Higher education in Ghana is entering a transformative phase. The University of Ghana has made international headlines for well supported achievements that will aid in shaping its future. Beyond the headlines, important debates about academic freedom, authority and integrity are shaping the future of Ghanaian universities. Together, these developments give insight into a sector full of promise, progress and the determination to secure a stronger place in the global academic stage.
Global Spotlight on the University of Ghana
In 2025, the University of Ghana achieved a new milestone when it was included in the Times Higher Education Interdisciplinary Science Rankings. The university ranked first in Ghana, second in West Africa and 187th worldwide.
For students and policymakers, this was more than just a symbolic win. It was proof that Ghanaian research is able to compete on the global stage. The University of Ghana offers many science opportunities, which combine insights from different academic fields to address complex problems, and is increasingly seen as the future for applying students. Many statistics still suggest that Ghana’s student poverty rate is still on the rise, with a 2024 report finding that around 60.6% of Ghanaian students experienced some type of food or finance related insecurity.
The University of Ghana’s strong showing suggests that the country’s education system plays an important role in directing who experiences challenges. In many ways, this recognition is both a reward for a call to strengthen Ghana’s place in international academia and a view into the changes Ghanaians want to see.
Making Research Accessible to the Public
Although the University of Ghana has well shown its national standing, a growing concern amongst Ghanaian academics is access to research outputs. Professor Eric Appau Asante of Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology emphasized the need for universities to make their research available to the public.
Too often, valuable findings remain hidden in academic journals and institutional archives, accessible only to a small circle of scholars. Asante argued that research should flow outward, supporting local industries and should inform everyday citizens. By 2026, researchers expect around 6.9 million Ghanaians to live in extreme poverty. In a country eager to accelerate growth, open access to knowledge would be transformative. It would allow research to move beyond classrooms, and directly shape economic progress. With roughly 18% of residents living in extreme poverty, as shown through science researched based programs at the University of Ghana, the country has the ability to go further with its support in the academic sector for those who deserve to have the ability to support Ghana’s innovative future.
Understanding Autonomy and Academic Freedom Under Pressure
A study published on the Society for Research into Higher Education blog revealed that institutional autonomy is one of the strongest predictors of academic freedom. Autonomy allows universities to govern themselves and ensure that faculty can teach and research without interference. However, the rise of corporate models is increasingly challenging to this freedom, which emphasizes efficiency and profitability. While these models can bring structure, they also risk eroding the independence that makes universities unique centers of free thought. Sought after institutions like the University of Ghana and the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology both have high fees for enrollment and tuition, making it difficult for low income students to want to join in the first place, even with outstanding marks.
Leadership diversity further complicates the issue. The same study found that women remain underrepresented in leadership roles, and men and women often perceive autonomy and freedom differently. If higher education is to live up to its promise, leadership must reflect a broader range of voices. Genuine academic freedom cannot thrive without inclusivity and shared authority.
Confronting Access to Education
Even with the many accomplishments that higher education in Ghana has achieved, poverty still shapes who is allowed to access said education. Even when students qualify academically, tuition, housing and textbook costs limit their opportunities. Many government and nongovernment oriented organizations have been supporting students for this important reason. NGOs like The Young Achievers Foundation in Ghana (YAF Ghana) and the Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program support Ghanaian students with financial sustainability.
YAF Ghana has supported students wanting to be admitted and has raised around $80 million USD in total scholarships raised for its students. YAF Ghana also reports a 99% graduation rate among its 300 plus candidates through 45 colleges and universities across Ghana. This innovative group drives home the importance of how targeted investment can lead to high success rates for low income youth. Like YAF Ghana, the Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program works across Ghana and greater Africa to enable access to higher education of 40,000 plus candidates through both full and partial scholarships, with around 70% of those supported by the program being young women.
Both YAF Ghana and the Mastercard Foundation encourage low-income students to strive for success through scholarships connected to universities or provide programs that help students to attain needed leadership skills. Both of these initiatives show the ways in which overcoming financial challenges can be brought into a new light through community, which Ghana has shown it needs more of.
A Well Adapting Field
Put together, these developments reveal an intersection of successes throughout higher education in Ghana. Ghana’s universities are:
- Gaining global recognition for excellence in research
- Confronting challenges around autonomy, inclusivity, and authority
- Exploring ways to make research more accessible to society
- Working to safeguard integrity and credibility in an era of global risks
- Creating opportunities for the students that need it most
The University of Ghana’s world ranking is a milestone worth celebrating, but it also highlights what is at stake. True progress requires weaving together excellence, autonomy, inclusivity, openness and integrity into a shared vision for the future.
Looking to the Future
The University of Ghana’s world ranking is a milestone worth celebrating, but it also highlights what is at stake. True progress requires weaving together excellence, autonomy, inclusivity, openness and integrity into a shared vision for the future. Numbers even project the number of higher education institutions from 265 known institutions in 2021 to more than 300 in 2025. If Ghana can find the right combination, its universities will not only continue to climb the international rankings but also emerge as insights into national development. By creating knowledge through programs, encouraging innovation and supporting social changes, higher education in Ghana can be one of the country’s key strengths in the years ahead.
– Abigail Ariyo
Abigail is based in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.
Photo: Unsplash
Mass Registration Drive for Foundational IDs in Somalia
The Importance of IDs in Somalia
Somalia, officially the Federal Republic of Somalia, is a country located in the Horn of Africa. Like many countries in that region, Somalia has endured widespread poverty caused by years of drought, famine, conflict and institutional instability. In 2022, more than half of Somalia’s population lived below the national poverty line, while three-quarters experienced non-monetary poverty. Somalia’s nomadic population is especially affected, with approximately three-quarters of nomads living below the poverty line and nearly all experiencing non-monetary poverty.
Despite rapid urbanization, Somalia lags behind other countries with similar income levels in labor force participation and educational access. One major reason for this is Somalia’s low rate of citizen ID possession. According to the 2022 Somali Integrated Household Budget Survey, fewer than 16% of Somalis had some form of government-issued ID.
Foundational IDs are essential for accessing and facilitating multiple private and public services, including:
This same survey found that while most Somalis lack a foundational ID, the vast majority recognize their value and want one.
Challenges to ID Registration
Expanding ID coverage across Somalia presents multiple challenges. Despite recent rapid urbanization, Somalia’s population still remains widely dispersed. Many Somalis live in remote or rural areas, lead nomadic lifestyles or are refugees, returnees or internally displaced persons, which makes it challenging to reach unregistered individuals. Additionally, Somalia’s strong oral tradition and use of various minority languages and dialects create significant communication barriers during outreach and enrollment efforts.
Social norms also play a major role in limiting access to foundational IDs in Somalia. In particular, restrictive cultural practices often hinder women’s participation in public and economic life, which makes it more difficult for them to register or benefit from services that require IDs. Literacy levels in Somalia are also low, estimated at just 54% for people aged 15 and older, with women and youth disproportionately affected. Years of conflict and instability have disrupted education, especially for younger generations.
Security concerns further complicate registration efforts. Many Somalis express wariness toward privacy breaches or surveillance, particularly from hostile groups that may attempt to undermine the digital ID system. These risks create mistrust and cause many individuals to hesitate when seeking out a foundational ID in Somalia.
Current Steps Toward Mass Registration
To address these challenges, earlier this year, the NIRA opened multiple new registration centers in the districts of Shingani and Mogadishu. It aims to increase access to foundational IDs in Somalia. It has deployed several FGS representatives to every district to help with registration. Additionally, the NIRA created a “one-window operation” system, consolidating all necessary steps for obtaining an ID into a single and convenient service point, streamlining services and improving the citizen experience.
Inclusivity and data protection are also a core focus of the pilot program to encourage those without IDs to register. The Ministry of Finance’s Digital ID Inclusive Enrollment and Outreach Strategy instructs that at least 50% of the first one million registrants should be women. Additionally, the FGS has committed to following the United Nations’ Personal Data Protection and Privacy Principles to ensure that registrants’ rights, privacy and data remain secure.
Somalis will have the option to receive their ID in physical, digital or printed certificate formats, further increasing accessibility and adaptability. The NIRA has set the goal to register all 15 million citizens by the end of 2029.
IDs as a Way to Poverty Alleviation and Economic Growth
Expanding foundational IDs in Somalia will facilitate financial inclusion for many, particularly for women and offer a pathway toward economic independence. Mass ID possession will also strengthen national security systems by enabling more effective identity verification, helping to mitigate money laundering and terrorist financing risks and reducing fraud.
For service providers, widespread ID possession improves the ability to identify beneficiaries, eliminate duplication, reduce waste and both improve existing services and offer new ones. Moreover, the digital infrastructure supporting the ID system will enable innovation, drive private sector growth, create new industries and generate more and better jobs.
– Dylan Kretchmar
Photo: Flickr
Farming for Peace: SDG 2 in Colombia
As promoted by the U.N., SDG 2 requires coordinated national efforts to alleviate hunger. Reform and investment in sectors such as agriculture and farming can break rural poverty cycles by offering employment, opportunity and building food security during disasters and violence.
Colombia’s Poverty Problem
Despite Colombia’s status as an upper-middle-income country, food insecurity and poverty are critical issues, particularly in rural areas. The World Food Programme (WFP) reported that in 2025, 25% of the population is food insecure. Many rural Colombians rely on farming to make a living.
Yet, structural challenges and the prevalence of drug production often make this livelihood unstable. As the Colombian Council of Ministers stated, 1% of landowners control the Casa de Nariño, 65% of fertile farming land. Lower-income farmers are often given no legal or formal recognition of their lands.
Due to Colombia’s terrain, many farming communities are remote, with limited infrastructure, investment and access to opportunities. Faced with this, many Colombians become trapped in the cycle of growing the more accessible and demanded coca plant, used to make cocaine, as an option for survival. Coca displaces crops, reduces local food availability and deepens drug-related violence and displacement, contributing to the cycle of food insecurity and poverty.
Creating Change
Introduced in February 2025, President Gustavo commenced the initiative “Pact for Land and Life: Revolution for Life.” It addresses inequalities and promotes rural livelihoods through agricultural reform and farming. The pact focuses on land redistribution and the eradication of coca production.
The program offers farmers financial incentives to transition to sustainable crops such as coffee, sugarcane and livestock. Transition is assisted with technical training, funding and equipment, with some towns requiring infrastructure such as new roads to improve market access. This promotes food security by giving farmers the dignity and opportunity to start again, earn money more safely and trade within the law.
This creates a stronger relationship between rural farmers and the government, boosting the likelihood of further investment and infrastructure in rural communities. It would also stop the prevalence of drug production and the associated violence that it brings.
While the threat of drug violence, difficulties in accessing remote regions and the challenge of generating adequate funding have slowed government plans, nonprofit organizations such as Mercy Corps have stepped in. They provide essential support in alleviating food insecurity.
The Work of Mercy Corps
Since 2005, Mercy Corps has worked in Colombia to tackle the root of coca cultivation, focusing on sustainable agriculture, land formalization and economic inclusion. In rural, impoverished and conflict-affected regions like Catatumbo, where farmers are forced to rely on coca to get by, Mercy Corps helps farmers transition to legal and sustainable forms of income.
Through initiatives such as ALGO Nuevo, more than 3,000 farmers have replaced more than 1,800 hectares of coca with crops such as coffee and yucca. The charity also works alongside the National Land Agency and local governments to develop marginalized groups’ property rights and reduce land formalization costs.
Conclusion
The effect of agricultural focus on reform in Colombia shows the potential of farming in alleviating food insecurity and achieving SDG 2. Land redistribution, coca eradication and training have provided invaluable socioeconomic opportunities to the nation’s most marginalized and vulnerable groups. It builds greater stability, promotes peace and builds resistance to occurrences of violence and displacement, as well as facilitating individuals to have dignified work.
Colombia serves as a case study for the coordinated efforts required for SDG 2 and how farming unlocks a new reality for some of the world’s most impoverished and remote communities.
– Mia Keen
Photo: Flickr
The Politics Behind Being Poor in Tanzania
Rural vs Urban
Being poor in Tanzania and the alarming poverty rates have strong links to the political struggle in addressing the rural-urban divide. Particularly, policies and strategies have historically favorably sided with urban areas, leaving rural regions with low agricultural productivity due to obsolete and inadequate infrastructure, limit access to credit and poor market integration. Conversely, in the urban areas of Tanzania, the evident benefit of acquiring government support is notable in the display of infrastructure and social investments. Essentially, such a stark contrast has led to both social and political unrest and tackling these issues is imperative to reduce extreme poverty.
Weak Policy Implementation
Despite relatively rapid economic growth and an investment to human development, poverty across Tanzania remains a concern, elucidating that the benefits that the wealthier of the population reap are not equally accessible to the poorest. The Tanzanian government’s focus on reducing poverty and inequality, namely in their commitments to the United Nations Sustainable Goals (SDG 1 and SDG 10) has indeed stabilized in past years and the government has received criticism for setting ill-informed and unrealistic goals for the country. In summary, exacerbated income inequality directly opposes the potential to reach economic growth to tackle extreme poverty and undermines Tanzanians’ ability to fully access their rights and to prosper with greater educational and health outcomes.
Government Corruption
One can directly associate being poor in Tanzania with government corruption and it is one of the greatest opponents to Tanzania achieving its development goals. Corruption has led to unsustainable exploitation of natural resources for the “benefit” of the country without consideration for human safety or the fundamental rights of the Tanzanian people. Similarly, many Tanzanian leaders have neglected the country’s developmental goal to eradicate extreme poverty and instead have acquired royalties from foreign investments, mineral companies and polluting industries.
Policy and Legal Framework Failure
The Tanzanian government has implemented a variety of policies to provide support for the local communities to manage and develop the available natural resources in the country. A pivotal example is evident in Tanzania’s Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), which outline the macroeconomic, structural, and social policies to achieve growth and reduce poverty. Having notable success, the PRSPs work to maintain low inflation and and improve tax collection, invest in land reforms and ensure improvements in farmer support services and targeting low income households and offer aid in education, health care and livelihoods. For example, within Tanzania’s Productive Social Safety Net (PSSN), a key attribute of the PRSPs, it has been evidenced that the PSSN had reduced household vulnerability to poverty by 13.4% highlighting its worth in policy contributions for reducing poverty in Tanzania.
Tanzania’s Fight Against Poverty
Despite the notable struggles that Tanzania faces in its journey to reduce poverty across the country, one cannot forget that much dedicated and inspiring work is continuously occurring to ensure the safety and well-being of all. For example, in 2006, the U.K. organization Village Africa embarked on a mission to fund partner organizations in Tanzania to improve health, education and environmental projects to work to alleviate poverty across the country. Thus far, Village Africa has established an emergency ambulance service that has reduced death rates in support communities, funded various student sponsorships and school building infrastructures and provided employment to local citizens through local building projects. In its most recent report, Village Africa has provided 125 students access to education through their Simba Club scheme, started a construction in a library for Yamba and been able to transport 79 people via the ambulance to receive emergency health care.
Conclusion
In summary, the government’s implementation (and lack of) of human development are largely impacting being poor in Tanzania and the fundamental concern of poverty. However, it is the tireless work of such dedicated organizations like Village Africa that make a true difference to the lives of many Tanzanians.
– Reece Robertshaw
Photo: Wikimedia Commons
Indonesian Female Migrant Domestic Workers Left Behind
The issue stretches far beyond Indonesia’s borders. More than 9 million Indonesians currently work overseas, most of whom are women. Of these, 32% are employed in the domestic sector, largely in private households in countries such as Malaysia, Saudi Arabia and Hong Kong. This hidden and unregulated environment often leaves workers exposed to exploitation, wage theft and abuse.
Struggles of Indonesian Female Migrant Domestic Workers
For many women, becoming a domestic worker is not a choice but a necessity. Coming from rural or economically disadvantaged backgrounds, they migrate in search of income to support their families. However, because their labor is not formally recognized, many end up trapped in cycles of exploitation.
One major struggle lies in the working conditions. Without standardized contracts, workers may face excessive hours, a lack of rest days and arbitrary wage deductions. Their isolation in employers’ homes makes it difficult to seek help when abuses occur. Gender norms further worsen the situation: domestic labor is frequently dismissed as “women’s work,” devalued as unskilled and undeserving of fair compensation.
The absence of legal recognition also allows abuse and violence to persist unchecked. Human Rights Watch has documented cases of psychological, physical and sexual abuse against domestic workers. Former Indonesian migrant worker Win Faidah described her ordeal: “No day passed without torture. My eyes were blindfolded, my back and chest were burnt with an iron… I thought I was going to die and I was ready to die.” Her story is tragically not an isolated one.
NGOs Driving Change
Despite the obstacles, grassroots organizations and international partners are carving out space for reform.
Migrant CARE has emerged as one of the most prominent advocacy groups. Its approach, built on counseling, advocacy, research and education, extends from national-level lobbying to village initiatives. Through programs like Villages that Care for Migrant Workers (DESBUMI), Migrant CARE provides communities with the tools to offer legal aid, information and empowerment at the local level.
The Indonesian Migrant Worker Union (SBMI) plays a key role in organizing workers and addressing cases of exploitation. From 2014 to 2024, SBMI reports supporting more than 1.1 million individuals with social and legal services. It assisted more than 7,600 legal cases and helped keep more than 236,000 at-risk children in school. SBMI campaigns also target predatory recruitment agencies that charge illegal fees to vulnerable workers.
ILO complements these efforts by partnering with the Indonesian government to develop protections for domestic workers. Its campaigns focus on fair wages, safe working conditions and recognition of domestic labor as essential work. By building research and policy frameworks, the ILO strengthens advocacy efforts already underway by local NGOs.
Conclusion
Indonesian female migrant domestic workers are essential to the households they sustain and the national economy through the remittances they send home. Yet they remain some of the least protected workers in society, facing systemic neglect, social stigma and widespread abuse. The combined efforts of organizations like Migrant CARE, SBMI and the ILO demonstrate that progress is possible, from community-level empowerment to international advocacy.
Closing the wage gap and securing legal recognition will require sustained political will. However, these NGOs have shown that meaningful change can begin from the ground up.
– Kai Xian, Lim
Photo: Flickr
The Future of Higher Education in Ghana
Global Spotlight on the University of Ghana
In 2025, the University of Ghana achieved a new milestone when it was included in the Times Higher Education Interdisciplinary Science Rankings. The university ranked first in Ghana, second in West Africa and 187th worldwide.
For students and policymakers, this was more than just a symbolic win. It was proof that Ghanaian research is able to compete on the global stage. The University of Ghana offers many science opportunities, which combine insights from different academic fields to address complex problems, and is increasingly seen as the future for applying students. Many statistics still suggest that Ghana’s student poverty rate is still on the rise, with a 2024 report finding that around 60.6% of Ghanaian students experienced some type of food or finance related insecurity.
The University of Ghana’s strong showing suggests that the country’s education system plays an important role in directing who experiences challenges. In many ways, this recognition is both a reward for a call to strengthen Ghana’s place in international academia and a view into the changes Ghanaians want to see.
Making Research Accessible to the Public
Although the University of Ghana has well shown its national standing, a growing concern amongst Ghanaian academics is access to research outputs. Professor Eric Appau Asante of Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology emphasized the need for universities to make their research available to the public.
Too often, valuable findings remain hidden in academic journals and institutional archives, accessible only to a small circle of scholars. Asante argued that research should flow outward, supporting local industries and should inform everyday citizens. By 2026, researchers expect around 6.9 million Ghanaians to live in extreme poverty. In a country eager to accelerate growth, open access to knowledge would be transformative. It would allow research to move beyond classrooms, and directly shape economic progress. With roughly 18% of residents living in extreme poverty, as shown through science researched based programs at the University of Ghana, the country has the ability to go further with its support in the academic sector for those who deserve to have the ability to support Ghana’s innovative future.
Understanding Autonomy and Academic Freedom Under Pressure
A study published on the Society for Research into Higher Education blog revealed that institutional autonomy is one of the strongest predictors of academic freedom. Autonomy allows universities to govern themselves and ensure that faculty can teach and research without interference. However, the rise of corporate models is increasingly challenging to this freedom, which emphasizes efficiency and profitability. While these models can bring structure, they also risk eroding the independence that makes universities unique centers of free thought. Sought after institutions like the University of Ghana and the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology both have high fees for enrollment and tuition, making it difficult for low income students to want to join in the first place, even with outstanding marks.
Leadership diversity further complicates the issue. The same study found that women remain underrepresented in leadership roles, and men and women often perceive autonomy and freedom differently. If higher education is to live up to its promise, leadership must reflect a broader range of voices. Genuine academic freedom cannot thrive without inclusivity and shared authority.
Confronting Access to Education
Even with the many accomplishments that higher education in Ghana has achieved, poverty still shapes who is allowed to access said education. Even when students qualify academically, tuition, housing and textbook costs limit their opportunities. Many government and nongovernment oriented organizations have been supporting students for this important reason. NGOs like The Young Achievers Foundation in Ghana (YAF Ghana) and the Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program support Ghanaian students with financial sustainability.
YAF Ghana has supported students wanting to be admitted and has raised around $80 million USD in total scholarships raised for its students. YAF Ghana also reports a 99% graduation rate among its 300 plus candidates through 45 colleges and universities across Ghana. This innovative group drives home the importance of how targeted investment can lead to high success rates for low income youth. Like YAF Ghana, the Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program works across Ghana and greater Africa to enable access to higher education of 40,000 plus candidates through both full and partial scholarships, with around 70% of those supported by the program being young women.
Both YAF Ghana and the Mastercard Foundation encourage low-income students to strive for success through scholarships connected to universities or provide programs that help students to attain needed leadership skills. Both of these initiatives show the ways in which overcoming financial challenges can be brought into a new light through community, which Ghana has shown it needs more of.
A Well Adapting Field
Put together, these developments reveal an intersection of successes throughout higher education in Ghana. Ghana’s universities are:
The University of Ghana’s world ranking is a milestone worth celebrating, but it also highlights what is at stake. True progress requires weaving together excellence, autonomy, inclusivity, openness and integrity into a shared vision for the future.
Looking to the Future
The University of Ghana’s world ranking is a milestone worth celebrating, but it also highlights what is at stake. True progress requires weaving together excellence, autonomy, inclusivity, openness and integrity into a shared vision for the future. Numbers even project the number of higher education institutions from 265 known institutions in 2021 to more than 300 in 2025. If Ghana can find the right combination, its universities will not only continue to climb the international rankings but also emerge as insights into national development. By creating knowledge through programs, encouraging innovation and supporting social changes, higher education in Ghana can be one of the country’s key strengths in the years ahead.
– Abigail Ariyo
Photo: Unsplash
Labor Rights and Migrant Workers in Tunisia
The Global Rights Index
The ITUC organizes to defend workers’ rights across the world, is democratically governed and motivated to manage cooperation between unions and major global institutions. It has created a database to track abuses against migrant workers, called the Global Rights Index. The 12th edition of the Index works to catalogue recent anti-democratic acts against workers from governments, revealing a crisis for workers’ rights globally.
The recent Index is paired with the ITUC’s campaign “For Democracy that Delivers,” an attempt to unite labourers’ collective power to successfully defend their rights. More and more governments are reshaping legislation to criminalize civil organizations as “foreign agents,” the ITUC believes. Unions negotiating for workers’ rights have seen judicial action and legal provisions being used to stifle freedom of expression in Tunisia, causing the ITUC to express concern for union figures facing possible prosecution or arrest.
The Business and Human Rights Resource Centre also manages a database to record the human rights violations against migrant workers around the world. It outlines companies and businesses named in the Migrant Worker Allegation Database, containing publicly recorded cases and conveying how vulnerable migrants are worldwide.
Migrants and Workers
Tunisia holds the status of a transit space and gateway for Sub-Saharan Africans to migrate into Europe, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace experts state. European governments often practice blanket policies and actions to prevent migrants from emigrating or seeking asylum, leaving this group to remain in Tunisia or bordering regions with an unstable status. While remaining in Tunisia, a number of migrants have to undertake work in the region to sustain themselves.
An affiliated union in the Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail (UGTT) was established to organize Sub-Saharan African workers in light of their sizable number in the workforce. The UGTT, a political actor and union representing 800,000 Tunisian members, remains one of the Arab world’s most influential trade unions. Inclusion in this union provides a framework to succeed in strengthening the rights of migrant workers in Tunisia, securing and including them as part of a formal economy.
The International Labour Organization’s (ILO) conventions are agreements self-sanctioned and ratified by Tunisia, of which more than half are enforced according to the Danish Trade Union Development Agency. Despite this, the ITUC’s research stands that these rights are in jeopardy due to the persecution of free speech. Additionally, the government did not sign the four ILO ratifications specific to migrant protections as of 2024.
Anti-migration practices have led to the obstruction of critically inalienable human rights of migrants. Similar treatment is undeniably advancing toward other groups, as evidenced by the ITUC describing worsening rights for all workers in Tunisia. Both vulnerable to wavering legal frameworks, unadopted protective legislation and the degradation of workers’ rights, migrant workers in Tunisia have multidimensional security concerns.
Sub-Saharan African Migrants
Migrant workers from Sub-Saharan Africa faced even greater levels of hostility and economic risks from anti-migrant sentiment in the Tunisian government. Human Rights Watch recounts severe, “racially motivated” abuses after President Kais Saied’s abrasive remarks sparked violence in the first half of 2023. A large number of Black migrants, refugees and asylum seekers faced physical endangerment and economic risks due to targeted firings, increased unemployment and robberies.
Migrants unlawfully losing jobs creates less revenue for the host country, as the OECD claims economic impacts from migration are related to their structural integration into labour markets, salaries and employment. Its research suggests that, generally, migrants do not take more benefits than citizens and that they contribute more in taxes on average.
The Saied government’s lack of protection for the process of seeking asylum directly opposes its state obligation to shelter asylum seekers and refugees. International law also mandates the right to seek asylum from persecution according to Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Looking Ahead
Despite increasing research and clarification on economic and humanitarian complexities, the Tunisian administration has held steadfast to expulsion tactics against the unprotected group. Tunisia has been encouraged by various human rights organizations on actions to take in order to uphold its duty to protect asylum seekers, migrants and refugees. Databases like the Global Rights Index and union operations for legislative inclusion are critical to confronting the issues faced by migrant workers in Tunisia.
– Aliyah Omar
Photo: Pexels
Left Behind: Refugee Education in Jordan
Jordan’s Struggles with Access to Education
Nearly one in three Syrians registered with the United Nations (U.N.) refugee agency in Jordan—about 226,000 of 660,000—are children between the ages of 5 and 17. In 2017, more than 80,000 of them did not receive any form of formal education. These obstacles keep countless children, particularly those from Syria and Sudan, out of classrooms and expose them to greater risks of child labor or early marriage.
A mother of an 8-year-old Syrian refugee student, Muhannad, shared her story: “I had a lot of difficulties with Muhannad, especially when he was diagnosed with autism. He didn’t like going to school, and the fact that teachers weren’t trained to deal with his case made it more difficult.”
Many families fled from Syria without official documentation or necessary civil documents, making enrolment for education nearly impossible. Additionally, the Jordanian Interior Ministry requires Syrian refugees to obtain a “Service Card,” which is often tied to a specific district. This creates an issue for families who have to move around to find work.
Furthermore, Jordanian education authorities prohibit the enrollment of children who have been out of school for three years or more. This rule makes it extremely difficult for children affected by conflict and unable to secure the required documents to access basic education.
The culmination of these factors, along with asynchronous societal changes, has caused societal and economic shifts in Jordan to outpace the education system’s ability to adapt. Furthermore, significant policy and data gaps persist, particularly regarding unregistered refugees, creating a lack of comprehensive understanding of their educational needs.
Jordan’s Innovative Double-Shift School Model
Despite hosting one of the world’s largest Syrian refugee populations, the government, backed by international partners, has introduced “Double Shift” schools. Introduced in the 1960s, this pragmatic educational system addresses overcrowding within the education sector, simplifies registration procedures and significantly expands access to public education. This approach reflects the 2015 U.N.-sponsored Refugee Response and Resilience Plan (3RP), which promotes inclusive education by offering access to a wider curriculum, additional resources, teacher training and national accreditation of established education systems, improving educational experiences for Syrian refugees.
The Double Shift system not only eases access to education for both Syrian refugees and Jordanian children but also provides hundreds of thousands of students with a sense of normalcy by utilizing existing infrastructure and requiring minimal new financial resources.
The Double Shift Model: Implementation
The Double-Shift School Model is the most notable strategy for keeping refugee education in Jordan accessible. Under this system, the regular school day is divided into two separate sessions: Jordanian nationals typically attend classes in the morning, while Syrian refugee students take their lessons in the afternoon. By running two full school days back-to-back in the same buildings, the Ministry of Education makes far better use of existing facilities, significantly reducing the need for costly new construction or additional school sites.
This arrangement not only allows tens of thousands of refugee children to receive a formal education that might otherwise be out of reach but also helps relieve overcrowding, maintain smaller class sizes and keep local communities more cohesive. International partners such as the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) have provided teacher training, materials and funding to sustain the model, demonstrating how targeted collaboration can turn a severe capacity crisis into an opportunity for inclusive education.
The Future of Refugee Education in Jordan
Greater funding for the U.N. Refugee Agency (UNHCR), Education Cannot Wait and similar programs, combined with sustained diplomatic engagement, could encourage governments to remove paperwork barriers and adopt inclusive education policies. These efforts can improve infrastructure, enhance teacher training and strengthen the Ministry of Education’s capacity for data-driven planning and crisis-responsive systems.
Jordan has made significant strides in providing wider access not only to its citizens but also to the influx of Syrian refugees by implementing the “Double Shift” programs and “cash for education” systems. Organizations such as UNICEF provide cash-based assistance to families, helping them cover the costs of transportation, uniforms and school supplies, thereby encouraging and incentivizing children to stay in school.
– Carise Wallbank
Photo: Flickr
Disability and the Struggle Against Poverty in Gabon
Expansion of Social Programs
The United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) is working with Gabon’s Ministry of Social Protection and the National Fund for Social Action to strengthen social safety nets and expand protection programs for the country’s most marginalized communities and to help reduce disability and poverty in the country.
UNICEF Representative Stephen Grieb said the goal of the income-generating program, which residents such as Thecle are receiving, is to help households in the present areas gain access to education, health coverage and social protection for their children.
One of the pilot communities in Zoula, where the initiative aims to encourage revenue-generating activities. By boosting income, organizers say the program will help disadvantaged households assert their rights and receive essential social services. Thecle and other participants hope the effort will allow them and their children to break free from poverty.
Improving Youth Skills
The World Bank Board of Executive Directors on Tuesday approved a $100 million loan to help Gabon improve skills training and create jobs for young people. The Development and Employability Project aims to reduce disability, poverty and unemployment while supporting faster growth in the Central African Nation.
The project will expand vocational training in key growth sectors, promote skills development for unemployed graduates and school-leavers, and provide entrepreneurship training. It seeks to address the mismatch between the skills of young people and the needs of the labor market.
Gabon’s National Development Plan
Gabon had launched the Emergency Community Development Program (PUDC) with national funding to be carried out across the country’s nine provinces in partnership with the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). The initiative is part of the President Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema’s national development plan: The Rise Toward Prosperity. Overseen by the Ministry of Planning and Forecasting, the program aims to reduce socioeconomic and regional inequities by strengthening local governance, expanding economic opportunities, improving infrastructure and increasing access to essential services.
The Future of Poverty in Gabon
Gabon is launching multiple initiatives to tackle poverty and inequality, particularly for people with disabilities and disadvantaged communities. Efforts include income-generating programs supported by UNICEF and a $100 million World Bank-backed project to expand vocational training and job creation. These programs aim to improve social protection, education, health care access and local economic opportunities, helping vulnerable households break the cycle of poverty.
– Joshua Pettis
Photo: Flickr
The MEGOBARI Act
The MEGOBARI Act
The primary purpose of the MEGOBARI Act is “to counter the influence of the Chinese Communist Party, the Iranian Regime, and the Russian Federation in the nation of Georgia” and to support Georgia’s constitutionally stated aspirations and the wishes of the overwhelming majority of its citizens to become a member of the European Union (EU) and NATO.
The bill also aims to continue supporting Georgia’s capacity to protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity from further Russian aggression or encroachment and to promote accountability by imposing swift consequences on individuals who directly and knowingly engage in actions or policies that significantly undermine democratic standards. The Act is temporary, set to expire five years after its date of enactment. A total of 16 representatives and two delegates, of which 10 are democrats and 8 republicans, have cosponsored the bill.
Policy and Diplomatic Reevaluation
Reports and Strategy
Sanctions
Conditional Assistance
The Georgian Parliament’s View on the Act
The Georgian Parliament has strongly opposed the MEGOBARI Act, calling it flawed, biased, hostile and a violation of Georgia’s sovereignty. Some opposition parties, however, view it favorably as genuine U.S. support.
Connection to Poverty
Weak governance, corruption or political instability can reduce economic growth, discourage investment and lower the effectiveness of public services. If implemented well, the accountability and transparency brought by the MEGOBARI Act could lead to better governance of public resources, such as social welfare, infrastructure and essential services, which would help reduce poverty.
The Act also requires a strategy to assess whether Georgia should remain the second-highest recipient of United States funding in the Europe and Eurasia region. Foreign aid or investment tied to the Act might require democratic reforms, potentially directing resources toward underserved areas. Sanctions imposed under the Act do not apply to transactions for humanitarian assistance, including agricultural commodities, food, medicine and medical devices. This ensures that sanctions do not impede critical humanitarian needs.
A major focus of the Act is combating significant corruption in Georgia. While not directly related to poverty reduction, fighting corruption is often a prerequisite for effective economic governance and equitable distribution of resources.
Looking Ahead
By curbing corruption and fostering stability, the Act has the potential to create conditions where poverty is reduced and opportunities for ordinary Georgians can grow. At its core, the MEGOBARI Act offers a hopeful vision: that a stronger democracy can translate into stronger communities.
– Salome Jincharadze
Photo: Flickr
Rebuilding the Sahel
Emphasis was placed on rebuilding the Sahel by concentrating aid efforts on areas where human rights violations were exacerbating pre-existing malnutrition crises, caused by an unstable climate and agricultural sector. The U.K.’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office is the government department responsible for running the SHAPP. It has identified: child protection, aiding survivors of gender-based violence and providing sanitary food and drinking water, as the three most cost-effective areas for aid projects to focus on. SHAPP has had to work alongside other ongoing aid projects in these areas.
Issues in the Sahel
The Sahel region is a savannah area directly south of the Sahara Desert. This makes it vulnerable to climatic swings, with the region having experienced a range of droughts throughout the last century. This, combined with the landlocked status of Chad, Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, has slowed the Sahel’s development relative to its North and East African counterparts.
These pre-existing issues have been worsened by a succession of jihadist insurgencies in the region over the last 10 years. Additionally, all four of the Sahel’s landlocked countries have experienced military coups between 2020 and 2023.
The 2024 Global Humanitarian Review estimated that one in five people living in the Sahel were in need of humanitarian aid, a total of roughly 17 million people. It is believed these issues have disproportionately impacted women and girls, with many families choosing to pull their daughters out of school during times of financial hardship.
The Sahel Child Project
Founded in 2013, the Sahel Child Project aims to rebuild the Sahel by providing health care and education for children across the region, as well as emergency assistance during times of crisis. The project also aims to enforce the U.N. Declaration of the Rights of the Child, which is often neglected by the Sahel’s military regimes. This often involves educating children displaced by conflict and providing them with basic food and health care.
In these activities, SHAPP often provides financial and logistical support to the project. The two organizations also often collaborate when finding new homes for children who have lost their families to conflict or have been separated from them when searching for a safe house.
Gender Equality in the Sahel
The U.K. was one of nine countries to bring a joint statement to the U.N. in August 2025, setting out its aims for reducing gender-based violence in the Sahel. The statement recommends that at least 15% of the U.N.’s spending on the Prevention of Violent Extremism be devoted to advancing gender equality.
SHAPP has also worked with the Alliance Sahel platform, which coordinates international donations aimed at rebuilding the Sahel, to publicize the stories of victims of gender-based violence.
The African Development Bank has also committed to producing a gender equality index for its member countries. This has been done to incentivize governments to improve their country’s score, to appear more attractive to potential trading partners and to receive more favourable terms when borrowing money.
Water Provision
The economy of the Sahel region relies on agriculture to support its population. This means that schemes rebuilding the Sahel need to consider the Sahel’s dependence on its water supply, which can fluctuate dramatically due to climatic shifts. The World Bank, via the International Development Association (IDA), has invested more than $170 million in the Sahel Irrigation Initiative Support Project.
This scheme aims to allow local farmers to harness the excess water available during high rainfall, better protecting their produce from drought. The scheme was estimated to have directly benefited more than 150,000 people between its launch in May 2017 and April 2024. This effort is helping strengthen the Sahel’s economic independence.
The Future of the Sahel
Political instability can seriously hamper a nation’s development and risk plunging many citizens into poverty. This does not, however, prevent international aid from being used effectively or prevent international cooperation from overcoming a region’s geographical barriers to development. The Sahel can begin to rebuild its economy for the good of its citizens, but only with the necessary international support.
– Billy Stack
Photo: Flickr