenure Regularization (LTR) program. The program systematically documented land rights and provided landholders with official titles. The registration process began in 2009, and by 2012, approximately 10.4 million parcels had been recorded in Rwanda’s national land registry. Formalizing land ownership provides greater certainty for landholders. Rather than relying primarily on informal or customary understandings of ownership, registered land rights provide official documentation that helps establish who has legal rights to a particular parcel. This makes property rights easier to recognize and enforce.

Secure Land Rights Can Encourage Investment

Secure property rights are particularly important for people who depend on agriculture. When farmers have greater confidence that they can continue using their land, they may have more incentive to make long-term investments that improve productivity. Research examining Rwanda’s land-tenure regularization program found evidence that registration increased investment in land, particularly through the construction and maintenance of soil-conservation structures. The study also found that the effect was especially strong among female-headed households. The findings suggest that land registration does more than document ownership. By reducing uncertainty about property rights, the policy can encourage landholders to invest in resources that may improve the long-term productivity of their land. The Rwandan government has similarly identified increased investment and productivity among smallholder farmers as benefits associated with stronger property rights.

Land Rights and Poverty Reduction

The connection between land reform and poverty reduction is not necessarily immediate. Receiving a land title does not automatically increase a household’s income. However, secure property rights can create conditions that allow people to make better use of an important economic asset. For agricultural households, land can provide food, income and an opportunity to invest in future production. When ownership is clearly documented, people may have greater confidence to make improvements to their property. Secure land rights also make it easier for governments and communities to administer land and resolve disputes. The World Bank identifies land-tenure security as an important component of efforts to reduce poverty because land rights can contribute to economic growth, job creation and greater economic opportunity. Rwanda’s experience provides an example of how changes to legal and administrative institutions can support these broader development goals.

Strengthening Women’s Land Rights

Rwanda’s land reforms have also had important implications for women’s property rights. Historically, customary practices could restrict women’s ability to inherit or control land. Rwanda’s legal reforms moved toward greater equality in land ownership and strengthened the formal recognition of women’s rights. The country’s land legislation guarantees equal rights for men and women regarding access to, ownership of and use of land.

During the land-registration process, married couples could have both spouses recorded as rights holders, helping translate legal protections into documented property rights. A World Bank study on the registration program found that legally married women experienced stronger property rights following registration. The study also found improvements in the recording of inheritance rights without gender bias. Strengthening women’s land rights can have broader economic implications. When women have legally recognized control over property, they can have greater security over an important household asset. Clear property rights can also strengthen women’s ability to participate in economic decisions involving land.

Reducing Land Disputes

Land disputes can create another barrier to economic security. When ownership or boundaries are unclear, disagreements between individuals or families can make it difficult for landholders to confidently invest in their property. Rwanda’s land-registration system provides an official record of land rights and boundaries, helping reduce uncertainty about ownership. The government has reported that the program helped reduce land-related conflicts by providing greater clarity for landowners. Reducing disputes can have economic benefits beyond the individual households involved. When land rights are clearer, communities can spend fewer resources resolving ownership disagreements and landholders can have greater confidence in making productive investments.

Continuing Rwanda’s Land Policy

Rwanda’s land reforms have continued beyond the initial land-tenure regularization program. The country’s 2021 land law, Law No. 27/2021 of June 10, 2021, Governing Land, and subsequent regulations provide additional rules governing land registration, land use and land administration. These policies recognize that land rights require more than simply issuing titles. Effective land governance also depends on maintaining accurate land records, ensuring that people understand their rights and providing accessible systems for registering and resolving land-related claims. The continued development of Rwanda’s land policies demonstrates the importance of implementation. Legal rights can only provide economic benefits when people can access and exercise those rights in practice. This makes effective land administration an important part of ensuring that land reform reaches low-income and rural communities.

A Framework for Poverty Reduction

Rwanda’s experience suggests that land reform can be one component of a broader strategy to reduce poverty. Formalizing property rights does not eliminate poverty by itself, but it can give people greater security over an asset that is central to their livelihoods. Evidence from the land-tenure program shows that stronger property rights can encourage investment, improve women’s documented ownership rights and reduce uncertainty surrounding land.

These effects can create opportunities for households to make more productive use of their property. As Rwanda continues working to reduce poverty, its land reforms demonstrate how government policy and legal institutions can influence economic opportunity. By strengthening property rights and improving land administration, Rwanda has created a framework that can help landholders invest in their property, protect their economic interests and build more secure livelihoods. Land reform therefore represents more than a change in property records. When effectively implemented, secure land rights can give people greater control over their economic assets and create conditions for investment and opportunity. Rwanda’s experience illustrates how strengthening legal and institutional foundations can contribute to the broader goal of reducing poverty.

– Kenneth Dyer

Kenneth is based in Westwood, CA, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

, ,

A Shift Toward Ethics: UN Involvement in the DRC

U.N. Involvement in the DRCThe Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is a Central African country with beautiful landscapes and lush green mountains. The nation is dense with natural resources like cobalt, a highly sought-after resource in today’s economy because it is used in batteries of electric vehicles. The DRC is currently the world’s largest supplier of cobalt. Despite this, the DRC is still considered a less-developed country. This untapped resource potential should mean the DRC is the richest country in the world, but that has not been the case. The mining, export, and production processes are plagued by smuggling, corruption, child labor and armed group conflicts. The United Nations (U.N.) involvement in the DRC cobalt production becomes vital to transform the current climate. The focus is on using the demand for this dense natural resource for sustainable economic development and growth, instead of perpetuating armed violence, forced coercion and child labor.

The United Nations has committed to multiple panels, forums, and invested resources in programs focused on responsible mining practices and ethical working conditions. Such programs include the United Nations Guiding Principles to Guide Global Energy Transition (UNGPGET). The U.N. notes that without proper management, increasing demand for critical minerals risks perpetuating commodity dependence, which is the current reality for people in the DRC. Fortunately, there are other programs that focus on concrete steps for the Democratic Republic of the Congo to follow.

Are UN Programs Doing Enough?

The Democratic Republic of the Congo’s poverty rate increased from 69.9% in 2012 to 78.9% in 2020, according to World Bank data. This indicates a country in need of aid. The U.N. Secretary-General’s Initiative on Critical Energy Transition Minerals is a task force involving the DRC, launched in 2025 that focuses on five pillars to implement the UNGPGET principles. These pillars include value addition, traceability, a global mining legacy fund, artisanal and small-scale mining, as well as circularity and material efficiency. The Responsible Minerals Initiative (RMI) also works with the DRC to promote sustainable economic growth while promoting ethical practices for the extraction and production of cobalt. Their programs in the DRC include collecting risk data to fund improvements in artisanal and small-scale mining sites (ASM). They also fund vocational training for at-risk youth as an alternative to working in the mines. The programs funded by the RMI are important to promoting economic growth and development by providing alternatives to mining, like education. Collective action is crucial in cases like the DRC involving unethical treatment, corruption and natural resource dependency. Programs with RMI support U.N. involvement in DRC cobalt production, making it as safe and ethical as possible.

Working Toward Standards of Human Rights

Due diligence processes have become important in bringing about a shift toward ethical mining practices. One of the biggest mines operating in the famous “Copperbelt” of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Kisanfu mines, has set forth a clear due diligence standard. Guidelines include no toleration of torture, cruel or inhumane and degrading treatment, forced or compulsory labor and the “worst” forms of child labor. These standards set forth clear treatment expectations, with violations resulting in suspension or discontinuation of engagement. The other major mine in the Copperbelt is the Tenke Fungurume mine. This mine does not set forth clear standards but has contributed to sustainable growth and development in four areas: education and capacity building, access to savings and credit, construction of production and conservation infrastructure and agriculture.

DRC Enacts Cobalt Export Ban

Earlier this year, the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s government enacted a ban on exporting cobalt in hopes of retaining more value from these minerals in the form of sustainable economic growth and development. This is not the first ban on cobalt exports; the DRC enacted multiple bans in 2013, 2019 and 2023. Christian-Gerand Neema, a mining analyst for China-Global South Project, expects this ban to have little effect on the DRC economy because “the majority of Congo’s cobalt and copper is already refined domestically.”

Looking Ahead

While the U.N.’s involvement in DRC cobalt production is a good start and their programs lay out important guidelines, countries involved in armed conflicts from coups or violence from governments tend not to follow these guidelines until sanctions are placed upon them by international organizations. This is where the Due Diligence Standards are beneficial. However, there is an obvious need for more. While these programs and standards aim to stop unethical or inhumane treatment in the mines or mining communities, violence and armed conflict remain prevalent. Major sanctions placed upon the DRC by external actors with capital could leverage this position.

– Lily K Gibson

Lily is based in Bristol, CT, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

, ,

Two Early Signs of Andy Burnham’s Foreign Aid Policy

Burnham's Foreign Aid PolicyFollowing the abrupt end to Keir Starmer’s leadership, Andy Burnham took office as the new leader of the Labour Party and the new prime minister of the United Kingdom (UK) on July 20, 2026. Yet following both UK and global cuts to international development aid, Burnham’s foreign aid policy will face increased scrutiny as global poverty worsens.

As a result of continuous cuts to Official Development Aid (ODA) since 2019, along with the broader global picture with the shutdown of the United States Agency for International Development USAID, global poverty is worsening. From 2019 to 2023, UK aid for education fell by 58% and nutrition by 73%, and if the trend of cuts continues, by 2028, child-focused aid could decrease by more than £600 million. However, Burnham has shown early signs of refocusing on aid as a government priority in his initial days of appointing ministers.

Ed Miliband

Burnham appointed Ed Miliband as foreign secretary, making him head of the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) and a central figure in Burnham’s foreign aid policy. While his role as foreign secretary is significant regarding global poverty, leading the UK’s response to the 826 million living below $3 a day, Burnham has also given him a greater global role as UK governor to the World Bank. This significant diplomatic role in a leading global partnership fighting poverty signals a prioritization of international development within Miliband’s FCDO. This is a positive sign following the recent cut of almost 40% to the ODA budget in February 2025 under Starmer’s leadership.

On his appointment as UK governor to the World Bank, Miliband affirmed the FCDO’s refocus, stating, “International development is not an add-on to British foreign policy – it is central to it.” He added, “I want to send an unambiguous signal that this government is serious about its global leadership on development and climate.” With a plummet in international aid that could cause a child under five to die every 40 seconds by 2030, Miliband’s new role and his claimed commitment to the cause seem to be an important milestone in the recovery of the UK’s ODA to begin damage limitation to the world’s most vulnerable.

Kirsty McNeill

Within the FCDO, Burnham appointed Scottish Labour member of parliament (MP) for Midlothian, Kirsty McNeill, as minister of development. This role affords her responsibility for Africa, development and humanitarian aid, international finance, climate and energy security. Therefore, her role and appointment are key to Burnham’s foreign aid policy overall. What is particularly significant about McNeill’s appointment is her wealth of experience, implying that she will bring her expert focus on UK development to the job. Most significantly, she was an executive director at Save the Children, a global charity working in 92 countries that has helped 37.8 million children around the world. Her expertise and personal career in the field of overseas aid and poverty reduction imply again that Burnham’s government intends to reprioritize development and does not just view it as a secondary concern within UK foreign policy, suggesting further cuts to the department are unlikely.

Looking Forward

Overall, some of Burnham’s first decisions as prime minister imply that his foreign aid policy will be an important part of his government. While cabinet appointments alone are not enough to guarantee a full commitment from Burnham to recover the ODA budget and fight global poverty, it can still be a sign of new priorities. In a time of growing global need for governments to focus on the lives of those most vulnerable around the world, these appointments of aid-focused politicians are promising of what is to come under the new prime minister.

– Amy Carpenter

Amy is based in Poole, UK and focuses on Good News, Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

, ,

The Loss of Language in Pakistan

Language in PakistanThe loss of language in Pakistan is not a new issue. Although Urdu is the national language, Dawn reports that the government has delegated it to the middle and lower classes — effectively leaving a whole generation out of policymaking. This creates a social divide and fosters a sense of alienation among people of the same country. This alienation increases when locals cannot read English signs or names, with literacy rates at only 63%. This loss not only creates problems for the future but also erases years of knowledge within local languages. Balochi, spoken in the largest province of Pakistan, remains endangered despite government efforts such as hosting television shows like PTV Bolan. Balochi has a long history and has shaped the province’s culture immensely. According to Baloch commentators, the province’s neglect stems in part from this erasure, with the government largely overlooking infrastructure and education.

Underrepresentation of the Endangered Languages

This lack of representation separates the province from the rest of the country and leads to increased poverty for locals excluded from lawmaking — a process that remains mostly in English and Urdu at higher levels. Some Baloch commentators describe this as a deliberate erasure of Balochi identity that makes it difficult for people to embrace their Pakistani identity.

Global growth drives language loss in Pakistan for the same reasons languages go extinct worldwide, though the effect is more damaging in a developing country than in most wealthier ones. Roughly 51% of the population cannot speak English, and those who do often do not excel in Urdu, which the education system teaches “like a foreign language.” Balochistan has a multidimensional poverty rate of about 71%, higher than any other province, and has the fewest English speakers, alongside a literacy rate of only 49%. Infrastructure development lags as locals remain largely absent from the governmental system.

Missed Opportunities for the Underprivileged

According to a case study of English and career opportunities at Jazz Digital House Multan, employers consider English an important asset during hiring. However, English is primarily a language of high society, leaving 51% of the underprivileged population at a disadvantage. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) has around 24 minority languages, and when they are ignored, students cannot receive proper education. Call centers have increased their exports by 19% year over year, according to State Bank of Pakistan data, and have become an important job source. Most call centers communicate in English, creating a barrier for those seeking jobs that do not require advanced degrees. Other workplaces also use English as the recognized professional language, limiting native speakers to minimal job options. The Diplomat argues that in a poorly governed country with high illiteracy, expecting people to communicate in “a dissimilar language” is an extreme burden.

Loss of Culture and Identity

Much as Persian gave way to English during the British colonial era, there has been a similar loss of culture and identity among young Pakistanis today. Dawn emphasizes the importance of diversity, arguing that even amid global efforts to build a unified culture and language, preserving local vernaculars remains essential. Such preservation could help counter the country’s stunted growth and the loss of community identity and richness.

Future Prospects

Some efforts have been made to conserve local languages. The previous prime minister directed officials to deliver their speeches in Urdu at national and international forums. Institutes such as Idara-e-Taaleem-o-Aagahi (ITA) have collaborated with the People’s Action for Learning (PAL) Network to preserve local languages and document cultural artifacts, balancing preservation with global growth. Together, they have established 60 libraries with 200 publications, often in seven different languages, and research on Wakhi, Khowar, Saraiki and Dhatki found that each has its own script. Although Pakistan is undergoing a language tragedy, the government and native people may be able to minimize this loss through collaboration. Many artisans and local businesses rely on their mother tongue; if policymakers safeguard the rights of these languages and integrate them into modern society, many people may move from marginal jobs into a more secure market, eventually helping reduce global poverty.

– Eshal Fatima

Eshal is based in Lahore, Pakistan and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

,

Elderly Poverty in El Salvador after Bukele

Elderly poverty in El SalvadorEl Salvador is a small country in Latin America that has recently experienced major political and economic changes under its president, Nayib Bukele, who came into office in 2019. Winning nearly 85% of the vote in a February 2024 reelection, made possible after El Salvador’s Supreme Court set aside the constitutional ban on consecutive terms, Bukele has become a symbol of prosperity and stability to many Salvadorans.

However, many Salvadorans have faced economic challenges since Bukele’s presidency. A cab driver in San Salvador told The Borgen Project, “The majority of people do not agree with how the economy is,” attributing this to poor financial education. In a growing economy such as El Salvador’s, elderly people often struggle to find resources, and elderly poverty in El Salvador after Bukele is a complex issue.

El Salvador’s pension system allows many privileged elderly individuals to have more financial stability, and those with pensions experience fewer challenges. An elderly woman with a pension told The Borgen Project, “I do not go out much and I do not talk to anybody and I get money from my pension. There are no changes.” In December 2022, El Salvador’s congress approved pension system reforms to raise the minimum monthly pension and cap maximum payouts, though pension analysts have since described the reform’s long-term sustainability prospects as mixed, and for those who do not have this opportunity, a quickly changing economy can present real obstacles.

Elderly Economic Struggles Under Bukele

Extreme poverty in El Salvador reached 9.6% of the population in 2025, up from 5.5% five years earlier — the third consecutive year of increases, despite the safety the new government provides. Bukele’s interest in luxury creates issues for elderly people who are less mobile because many areas face gentrification in favor of increasing tourism in El Salvador. For those who live by selling goods at the market or by farming and who are not mobile over long distances, gentrification is a serious problem.

The goals of advancement and modernization displace many individuals in El Salvador, including those who have lived in certain areas for long periods of time. Centro Histórico in San Salvador, in particular, struggles with this. Elderly people in the area lose important resources in their communities, and moving can be difficult for disabled individuals, leading them to fall deeper into poverty. The loss of resources is a significant factor in elderly poverty in El Salvador after Bukele.

Healthcare System

El Salvador has a state-sponsored healthcare system that many elderly people use for care. Alfonso, an elderly man who sells fruit for a living, said that he receives care from the hospital and has gone multiple times to get medicine for his arthritis.

Healthcare in El Salvador is free under the Ministry of Health, which provides public services to approximately 70% of the population, primarily those without formal employment. Since Bukele’s presidency, healthcare, including geriatric care, has developed technology such as “Doctor SV,” a new mobile app that allows users to have 24/7 medical assistance. Elderly individuals in poverty in El Salvador who may not have private doctors can contact doctors through this system to seek support. “Doctor SV” remains a vital support system and effort to increase access and eliminate elderly poverty in El Salvador after Bukele.

Elderly Poverty and Extortion From Gangs

Street vending is a common source of income in El Salvador for people of all ages, but it is especially convenient for elderly individuals who need income and prefer more informal work.

However, gangs in El Salvador have historically targeted vulnerable people and forced them to pay taxes to use roads or allow their stores to stay open. Alfonso said that Bukele’s presidency improved his life “because we do not have to pay the daily rent,” which he clarified to be extortion from gangs. Police data showed a 54% reduction in extortion complaints in 2023 compared to the previous year, and the removal of the gang tax is a major improvement in elderly poverty in El Salvador after Bukele. Since Alfonso has arthritis and his children do not provide support, his vending business is the only way he can make money. This is the reality for many elderly individuals.

The reduction of extortion in El Salvador allows elderly individuals to sell goods without daily intimidation and, in doing so, prevents them from facing severe economic challenges. Victoria is an elderly woman who sells fruit in San Salvador, and she told The Borgen Project, “Before Nayib, they [the gangs] made me pay the tax and wanted to force me to leave my house, but now I feel safer selling my goods.”

Organizations That Are Helping

  • SimplyHelp: SimplyHelp is a nonprofit that provides housing assistance to elderly people. They built their first women-only shelter in 2003 and one for men in 2004. In 2010, they built a shelter for both men and women that houses 36 people. SimplyHelp provides healthy meals, showers, entertainment, healthcare and funeral services for all residents at no cost to them or their families.
  • FUSATE: The Salvadoran Foundation for Elderly People is a nonprofit organization that provides assistance to elderly people in poverty. They provide not only housing, but also health, education and nutrition programs to ensure that elderly people are able to maintain their health and happiness in a safe environment.

Conclusion

Elderly poverty in El Salvador after Bukele is an important issue, and the new government system has the potential to create more communal medical or food programs to provide care for elderly people and assistance to their families to specifically prevent and reduce poverty in the elderly population.

– Amber Mantiply

Amber is based in Silver Spring, MD, USA and focuses on Good News and Technology for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

, ,

The Influence of German Aid to Ukraine

German Aid to UkraineSince Feb. 24, 2022, Ukraine has been at war with Russia. Constant bombing has destroyed housing and infrastructure, rapidly changing the economic makeup of the nation and exposing vast amounts of the population to the consequences of extreme poverty. This past winter, Ukraine’s weather reached dangerously low temperatures from which the destroyed heating infrastructure could offer no escape. However, the introduction of emergency heating points, funded by German aid to Ukraine, helped relieve death tolls from extreme temperatures.

In 2024, Annalena Baerbock, then Germany’s federal minister for foreign affairs, pledged €100 million to Ukraine in response to increased Russian attacks on heating infrastructure. Germany, one of the world’s largest donors of humanitarian aid, used this fund to provide heating points with food, water and the opportunity to get warm to more than 86,000 people living in Ukraine’s Kyiv region. Germany’s efforts to keep Ukrainian people warm this past winter demonstrate the life-saving impact that humanitarian aid can have, especially in times of crisis.

War-Induced Poverty

Since 2021, the poverty rate in Ukraine has risen from 20.6% to 35.5% in 2023. Due to the ongoing war, exact poverty data is hard to collect, but recent estimates suggest that 34.5% of Ukraine exists in poverty, while 51.6% suffer severe material and social deprivation. These statistics worsen depending on the region, with areas most affected by the war showing rates of 62% and primarily unaffected regions showing 23.4%. Thus, in addition to facing increasing poverty rates, Ukrainian people are facing the worst income inequality gap in years. Ukrainians impacted by the war suffer destroyed infrastructure, homes, loss of family and friends and dwindling resources. This humanitarian crisis, which has displaced millions and inflicted nationwide poverty, has stagnated the economy of Ukraine, making prospects of recovery slower and endangering the lives of millions of Ukrainians.

German Aid to Ukraine

In the face of devastating conflict, international aid has greatly benefited Ukraine, especially as the nation enters its fifth year of war. In December 2025, the European Union agreed to loan Ukraine €90 billion to help maintain the economy, defend against Russia and provide humanitarian aid for those forced into impoverished and deadly conditions. Additionally, Germany’s federal government has provided €43.3 billion in civilian aid and €57.6 billion for military aid to the Ukrainian government, alongside other donations throughout the last five years.

The German federal government outlines what this government-provided aid accomplishes on its website. German aid to Ukraine has gone toward constructing and replacing electrical and heating systems, power plants and nuclear power plants to both maintain safe infrastructure and help stimulate the economy and renewable energy sector during the war. Additionally, German aid to Ukraine goes toward providing medical care, food, clean water and refugee assistance. Approximately a million Ukrainian refugees have sought refuge in Germany, where the German government provides them with access to vocational language courses, training and integration programs, job assistance centers and immediate access to the labor market. These programs have assisted more than 1.3 million Ukrainian refugees, helped train 27,000 Ukrainian soldiers and helped more than 86,000 people survive an extremely cold winter without infrastructure.

Final Thoughts

Germany’s efforts as one of the world’s largest donors of humanitarian aid help protect the most vulnerable populations. Ukrainian people suffer significantly increased levels of poverty due to the ongoing war, but German aid helps alleviate some of these consequences and prevents unnecessary deaths in vulnerable communities. From mobile heating centers to efforts to reconstruct electrical and heating infrastructure and the welcoming of refugees, Germany’s government-initiated aid to Ukraine has played a substantial role in protecting those in need.

– Aubrey Wallen

Aubrey is based in Alexandria, VA, USA and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

,

Women’s Political Power in the Solomon Islands

Women’s Political Power in the Solomon IslandsIn 46 years of independence, the Solomon Islands’ 50-seat national parliament has been home to exactly six women. Not six at a time. In total. The 2024 general election saw 20 women stand as candidates out of a field of 334. Just three won. One Honiara-based organization seeks to increase women’s political power in the Solomon Islands by teaching women the mechanics of the system directly, seat by seat, workshop by workshop. The goal is simple to state and hard to achieve: convert silence into ballots.

Empowering Women Politically

Vois Blong Mere Solomon (VBMS), led by Director Josephine Teakeni, has spent years running workshops aimed at closing the gender gap in parliament. Partnering with the government’s Civic Education Unit and United Nations (UN) Women, VBMS trains women in the fundamentals of democracy, governance and elections. This includes a practice parliament where dozens of women from across the country’s provinces gather in Honiara to role-play the institution most of them have never seen a woman sit in. Participants learn what it means to vote, engage with local government or one day stand as a candidate, giving them the knowledge to participate in political life on their own terms.

Beyond Women’s Political Power in the Solomon Islands

The stakes extend beyond representation alone. A 2025 World Bank report found that around 35% of Solomon Islanders were multidimensionally poor as of 2019, a rate higher than any other Pacific Island country. UN Women projects that by 2030, women and children will make up 69% of those living in extreme poverty in the country. Evidence shows that in developing countries, increases in female political representation have produced measurably better provision of public goods, particularly in education and health. In a country where poverty is both extreme and gendered, who sits in parliament is not an abstract question.

Structural and Cultural Barriers

VBMS works against structural and cultural barriers. The Solomon Islands uses a first-past-the-post electoral system, seen as one of the toughest formats for women to break into worldwide. A push for reserved parliamentary seats for women, one per province plus one for Honiara, was floated in 2008 but has never passed Cabinet and has stalled since.

Cost is another barrier. Campaigning in a country spread across more than 900 islands is expensive, and candidates without existing financial networks or party backing often struggle to reach voters. VBMS workshops address this by building a base of politically literate women who understand not just how to vote but how campaigns, funding and party structures work long before they need to use that knowledge.

Extending the Mission

The mission extends beyond formal politics. VBMS has also addressed gender-based violence, producing a video documentary “Breaking the Culture of Silence,” which gave women a public platform to speak about traditionally undiscussed experiences. VBMS has positioned itself as a bridge, connecting international frameworks like UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security to the realities of daily life in Solomon Islands communities.

VBMS’s approach reflects a broader theory of change taking hold in the Pacific: political representation cannot be legislated into existence from above if the underlying knowledge and confidence to participate are not first built from below. In a country where women have long been civically present but politically absent, teaching the mechanics of power may be the first real step toward sharing it.

– Alana Breslin

Alana is based in London, UK and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr