Archive for category: Migration

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The Plight of Western Sahara and the Sahrawi People 

The Sahrawi People For the last 40 years, a conflict has simmered over the resource-rich lands of the Western Sahara. Since Morocco invaded in 1975, an estimated 165,000 Sahrawi people have been displaced, most living in Algeria.

Where Is Western Sahara?

Western Sahara is a region sitting on the Atlantic coast, just south of Morocco and north of Mauritania. It’s a region slightly larger than the U.K., but has only a population of around half a million. Before Morocco annexed the territory, Spain governed it as a colony. Under Spanish rule, the Sahrawi people lived a sedentary life by force, abandoning their nomadic lifestyle. The West ignored this until the UN began demanding the decolonization of Western Sahara in 1965.

In 1960, the UN passed resolution 1514, which recognized that the peoples of the world have an ardent desire to end colonialism in all forms. The UN classified Western Sahara as a non-self-governing territory, meaning that decolonization must happen. However, in 1975, King Hassam defied the resolution and ordered the “Green March,” a demonstration where 350,000 Moroccan civilians marched into Western Sahara. This sent the message that Morocco should have determination over the Western Saharan territory.

How Did Western Sahara Respond?

The Moroccan military forces and the Polisario Front began combat over Western Sahara. The Polisario Front is a collection of resistance fighters, aiming to liberate Western Sahara as an independent nation. In 1973, a group of students established the Polisario Front in Algeria, aiming to ensure that the Spanish Sahara would become an autonomous country, unburdened by colonialism. The UN brokered a ceasefire after 16 years of fighting. This left approximately 20% of the country under Polisario control. The other 80% belongs to Morocco, defended by the “Berm” wall, manned by 150,000 soldiers.

The Sahrawi Who Stayed

Those who remain in their homeland continue to face pressure from the Moroccan government. The Moroccan authorities have arrested journalists and human rights activists, some being imprisoned for only trying to enter the Western Sahara region. Recently, the Moroccan parliament adopted Draft Law 97-15, the draft law includes a passage outlawing strike action for political purposes. This restriction on freedom of speech would prevent the Sahrawi people striking to demonstrate their desire for autonomy. On the other hand, youth protests calling for better health care and job opportunities in rural Morocco, have seen success. Western Sahara could benefit from these protests, giving the Sahrawi people some long awaited improvement.

Morocco has significantly reduced poverty in recent years, including across the territories of Western Sahara. Between 2001 and 2007, the region formerly known as Laâyoune-Boujdour-Sakia El Hamra, which covers the northern half of Western Sahara, reduced its poverty rate by 66%. The study also shows that Oued Ed-Dahab-Lagouira, which covers much of the southern part of Western Sahara, has one of the lowest poverty rates in Morocco. These reductions have significantly improved the quality of life for Sahrawis who remain in the territory. However, poverty still affects rural communities in Laâyoune-Boujdour-Sakia El Hamra, with around 8% of the rural population living below the poverty line.

The Sahrawi Who Fled

Those who fled the conflict have dispersed across the world, with many fleeing to Algeria. Some refugees have lived in refugee camps based in the Algerian Sahara for over 45 years. In the camps the Sahrawi combat 50 degree centigrade summers, sub-zero temperatures in the winter, and total reliance on humanitarian aid in order to survive. Despite the challenges, they still think of a future for their children, believing that in the future they will be able to return to their home country.

Sahrawi refugees in Algeria live across five different camps and face food insecurity and limited employment opportunities. WFP reports that 78% of Sahrawi refugees experience food insecurity, which contributes to other health problems. For example, 53.5% of Sahrawi refugee women aged 15–49 suffer from anemia, as do more than half of children aged six months to five years. In response to these challenges, the Algerian government developed the Sahrawi Refugee Response Plan (SRRP), which aims to address the refugees’ most pressing needs. The plan estimates a funding requirement of approximately $200 million and focuses on three main objectives: protection, food security and employment opportunities. The plan also extends beyond these priorities by outlining development initiatives in areas such as education, sport and logistics.

The International Response

The Sahrawi people have seen mixed results with the international community. After Western Sahara was recognized by the UN in 1965, very little has been done to help the Sahrawi people, by the West. The UN brokered a peace deal between Morocco and the Polisario Front, in 1991, creating a task force named MINURSO to help establish a referendum on independence.

Looking Ahead

While there is peace in West Sahara now, the Sahrawi people remain displaced across North Africa. Various legislative resolutions concerning their independence have challenged the idea of an autonomous Western Sahara. However, Algerian aid to Sahrawi refugees is opening the door to a better life. These people still have hope that their children will one day be able to return to their homeland, clinging to that dream for 45 years and counting.

– Eoin Baxter Mackay

Eoin is based in Prestwick, Scotland and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Migration to China: Building a More Inclusive Society

Migration to ChinaChina has a relatively small foreign population compared with major immigrant destinations, but international travel, education and employment are expanding as China strengthens its global connections. This raises questions about how foreign residents, particularly those facing social or economic barriers, can participate fully in Chinese society. Here is more information about migration to China and what life is like for foreign residents in the country.

A Growing International Presence

China’s 2020 census recorded 845,697 foreign nationals living across mainland China, less than 0.1% of its 1.41 billion residents. While permanent immigration remains limited, international migration to China has grown since COVID-19.

In 2025, Chinese immigration authorities recorded 82.04 million entry and exit trips involving foreign nationals, 26.4% more than in 2024. Foreign nationals made 30.08 million visa-free entries, representing 73.1% of foreign entries and increasing 49.5% from the previous year. Although these figures measure border crossings rather than permanent immigration, they demonstrate China’s growing international connections.

International students are another important group. China’s Ministry of Education recorded 254,019 international students in higher education in 2023, allowing many to develop local connections while accessing education and professional opportunities.

Different Experiences for Foreign Residents

Foreign residents’ experiences vary according to nationality, race, employment, immigration status and finances.

Research into African migrants in Guangzhou and Foshan found that perceived discrimination affected perceptions of personal safety. Among participants from Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Angola and Uganda, 75.3% held business visas, with trading goods the most common occupation.

A 2024 China Quarterly study documented challenges facing Guangzhou’s African community, largely made up of traders and entrepreneurs. The number of Africans officially recorded in Guangzhou fell from 16,000 in 2014 to 10,344 in 2017.

In an interview with The Borgen Project, Cindy Li, a Chinese national from Fushun City, described differences in how foreign nationals experience Chinese society. She said some people view white Western foreigners more favorably in certain professional settings. While this is her personal experience rather than evidence of a nationwide pattern, it adds perspective to research showing that foreign communities can experience integration differently.

Li also identified employment, as well as nationalistic views, as factors in public attitudes toward migration, citing, “If you don’t want the job, there are plenty of people who do,” to illustrate perceptions of China’s competitive labor market.

Asian Migration

China does not primarily attract migrants from the world’s poorest populations; many come from other Asian countries for employment, business or education. However, migrants from poorer parts of Southeast Asia and Africa may seek economic opportunities and face financial hardship through low-paid work and limited social protections. Research shows migrants can experience deprivation despite relatively high incomes, meaning migration does not necessarily protect against poverty.

Lower-income migrants may also be viewed more negatively by some Chinese natives. Cindy stated that she has “seen many discussions online where people express concerns about crime involving some foreign residents, particularly in lower-income communities” and that, regardless of the accuracy of these views, “they have definitely influenced public opinion.”

These experiences show why integration matters alongside immigration policy. Greater mobility does not automatically provide equal access to services, employment or community life.

China Expands Services for Foreign Residents

In December 2024, the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security integrated foreign work permits with social security cards, allowing applications, extensions and modifications online.

The resulting “Join in Card” provides access to 264 public services covering health care, transportation, finance, tourism and government services. It can be used for public transportation in 336 cities and medical services at tens of thousands of health care institutions and pharmacies across 41 cities. Previously, work-permit applications could require visits to two departments and take about a month; the new online process can deliver the card within 10 days.

These changes can particularly benefit residents facing language barriers or unfamiliar administrative systems, reducing practical obstacles to integration.

Shanghai Takes Integration into Communities

In June 2026, Shanghai opened the Changshou Subdistrict Immigrants’ Integration Service Station in Putuo district. The 1,000-square-meter center provides immigration policy consultations, accommodation registration, legal education, cultural exchange, entrepreneurship assistance and everyday-life services.

Moving support into local communities can help foreign residents understand local requirements while encouraging cultural exchange.

China has also expanded short-term international mobility. Nationals from 55 countries, including the U.K. and U.S., can use China’s 240-hour visa-free transit policy.

A Positive Path Toward Inclusion

Migration to China remains small compared with the country’s population, but international connections are growing. Expanding travel, education and employment creates opportunities for integration systems that benefit foreign residents and local communities.

The “Join in Card” and Shanghai’s integration station improve access to health care, transportation, legal information, employment services and everyday assistance, reducing barriers that can marginalize foreign residents.

Cindy described cultural exchange as an opportunity for societies to “learn from one another and adopt each other’s strengths,” a sentiment that will continue to grow as immigrants can acclimate more fully to their new country.

The future of migration to China depends not only on how many foreigners enter, but whether those who live, study and work there can participate in their communities with financial freedom. By expanding accessible services and cultural exchange, China is taking steps toward greater understanding, opportunity and connection, particularly for the poorest immigrants.

– Lilia Clark

Lilia Clark is based in Oxford, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Language Barriers and Indigenous Migrants in Mexico City

Woman in colorful clothing stands against a gray wall, reflecting Indigenous culture. Indigenous Migrants in Mexico CityIn Mexico, 38.5 million people lived in multidimensional poverty in 2024, and more than 8.3 million people recently moved out of poverty between 2022 and 2024. While those figures are alarming, the uneven spread of poverty is perhaps more concerning. Indigenous communities continue to face deeper exclusion, and in Mexico City, the pressure becomes practical when schools, shelters and support systems are not equipped to meet people in their language. For Indigenous migrants in Mexico City, language is tied to housing, schooling, paperwork and whether asking for help feels possible at all.

Indigenous Education Support Program

The Indigenous Education Support Program aims to address this issue. It provides lodging, food and educational support for Indigenous and Afro-Mexican children and young people, while also strengthening cultural identity. It is geared partly toward students who do not have the option of continuing school in their own communities. In a city where language can become another line of exclusion, support of this kind can keep younger people in school while preserving ties to community and identity that urban life can erode quickly.

Shelter Support

The same pressure appears in shelters. Reporting from the Latin America Working Group describes how CAFEMIN works with women, children and family groups arriving in Mexico City under increasingly difficult conditions. A shelter coordinator describes current arrivals as “forced migration” shaped by violence rather than only economic need. That phrase captures the pressure many families experience before they even reach the city. Many families are not only poor when they arrive, but they have also been uprooted, and the instability that follows them into the city can turn every form, question and office into another barrier. Under those conditions, legal guidance, daily care and help with paperwork are essential for people to find their footing.

SOS Children’s Villages

A measurable example can be found at SOS Children’s Villages Mexico City, which has worked in the city since 1971. According to the organization, 40 children and young people grow up in its care, 20 young people are supported on the way to independence and 30 people can take part in its various training programs. Its work extends beyond emergency response and includes education, training and family support intended to keep households together. For families already trying to navigate the city from a position of insecurity, help of this kind can narrow the distance between a family and the services it is trying to reach.

Looking Ahead

None of these efforts erase the barriers that Indigenous migrants face in Mexico City, and none solve poverty on their own. Still, they make the city easier to navigate. A place to stay, help remaining in school and support that treats families as more than a case file can soften the force of language barriers, even when those barriers remain. Mexico City is still difficult for many underrepresented families, but the programs in place suggest that services do not have to remain distant or impersonal. They can be made more reachable, more legible and more humane.

– Elliott J Carter

Elliott is based in Mexico City, Mexico and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Being Poor in Singapore

Being Poor in SingaporeMany people know Singapore from the movie “Crazy Rich Asians,” and the movie itself is not far off from what Singapore looks like and how it operates. Singapore is a country off the coast of Malaysia, with a population of almost six million people.

As a country, Singapore developed significantly, with older portions of the city being transformed. Older Malay kampong houses are beginning to disappear with buildings from the Housing and Development Board (known as HDBs) replacing them instead.

Singapore’s population is multicultural and diverse. With Hindu temples nestled amongst Chinatown, the nation prides itself on religious toleration and multiculturalism.

While Singapore seems ideal and almost-perfect, poverty does still exist. Around 3% of Singapore’s population live in absolute poverty, meaning that their household income is less than the pre-determined level (“minimum income standard” in Singapore is $1,680). Being poor in Singapore makes it difficult for them to gain basic necessities, like food, water, shelter and more.

Affordability in Singapore

While International Citizens Insurance ranks Singapore as one of the most expensive countries to live in, there are affordable options in Singapore. HDBs, mentioned earlier, are Singapore’s public housing, and around 80% of the population live in these buildings. Hawker centers earn Michelin stars in Singapore for their renowned dishes, but people also know them for being very affordable.

Minorities Affected in Singapore

Minorities that are most affected include low-wage workers (who make up “60% of Singaporeans living in poverty”), unemployed and underemployed people, elderly (especially older women). However, one should note that these numbers do not include migrant workers. Although poverty may not be completely visible, there are certain minorities that struggle more than others, including rough sleepers and migrant workers.

Rough sleepers in Singapore are “individuals who sleep in public spaces” (excluding whether they have housing or not). CNA states that not all who are homeless sleep rough. Despite half of rough sleepers (around 47%) having a home, 20% of rough sleepers have financial struggles while 29% have trouble “securing or maintaining housing.”

Moreover, Singapore’s migrant workers often get low-wages yet have “labor-intensive jobs.” Despite their work to develop the country, they do not receive the same access to healthcare. Workers often have their “healthcare declined” or managed by their employers. According to one study, people in Singapore may believe that migrant workers “threaten the country’s culture and heritage.”

The same study stated that only a small majority of the public support the idea of giving maternity leave to migrant women. And only a small number of people supported providing equal wages to women migrant workers working the same job as women nationals.

Rising Cost of Living in Singapore

Households are becoming less prepared for the future and financial resilience is decreasing due to increasing costs of living in Singapore. The monthly cost of living in Singapore is around $2,560, and the numbers can increase if an individual is married or has kids (because of including other necessary payments like insurance). Since 2000, the cost of HDB resale apartments have also increased by 168.6%.

Solutions in Singapore

The experience of minorities combined with rising living costs proves to be a challenge, but the country has taken measures to alleviate the issue of being poor in Singapore. For instance, the Ministry of Social and Family Development will provide $450,000 to help organizations combat homelessness; applications for this fund (called Partnerships to Tackle Homelessness or PATH) opened on April 1st, 2026 to help organizations find “trial solutions that address the underlying causes of rough sleeping.” 

Furthermore, HealthServe, a nonprofit for migrant workers, was finally able to secure the now-mandatory Primary Care Plan (a plan that “aims to provide eligible workers with accessible and affordable healthcare”) after years of advocacy. The Primary Care Plan took effect on April 1st 2022 and more than 490,000 migrant workers are enrolled in this plan. While language, employer support and mental health support are obstacles yet to overcome, Singapore has made progress in these areas.

Looking Ahead

Singapore isn’t a perfect country, and there are still minorities who struggle with being poor in Singapore. However, with the help of local NGOs and government intervention, these problems are slowly being alleviated, and these small steps will ultimately lead to a better environment for everyone.

– Sahana Sundar

Sahana is based in Singapore and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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A Spotlight on Migration to Yemen Amongst Civil War

Migration to YemenThe ongoing Yemeni Civil War, which first broke out in September 2014, placed the country in a severe humanitarian crisis. This conflict has led to approximately 4.5 million internally displaced persons in Yemen, and yet the country itself remains a widely used migration corridor. Thousands of migrants travel from Sub-Saharan Africa along the East towards the Gulf states in seek of economic opportunities and increased security. However, the Eastern route is one of the most dangerous for migrants, with migration to Yemen resulting in more than 63,000 refugees from Somalia and Ethiopia in Yemen in 2023.

The Dangers That Migrants Face

The Houthi movement’s seizure of Yemen’s capital Sana’a in 2014 resulted in ongoing political instability. A Saudi-led coalition became militarily involved with the aim of restoring control, following the weakening of the current government, leading to a civil war.

The political climate remains unclear in 2026, with control in Yemen still being divided amongst different groups. This means that migration to Yemen involves arriving in a nation that lacks a singular body of power providing rules and policies. Not only are migrants subject to natural threats, including a lack of shelter, food and water, along with environmental disasters, but they are also now often exposed to exploitation. Without a stable government smugglers can drive the narrative of helping migrants to safety while instead driving them into serious danger. For instance, these individuals become at risk of being victims of trafficking or exploitation, with hundreds of migrant deaths and disappearances being recorded along this route. Yet programs aimed at relieving migrants of these humanitarian conditions remain underfunded.

The Impact on Vulnerable Groups

The reality is that many migrants arriving from outside Yemen come from vulnerable groups, including unaccompanied minors and children who are younger than five years old. In addition to this, migration to Yemen by Yemeni migrant returnees include individuals from these vulnerable groups, as well as elderly individuals and pregnant women. These migrant children are included in the 2.2 million undernourished children in 2026. 

Despite this crisis remaining one of the most threatening in the world, Yemen’s 2025 response plan was only funded by 25%, making it impossible to provide the necessary humanitarian aid. This also means that key food, shelter and health services are increasingly difficult to maintain, furthering the threats posed to vulnerable groups.

The Plan Going Forward 

International support is thus crucial. Organizations such as UNICEF are providing children with basic nutritional and healthcare support, with donations being invaluable to the aid provided. In 2025, UNICEF progressed its WASH programme, helping individuals gain access to clean water through more than 50 water supply projects, as well as funding health care facilities which helped 4.6 million women and children tackle malnourishment and illness. UNICEF also supported more than 100,000 children by improving educational facilities and implementing vaccinations, given to more than 15 million children in the wake of disease amongst migration to Yemen.

Further to this, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) sets out to help displaced migrants across Yemen, facilitating safety and urgent care through their Voluntary Humanitarian Return (VHR) programme. The VHR programme sets out to minimize the unsafe conditions caused by migration to Yemen, assisting more than 6,500 migrants with their departures and onward journeys. However, despite these efforts a lack of funding acts as a barrier to relieving migrants of hardships.

Looking Ahead

Sustained international support is also necessary for the UN’s mission to support this ongoing humanitarian crisis. Without more funding or international assistance, migrants will continue to suffer at the hands of this humanitarian emergency.

– Beatrice Toye

Beatrice is based in the United Kingdom and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Migration to South Sudan

Migration to South SudanSouth Sudan has experienced decades of colonial rule and internal conflict and two violent civil wars, the second of which lasted more than two decades and claimed an estimated 2 million lives. It also experienced a 2011 referendum which saw nearly 99% of the population vote in favor of independence. Today, net migration to South Sudan, the world’s youngest country, is estimated to be the “world’s highest,” sitting at 39.6 migrants per 1,000 population.

Despite many people migrating to South Sudan to seek refuge, the country remains one of the worst humanitarian crises globally. There have been multiple failed attempts at peace agreements and cease-fires in the region, with “political violence and instability” between government forces and rebel groups persisting. Further agricultural issues present themselves, with the country’s tropical climate leaving it highly vulnerable to the impacts of natural disasters. Therefore, the high rates of migration to South Sudan, combined with these factors, mean that currently more than half the South Sudanese population (7.8 million) face “acute food insecurity.”

The Numbers Examined  

Since April 2023, the neighboring country, Sudan, has seen an ongoing brutal civil war between rival factions of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SDF) and Rapid Supported Forces (RSF). Around 19 million people are facing “crisis levels of hunger,” with one in three Sudanese experiencing displacement from their homes. Out of the 605,062 refugees and asylum seekers settled in South Sudan at the end of 2025, 95% were Sudanese refugees.

In 2025, South Sudan hosted the third most Sudanese refugees. A contributor to this is the prima facie refugee status that the South Sudanese government granted, which allows an individual to receive acknowledgment as a refugee based on the objective circumstances in their home country, rather than individual evaluation. A large proportion of these migrants are nationals returning to the country, having originally fled to Sudan as refugees. Among the refugees, around 76% are women and children combined.

Nearly two years on since the Sudan conflict began in 2023, an Oxfam report showed that more than 1 million refugees and returnees have fled to South Sudan, seeking refuge. Figures show that an estimated 1,500 people were arriving daily at Renk transit centers, located in northern South Sudan, meaning these facilities were operating at “five times their intended capacity.”

The Consequences of Mass Migration

The consequences of this mass migration to South Sudan, a country already experiencing a “catastrophic humanitarian crisis,” is devastating. Alongside these high levels of incoming migrants, South Sudan is battling with massive levels of internal displacement. At the end of 2024, 1.8 million South Sudanese individuals had been internally displaced.

A large reason for these high levels of displacement is the continued armed conflict and intercommunal violence within the country, with areas such as the Upper Nile experiencing the worst effects. This conflict has made it increasingly difficult for communities to receive appropriate aid, as well as an increase in “protection risks,” particularly in vulnerable groups such as unaccompanied children.

The migrant crisis has produced a greater strain on already sparse resources, with farmers using as little as 5% of agricultural land due to issues such as fuel price increases and changing weather patterns. An example of this is the widespread flooding that has occurred in 44 of South Sudan Counties, affecting 1.4 million people. The agricultural sector in South Sudan simply does not have the capacity to meet the needs of its people.

Internally, there are also large infrastructural issues. South Sudan boasts a large oil industry, accounting for 90% of the government’s revenue. However, much of these profits are going toward improving the lives of the elites, such as government officials.

Aid and Response 

Many of South Sudan’s rural areas now rely solely on international aid to survive. An organization helping to provide this aid is Oxfam, delivering humanitarian assistance to 500,000 people. In the town of Renk, one of Oxfam’s initiatives includes providing “hygiene and dignity kits” for locals, which can include necessities such as soap or menstrual items for women.

Another organization that has played a major role in providing aid to the region for decades is Christian Aid. Its “From Violence to Peace” approach seeks to enable communities in South Sudan, by equipping them with the “knowledge and tools” regarding conflict that they require. The aim here is to allow the people to confront the underlying causes of conflict and participate in a comprehensive peace for their country.

Other African nations are also playing their part to assist with this crisis. In 2024, Uganda hosted 43% of South Sudanese refugees, the highest in the region. The country’s progressive approach offers rights such as “access to land and services” to those who migrate there. Uganda, Ethiopia and Kenya all granted prima facie status to South Sudanese refugees, allowing them “immediate protection and support.”

South Sudan’s Future 

Despite help from those in the region and internationally, much work is still necessary in South Sudan. With more than 2.3 million South Sudanese remaining as refugees in neighboring countries, there will come a time when some of these people will return home. This leaves the country and its people facing a seemingly impossible equation to solve; a declining amount of food supplies alongside an ever increasing number of mouths to feed.

At the end of 2024, the “South Sudan Regional Refugee Response Plan” only received 27% of its funding. Due to “lack of governance” much foreign aid often fails to reach those who need it most. International governments have received criticism for not doing enough to implement long-term strategies to help relieve this humanitarian crisis. The people of South Sudan should not have to face this crisis alone; they cannot afford to experience abandonment as the consequences would be devastating.

– William Snow

William is based in Chepstow, Wales and focuses on Good News and Technologyfor The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Migration to Ecuador: An Untapped Economic Potential 

Migration to EcuadorWith a total population of approximately 18 million and an area of 276,841 square kilometers, Ecuador is one of the smallest countries on the South American continent. Due to its geographical location, it is also one of the largest host countries for hundreds of thousands of migrants. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), migration to Ecuador is significant as more than 123,000 irregular migrants cross the Ecuadorian-Colombian border each year.

Meanwhile, the UNHCR estimates that nearly 500,000 refugees, asylum seekers, or people in need of protection have remained in Ecuador in the hope of a better life. Most of these are irregular migrants from Colombia and Venezuela. These groups are at risk of marginalization due to stigmatization, discrimination and a lack of valid documentation—yet new data shows that a well-organized strategy for integrating refugees has immense potential to boost the country’s economic growth. However, since the outbreak of the pandemic in 2020 the country has been struggling with serious crime issues. Drug cartels and gang crime are causing an increasing exodus of young and productive Ecuadorian workers. The result: no economic growth and a rising poverty rate.

Emigration of Productive Labor

Ecuador, once known as the “Island of Peace,” attracted immigrants from around the world due to its comparatively low homicide rate. As the Center for Strategic and International Studies reported, Ecuador’s homicide rate in 2019 stood at 6.7 per 100,000 inhabitants, making it one of the lowest among Latin American countries. 

During the pandemic, the situation shifted dramatically: Lockdowns forced businesses to close, tourism declined and oil exports fell. Ecuador’s central bank reported a 7.8% decrease in gross domestic product (GDP), while unemployment rose rapidly. Three out of 10 workers lost the jobs they held before the pandemic; half of them remained unemployed. The homicide rate jumped to 50.91 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2025.

As a result, income levels in Ecuador have changed: according to the National Institute of Statistics and Census (INEC), income poverty rose from 25% in 2019 to nearly 33% in 2020—1.4 million people fell into income poverty.

At the time, an undesirable but already well-researched phenomenon plagued the country: the positive correlation between poverty and crime. In other words: rising poverty leads to a higher risk of violence and crime, which, according to Ecuador’s Ombudsman’s Office (DPE), has resulted in the displacement of more than 300,000 Ecuadorians in recent years. Demographically speaking, most of them are young men of working age. A paper by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) calculated the direct cost as an average of 3.44% of the GDP annually. Indirectly, the exploding crime rates slow down economic growth.

Ecuador as a Host Country

Ecuador serves as a transit and entry country for groups from Africa, Cuba and Haiti. The country has, for decades already, been experiencing an influx of refugees from countries plagued by armed conflict and violence. Nonetheless, two main groups mark migration to Ecuador: 

Migrants from Colombia who have fled an armed conflict between guerrilla groups and the government that has been ongoing for more than 50 years. There are an estimated 130,000 to 200,000 Colombians living in Ecuador; according to the UNHCR, 94% of the more than 80,000 recognized refugees are Colombians.

In addition, Ecuador is home to Venezuelans who fled the humanitarian crisis under the Maduro regime. Around 440,000 migrants have applied for asylum, but only a small number of Venezuelans in Ecuador have valid residency documents. For Venezuelans, it takes months or even years to obtain a document such as an ID card or a passport. These delays are due to very high financial barriers, political restrictions, and the general collapse of the Venezuelan bureaucracy.

Migrants in Ecuador Face Legal Obstacles and Discrimination

The status of undocumented refugees creates significant barriers and contributes to the marginalization of these groups. At the same time it opens the door to systemic discrimination, exposes them to the risk of crime and violence, and traps refugees in a cycle of poverty. Access to housing, healthcare, education or employment appears to be significantly more difficult. Although an estimated one-third of refugees in Ecuador hold a college degree, the vast majority end up in the informal sector, with some earning a per capita income of only about $175 or less.

People in host countries often stigmatize minorities. They frequently project the violence and poverty prevalent in refugees’ countries of origin onto those seeking protection, which hinders their cultural and socio-economic integration. In crisis and conflict situations, politicians exploit fear and uncertainty for propaganda against migrants, in the hope of achieving better election results by stoking fears of competition for jobs or a strain on public finances.

Migration to Ecuador Can Boost Economic Growth

However, contrary to all the clichés, propaganda, and hate campaigns, recent statistics from the Center for Global Development (CGD) show that Venezuelan migrants are underrepresented among those detained for criminal offenses in Ecuador. In 2025, Venezuelans made up 2.4% of Ecuador’s population but accounted for only 1% of all detainees. Studies even suggest that refugees are more likely to be victims of crimes committed by their hosts than the other way around, but most of these cases remain unreported due to lack of trust in Ecuador’s authorities.

Given the country’s precarious security and economic situation, the integration of migrants is a crucial factor for economic growth and the well-being of the Ecuadorian population. As the International Organization for Migration (IOM) notes, Venezuelan migrants contribute an estimated $900 million annually to the Ecuadorian economy—simply through their consumption of goods and services. A well-thought-out bureaucratic strategy and a liberalized refugee policy could benefit the country and generate additional resources to combat gang violence and crime.

Migration and Poverty

Humanitarian aid plays a crucial role in integrating migrants into Ecuador’s society. The situation in Colombia is a prime example of how vital financial support can be for the stabilization and integration of refugees: the country has taken in over 2 million Venezuelans. Through programs such as the “Humanitarian Cash Transfer” (HCT), which was funded by USAID’s Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance (BHA), households received $100 per month over a six-month period.

A study conducted by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimated the total cost of health care, education and other services for this period of assistance—assuming a total of 2 million refugees—at $1.3 billion. The IMF’s analysis highlights that host countries are under significant financial pressure. However, the study found a surprisingly positive impact on the countries’ productivity. Due to the growth of labor force and a better match between migrants’ human capital and available jobs, these countries are able to achieve meaningful productivity and growth gains in the medium term. The study estimates that GDP could grow by 2.5 to 4.5 percentage points by 2030. Furthermore the authors assume that the costs of integrating migrants and refugees would decrease if they gained access to the labor market due to increased economic activity and the expansion of the tax base. 

Projects such as HIAS’s Economic Empowerment Program aim to educate Venezuelans about their economic opportunities and help them develop a greater awareness of their skills and how to apply those skills in a business setting. By offering training, mentoring programs and start-up capital, Venezuelans can be integrated into the labor market. In this way, refugees are provided with a sustainable livelihood—while simultaneously contributing to a net benefit for Ecuadorian society and economic growth.

Conclusion

Migration to Ecuador plays a major role in the country’s middle-term and long-term development. In order to boost economic growth, Ecuador must tackle its national crime rate explosion. Therefore, the country needs to break its cycle of poverty, especially amongst migrants from Venezuela and Colombia. Moreover, the Ecuadorian population should recognize the potential that refugees bring to their country. Foreign aid and assistance combined with a consistent socio-economic integration strategy can provide long-term solutions for downsizing poverty and minimizing the negative effects on Ecuador’s economy.

– Oliwia Kowalak

Oliwia is based in Berlin, Germany and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Migration to Guatemala: The Struggle of Deported Migrants

Migration to GuatemalaSince the beginning of this year, the American immigration authorities have forcibly returned more than 24,000 Guatemalans to their homeland after years of building lives in the United States. For most, the trip back home represented a tragic end to their pursuit of the American dream. However, repatriation is only the beginning of their struggle, as the return is often the first chapter in the broader story of unwanted migration to Guatemala and the challenge of reintegration in a country still suffering from the very issues they fled.

Such is the story of Marvin, who lived for 20 years in the United States – where he left behind a wife and children – and now struggles to make ends meet in Guatemala, despite having owned a successful business before his deportation. Then there is Hector, a former manager in a larger American company. Having crossed the border as an infant, he spent his entire life in the U.S. before a prison stint led U.S. officials to deport him to a foreign homeland. Data and statistics often obscure individual stories like theirs. Stark examples of the struggle that Guatemalan deportees face as they try to rebuild their lives.

The Labor Barriers 

When deportees land at La Aurora International Airport, government officials receive them with snacks and beverages, before leading them into an office for a quick medical check. For the vast majority, this is the only form of support they will know. Once they leave the reception gates, they must fend for themselves.

For people like Hector and Marvin, the immediate struggle is to integrate into a low-income economy where skilled individuals often struggle to find work that fits their profile. The structural constraints are the result of a scarcity of high-productivity jobs and a mismatch between the skills acquired abroad and the domestic demand. This results in inactivity levels in the returnee population that reaches 50.3% in rural areas and 45.7% in urban areas.

Most of the deported population – 79% – are working-age men who are unable to find a stable job in a country where 68% of employment remains informal. Economic necessity often forces them to rely on low-paid, temporary and informal work in construction and agriculture.

For female deportees, reintegration can be more challenging, as they must navigate gender-based discrimination regarding women’s role in society, particularly in rural communities. For children, the experience can be traumatic, having been pulled from the only life they knew while facing the harsh realities of an underfunded education system and enduring child labor.

The Social Struggle

Some deportees must face the social stigma that comes with deportation. After years spent abroad, many struggle to reconnect on a social and cultural level while their own communities often stigmatize them, leading to social isolation.

Exposure to Guatemala’s endemic violence also threatens returnees. Street gangs often extort them under erroneous assumptions that they possess wealth. In the worst case, deportees borrowed money from usurers in order to pay smugglers, meaning that upon their return, they remain in debt with dangerous human trafficking networks, while being unable to earn a stable living due to the country’s economic conditions.

The Institutional Gaps

For most migrants, rebuilding their life in those conditions is like climbing a steep mountain of economical and social hardship. Historically, there has been an institutional vacuum regarding migration to Guatemala, reflected in the lack of coherent policy and long-term reintegration strategies, especially regarding deportations.  For the affected population, this means an absence of support in areas such as employment, housing and mental health.

Following the tightening of immigration policies in the United States, Guatemalan President Bernardo Arévalo announced in January 2025 the launch of a program designed to assist deported migrants upon their arrival. Known as “Plan Retorno al Hogar,” it is intended to provide immediate assistance to deportees, ensure individualized support, and connect them with services such as healthcare and education, as well as job opportunities or training programs.

However, the actual impact of the program remains questionable. In a document that Pop No’j shared with The Borgen Project – a Guatemalan association working closely with returned migrants – the organization noted that since its implementation, no noticeable changes have been observed beyond the basic reception and the creation of a registration center in Guatemala City. In their view, state support remains limited, failing to adapt to the returnee’s changing profile, now including entire families and individuals who have spent their entire lives abroad.

How Civil Society Is Filling the Void

The vacuum the government left has pushed grassroots organizations and civil society groups to fill in the gaps regarding return migration to Guatemala. Pop No’j, for instance, provided support to more than 400 returned migrants in indigenous regions between 2021 and 2024, focusing on some of the country’s most vulnerable and marginalized populations.

Similarly, organizations like Casa del Migrante, originally founded to assist the displaced population during the Guatemalan civil war, have expanded in order to meet the current needs of migrant communities. Today, Casa del Migrante provides help for transient migrants, as well as deportees. 

The work of these civil society organizations and individuals shares a common holistic approach. According to Pop No’j, it offers not only economic and social reintegration support, but also legal counsel. Its efforts are also focused on coordinating with other organizations and state institutions as much as possible.  

Support comes also from social initiatives that stem from concerned citizens. Such is the case with la Red, a restaurant and cultural center located in Guatemala’s second-largest city, Quetzaltenango. Willy Barreno, a chef and former migrant, founded it upon his return, in an effort to create employment opportunities for returned migrants, and teaching locals some of the skills he learned abroad.

Looking Ahead

Reintegration remains a struggle for deported Guatemalans. In light of the recent developments, the government responded with a program to assist returned migrants, with the results yet to be seen. Meanwhile, deported Guatemalans will always find a safety net in the solidarity of their fellow citizens.

– Mateo Montes Asturias

Mateo is based in Montpellier, France and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Migration to Bangladesh – The Rohingya Crisis

Migration to BangladeshThe Rohingya remain one of the most displaced people in the world, with more than a million Rohingya currently living as refugees outside of Myanmar and more than 3 million internally displaced. Fearing persecution, many have sought refuge in neighboring countries, including in Cox’s Bazar, the world’s largest refugee camp, in Bangladesh where they continue to face dire living conditions. Here is more information about the Rohingya and migration to Bangladesh.

Who Are the Rohingya?

The name Rohingya refers to an indigenous Muslim ethnic minority who were living in the Arakan Kingdom, which Burma, now known as Myanmar, invaded in 1784. 

Historically, Burma fell under the colonial occupation of the British during which time, the Rohingya people remained in Arakan and maintained their language and community while living alongside the Buddhist Rakhine, who resented their presence in the region. 

Disputes between the Muslim Rohingya and the Buddhist Rakhine intensified through the Japanese invasion during World War II and continued on after Myanmar gained its independence in 1948. From then on, the Myanmar government has continuously denied the Rohingya people their right to citizenship and launched systematic persecution against the Rohingya, which lasts to this day. 

The situation got drastically worse in 2017 and drove nearly half a million Rohingya out of their home country resulting in a large Rohingya migration to Bangladesh. The Rohingya people remain stateless to this day. 

Migration to Bangladesh

As of 2025, more than 1 million Rohingya refugees reside in the world’s largest refugee camp, Cox’s Bazar, in Bangladesh where living conditions are precarious. Aside from overcrowding, refugees currently face other humanitarian challenges such as:

  • Poor access to water and food 
  • Poor access to healthcare
  • Poor access to education
  • Malnutrition and spread of infections
  • Risk of exploitation and insecurity

UNICEF noted more than 235,000 refugee children between the ages of 5-17 have no access to schools, leaving them vulnerable to child trafficking and labor. Furthermore, Rohingya refugees do not have a legal right to leave the camp or to work on their own terms. On top of this, the Rohingya people are left to navigate their trauma on their own and many children are born in limbo. Currently, the Rohingya crisis is being addressed at the International Court of Justice.

Remaining Hopeful

As court proceedings unravel, many organizations continue to work on the ground to meet the needs of the Rohingya people in refugee camps. 

  • International Rescue Committee (IRC): The IRC is working to bring lifesaving aids to refugees in Cox’s Bazar, including a recently launched measles response to a major outbreak in April 2026, which includes vaccinations and other health services for 20,000 children aged 6 months to 5 years in Rohingya refugee camps. The IRC also provides child protection and education programs in the refugee camps, with more than 400 staff operating across 33 camps in Bangladesh.
  • Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF): MSF is working to provide healthcare support on the ground, including mental health support and maternity care to refugees not only in Cox’s Bazar, but all around the world. With an increasing influx of refugees arriving to Cox’s Bazar, there are increased risks of infections, which MSF staffs are helping to alleviate. In 2025, MSF launched a “test and treat” campaign, which addresses the alarming rate of hepatitis C infections among the Rohingya refugees. Of 2,136 individuals who were positive for hepatitis C, MSF has already treated 2,102 individuals.
  • UNHCR The UN Refugee Agency: Migration to Bangladesh comes with various challenges, especially weather hazards. From May to October, Bangladesh faces the monsoon season, which comes with heavy rainfall and storms. This poses an immediate threat to refugees living tents not designed to withhold such extreme weather conditions. The UNHCR has a monsoon response where staffs provide practical assistance to families impacted by the monsoon. In anticipation for the monsoon season, the UNHCR staffs provide tie-down kits to as many as 40,000 households to help them upgrade their shelters.

Looking Ahead

With recent cuts in foreign aid in the U.S. and the U.K., humanitarian efforts supporting the Rohingya community proving more challenging, the work does not stop. However, with the help of individual donors around the world, aid workers are able to continue helping refugees. The good news is that the Rohingya people now have their voices being heard at the International Court of Justice, so the world can no longer turn away.

– Marine Baume

Marine is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Migration to Chad: The Program Aiding Migrants Returning to Chad

Migration to ChadReturning migrants, or ‘returnees’ refers to individuals who move back to their country of origin. Many migrants return to Chad involuntarily and face numerous challenges as they try to reintegrate into society.

Chad’s Humanitarian Crisis 

Armed conflict, the climate crisis and food insecurity have worsened Chad’s humanitarian crisis. In 2022, 44.8% lived in poverty and rises to 50% for those living in rural areas. Migration to Chad from Sudan, the Central African Republic and Cameroon have added 1.8 million refugees to an already struggling nation. This has placed further strain on limited and stretched resources.

The Challenges of Returnees 

According to the World Bank, more than 120,000 people fled Chad in 2025. But many migrants choose to return due to risks of trafficking, detention, forced deportation and family separation. A lack of opportunities and additional difficulties in the country of transit or destination has also contributed to the decision for returning migration to Chad. More than 300,000 Chadians have gone back to the eastern part of the country due to the Sudanese conflict. 

Returnees often face unique challenges to other forms of migration to Chad. Many accumulate debt to fund their journeys and return to no assets or employment and no way to repay what they owe. This can lead to animosity from those they are indebted to. Some communities shun or shame individuals for their ‘failed’ migration attempt and competition over limited resources can create additional tensions. This can make it particularly difficult for individuals to resume the life they left behind.

The Sahel Integrated Climate Resilience and Migration Programme

The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) launched the Sahel Integrated Climate Resilience and Migration Programme in 2024 to address issues returnees face across the region. The program seeks to improve access to employment opportunities, life skills training, social protection measures such as housing and education, and mental health support.

Many migrants returning to Chad experience acute psychological difficulties, such as anxiety, feelings of failure, isolation and fear. The IFRC seeks to help national societies provide counselling and support before and after migrants return to assist with reintegration. 

The programme also aims to strengthen social cohesion. Initiatives such as mothers’ clubs and farmers field schools are intended to encourage positive relationships between local communities. Returnees will also receive job opportunities, vocational training schemes and micro-entrepreneurships to empower those returning to Chad and the communities who receive them. 

Cash-based assistance will be a key aspect of the initiative. Allowing individuals and families to decide where funds are best spent creates a sustainable system in which migrants returning to Chad are encouraged to reach financial independence and stability and local economies are stimulated.

Conclusion

Migrants returning to Chad often face major reintegration challenges, including poverty, debt, stigma and limited access to resources, alongside psychological stress and social isolation. These difficulties are intensified by wider pressures such as conflict, food insecurity, and the changing climate. The Sahel Integrated Climate Resilience and Migration Programme supports returnees in their reintegration into Chadian society to help them to re-establish the lives they left behind. 

– Louise Nethercott

Louise is based in Vienna, Austria and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr