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Ending Poverty in Nigeria by 2050

Ending Poverty in NigeriDespite Nigeria’s rich natural and human resources, including crude oil, coal, marble and gold, poverty remains one of the most pressing challenges. According to a National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) report, 40.1% of the population lives in poverty. This statistic indicates that, on average, four out of 10 individuals in Nigeria have real per capita expenditures that fall below $87.47 annually. Consequently, this translates to more than 82.9 million Nigerians considered poor by national standards.

However, with a strategic vision and well-defined government policies, ending poverty in Nigeria by 2050 is achievable. Collaborative efforts from the Nigerian populace will also play a crucial role. This goal is essential for achieving sustainable development.

Root Causes of Poverty in Nigeria

The root causes of poverty in Nigeria include:

  • Economic Underdevelopment and Lack of Diversification. Nigeria’s economy is predominantly dependent on oil, which has resulted in a significant lack of diversification and heightened vulnerability to global price fluctuations. This over-reliance on a single commodity stifles job creation and economic growth, ultimately affecting the overall standard of living for the population.
  • Corruption. Corruption remains a major obstacle to development in Nigeria, costing the country $550 billion since independence. According to Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, Nigeria ranked 145th out of 180 countries, reflecting persistent governance challenges. Corruption undermines public service delivery, diverts infrastructure, health and education funds and worsens poverty by restricting access to basic services.
  • Income Inequality. Income inequality in Nigeria remains a pressing issue, with the top 10% earning 14 times more than the bottom 50%. Nigeria’s Gini coefficient of 35.1 reflects a significant disparity in wealth distribution. This inequality limits social mobility and access to opportunities, reinforcing poverty, especially in rural areas.

Policy Initiatives to End Poverty in Nigeria

The Nigerian government has developed a strategic vision and key policy initiatives to end poverty in Nigeria. This includes a minimum wage increase from $19.23 to $44.86 in 2024 for those in the formal sector. This policy is designed to enable workers to afford essential needs, particularly in light of rising prices.

Similarly, collaborative initiatives, such as the Three Million Tech Talents (3MTT) initiative, represent a proactive approach by the Nigerian government to cultivate a generation of tech-savvy youth. This program empowers young individuals, particularly in the technology and creative industries. It fosters strategic partnerships with international organizations and the private sector. These efforts are aimed at ending poverty in Nigeria by the year 2050.

Final Remarks

Current economic conditions, characterized by inflation, a high cost of living, increased electricity tariffs and rising prices, have significantly weakened the impact of the wage increase. Additionally, minimum wage laws mainly apply to formal sector workers. This leaves much of the informal workforce uncovered, limiting the overall effectiveness of the policy. Therefore, ending poverty in Nigeria requires effectively enforcing the proposed minimum wage increase across both formal and informal sectors.

– Damilola Bukola Omokanye

Damilola is based in Abuja, Nigeria and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Indefinite Instability: Rule of Law in Eritrea

Rule of Law in EritreaDespite its short history as an independent nation, Eritrea has endured decades of conflict, economic insecurity and harsh leadership. For many Eritreans, the actions of President Isaias Afwerki have brought an air of uncertainty to the Horn of Africa. Here is information about the rule of law in Eritrea and efforts to help those who it affects.

Origins of Corruption

After tasting peace for the first time in three decades, the citizens of Eritrea witnessed the climactic ascent of a guerilla fighter to the nation’s highest office. Isaias Afwerki emerged from the war of independence as the head of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front, the primary organization that led the fight against Ethiopian rule. Afwerki quickly became the frontrunner to usher the nation into a new age of prosperity that has yet to be realized.

Eritrea declared its independence in a United Nations-supervised referendum on April 23, 1993, and appointed Afwerki as head of state. In the following year, President Afwerki renamed the EPLF to the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). To this day, the president’s rule of law in Eritrea ensures that the PFDJ remains the nation’s sole political party.

Indefinite Servitude

Almost immediately after taking office, Afwerki’s administration drew international condemnation. Elections originally set for 1997 were indefinitely postponed and the country ratified a constitution but never fully implemented it. Meanwhile, an all-encompassing conscription policy shaped the nation into a militaristic society. Initially, every adult under the age of 55 would serve in the military for 18 months, however, Afwerki revised the policy and extended the length of service for an indefinite amount of time, forcing some Eritreans into decades of military service.

In turn, indefinite conscription has created a workforce with no private sector; as the military and the PFDJ oversee projects in construction, agriculture and government administration. National conscription also ensures a continuous and cheap workforce, with the average salary for conscripts amounting to just 450 Nakfa per month ($30). According to the World Bank Group, 70% of Eritreans live under the poverty line, while Afwerki’s administration allocated an average of 24.9% of the nation’s GDP to military expenditures between 1993 and 2003.

Human Rights Abuses

Rule of law in Eritrea dictates that refusing military service, practicing outlawed religions, forming opposition parties and reporting on the state’s human rights abuses are all punishable offenses. Eritrea maintains a total independent media blackout and ranks dead last out of 180 countries listed in the World Press Freedom Index. The PFDJ holds journalists and other prisoners in deplorable conditions, often leaving them in metal shipping containers in the desert for indefinite amounts of time. 

A New Horizon

Ironically, Eritrea’s rule of law for keeping its citizens in check has had the opposite effect, as many citizens decide to flee the country despite the significant risks. As of 2024, there are an estimated 559,000 Eritrean refugees around the world. With roughly 17% of the population having fled the country, there is a great need for refugee assistance organizations like the America Team for Displaced Eritreans (ATDE).

Based out of Pennsylvania, the ATDE is a nonprofit organization that advocates on behalf of Eritrean refugees and asylum seekers around the world. Volunteers with the ATDE assist refugees with housing, asylum case support and connecting with international organizations that are equipped to provide protection and medical assistance to those in need. Additionally, the ATDE lobbies government officials in the United States and abroad to enact positive change in the way Eritrean refugees are treated when seeking better lives for themselves and their families.

Despite the PFDJ’s efforts, the resiliency of the Eritrean people continues to shine brightly, illuminating the possibility of a prosperous future. Additionally, groups like the America Team for Displaced Eritreans continue the important work of advocating on behalf of the victims of Afwerki’s administration. With the world bearing witness and governments being pressured into action, change might be on the horizon for this fledgling nation.

– Burke Bunyard

Burke is based in Austin, TX, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Poverty in Colombia’s Chocó Region

Poverty in Colombia’s Chocó RegionChocó, Colombia’s poorest region, has long been a victim of ongoing conflict, corruption and racism, resulting in a poverty rate that far exceeds the national average. Almost 80% of the population in Chocó lives below the poverty line. The impact on children is especially severe, with child mortality rates in the region doubling those seen elsewhere in Colombia.

While the alarming poverty rate can be attributed to the ongoing armed conflict between the National Liberation Army (ELN) and the Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia (AGC), discriminative poverty remains in abundance. About 82.1% of the population in this region are Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities, such as the Embera, who also call Chocó home. These groups face conflict, discriminative policies and geographical difficulties, resulting in malnutrition and a lack of care and access to necessities.

While the region remains under scrutiny from armed groups and conflicts, there are some initiatives in place to help alleviate extreme poverty in Colombia’s Chocó Region. The Millennium Development Goals Achievement Fund (MDG-F) aims to improve food security and nutrition in Chocó. Similarly, a government notion of “total peace” operates across the country to better the situation in post-conflict zones and ensure peace prevails. The situation in Chocó remains dire, but promises by current President Gustavo Petro bring hope for the future.

Why Is Chocó Poor?

  1. Armed Conflict: Chocó has historically been plagued by conflict and hardship, from Colombia’s civil war to enduring clashes between the leftist guerrilla group ELN and the right-wing paramilitary group AGC. These opposing forces continue to battle for territory, illicit trade routes, economic control and key smuggling pathways into Panama, fuelled by the region’s abundant illegal drugs and valuable natural resources like timber, platinum and gold. Many years of friction have led to the displacement of 181,000 people, high rates of sexual violence and limited access to essential services. The violence has left many individuals in psychological distress, with little to no access to necessary medical or mental health support.
  2. Geography: Chocó has a unique and complex geography, enriched with highly biodiverse, dense forest, the Andean mountains to the East and the Pacific coast to the West. Many areas are only accessible by boat or plane, making it an easy target for armed groups and vulnerably isolated from essential amenities. This remoteness means that more than 30% of the population has no access to running water and 80% have no sewage system, spurring the spread of disease and infection. Furthermore, Chocó has the poorest health care in Colombia, with only one hospital accessible in Quibdó, leaving much of the population vulnerable to often easily cured illnesses or injuries. 
  3. Farming: The lack of transport links, infrastructure and money means most rely on farming to sustain a living, specifically coca and Pancoger farming. However, changes in weather patterns and the increased effects of climate instability, pollution and flooding have destroyed much of the arable land, leading to increased crop failures and, thus, food shortages. Harvesting Coca plants has been a long-standing form of farming in Colombia, providing much necessary income for small-holder farmers. However, the market has dropped significantly and the government has implemented initiatives to destroy the crop to target illegal industries.

Total Peace

Since Petro’s election in 2022, his administration has championed a “total peace” initiative to reduce violence and foster long-term stability in Colombia. This strategy allows the government to negotiate with criminal organizations in hopes of securing permanent disarmament and eventually reducing violence in Colombia. Petro has pledged significant investments in education and reconciliation efforts, supporting various programs that address the roots of conflict.

Additionally, he has prioritized investment in post-conflict regions like Chocó, where longstanding violence has left deep scars. Among his administration’s key achievements, Petro announced a guaranteed investment of $24.5 million for road infrastructure in Chocó. Progress has also been seen in security, with reported clashes between state authorities and armed groups decreasing by 48%, signaling a hopeful shift toward stability in the region.

The MDG-F’s Joint Program

The MDG-F’s Joint Program focuses on improving food security and nutrition for impoverished people in Chocó. The program is directed at helping the particularly vulnerable, including pregnant women, children and Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities who face marginalization and exclusion. While the program promotes physical and cognitive development in individuals, it also aims to strengthen inter-ethnic and gender relationships to maintain peace and reduce inequality.

The program recorded several successes in reducing poverty and improving health outcomes, particularly among children in Colombia’s Chocó region. More than 80% of malnourished children recorded at the start of the intervention have shown significant recovery, contributing to decreased food and nutrition insecurity across the region. Beyond physical health improvements, the program has fostered a sense of empowerment and active community participation, helping residents feel more involved in shaping their futures and supporting each other in the journey toward stability and well-being.

– Sofia Bowes

Sofia is based on the Isle Of Skye and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Everything You Need to Know about Poverty in Iran

Poverty in IranDespite Iran being a resource-rich country, 28.1% of the population lives in poverty with an additional 40% of the population being at risk of falling into poverty. Most of the country’s poverty is concentrated in rural areas where almost 50% of the population lives in poverty with a large segment of them having no access to modern infrastructure. The socioeconomic gap between the rural and urban populations is significant, however, where they intersect is that both populations’ purchasing power is decreasing. Economic sanctions and government corruption are factors that play a role in why the majority of the Iranian population is poor. Here is everything you need to know about poverty in Iran.

Economic Sanctions and Corruption

The United States has implemented sanctions as an attempt to curb Iran’s nuclear program and regional influence and as punishment for the country’s human rights violations and support for terrorist organizations in the region. However, these sanctions have been shown to exacerbate poverty in Iran.

Western sanctions have put Iran in economic isolation and have harmed crucial parts of the economy such as oil and banking. Oil in particular is the backbone of Iran’s economy and sanctions have restricted oil production and exports which in turn has led to a loss of government revenue. The country is also enduring mass inflation, leading to the prices of basic necessities like food skyrocketing and has in turn reduced the purchasing power of low and middle-income Iranians.

While sanctions play a major role in exacerbating poverty in Iran, the actions of the government play an equally large role. The economy operates as a kleptocracy where the government owns most corporations and economic projects which has fostered an environment where one’s political connections largely determine their access to economic opportunities. Additionally, taxpayer money often goes into the pockets of government officials and those close to them. As a result of misallocated public funds, little goes into infrastructure improvement and social services which in turn curbs any prospects of poverty alleviation.

Alleviating Poverty in Iran

Despite sanctions and government corruption negatively impacting the economy, some organizations inside and outside the country aim to alleviate poverty in Iran.

Established in 1994, the Child Foundation regularly creates campaigns to help children access education and pay for medical treatments and campaigns for citizens affected by natural disasters. Its financial reports showcase that 75% of the it sends to Iran goes towards food and cash for those the organization helps, and 92% of the money that remains in the United States goes towards the costs of creating programs.

The World Food Program (WFP) assists 3.4 million refugees in Iran. It covers 80% of the food necessities for male-headed households and 100% of food costs for female-headed households. Additionally, the organization has supplied food to 8,000 refugee children and 600 teachers. This initiative helps families save money to spend on other necessities while their children receive food at school.

Founded in 1979, the Imam Khomeini Relief Foundation (IKRF) helps 4.4 million Iranians who live under the poverty line with basic needs including water, food, housing and medical bills. However, it has received criticism for its lack of financial transparency.

The Future

Considering the factors contributing to Iran’s poverty, the future looks uncertain with government corruption likely to persist as the Islamic Republic does not want to compromise its domestic policies, even for ease of sanctions.

In 2015, the U.S. lifted sanctions on Iran which positively impacted its economy by allowing it to return to the global oil market and allowed for them to trade with a wider range of countries. The Trump administration reimplemented the sanctions which put Iran back into economic isolation leading to a loss of revenue for the country. Kamala Harris on the other hand holds the same views as the Obama administration, stating that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is one of the biggest achievements of the democratic party, meaning that she may likely lift sanctions if she were to win the election, according to DW.

– Floria Persis

Floria is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Twaweza: A Mission to Empower Citizen Voices in East Africa

TwawezaIn East Africa, poverty and lack of government accountability are deeply intertwined issues that have long hindered the development of marginalized communities. Twaweza is a pivotal grassroots nongovernmental organization (NGO), founded in 2009, tackling these ongoing challenges head-on. It operates across Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda to empower citizens, enhance children’s learning and foster open and responsive governments. By promoting transparency, collaboration and citizen engagement, Twaweza addresses systemic issues of poverty by ensuring that marginalized communities can hold their governments accountable and demand better services and opportunities.

We Can Make It Happen

Twaweza means “we can make it happen” in Swahili, and its name captures the charity’s commitment to putting citizens at the center of change.  The organization believes in an open society where citizens are informed, engaged and organized to drive positive change in their communities and hold authorities accountable. Twaweza’s mission is centered on three key areas: 

  1. Demonstrating Collective Citizen Action. Between 2019 and 2023, Twaweza held nearly 1,400 community meetings in Uganda and Tanzania, engaging more than 93,000 attendees to identify and address local challenges. In Uganda, Twaweza conducted 233 village-level meetings despite limited legal requirements, while in Tanzania, 303 meetings led to 66 action plans, ensuring local governance remained accountable and transparent. These efforts empower communities to actively participate in decision-making actively, addressing systemic issues through collective action.
  2. Enabling Citizens’ Voices in Decision-Making. Twaweza in collaboration with more than 14 government institutions across Kenya and Uganda to ensure citizens voice informed policy decisions. Collaborations with ministries, especially during COVID-19, led to significant policy changes, such as the removal of mobile money levies in Tanzania and amendments to access information laws in Uganda. These partnerships highlight the critical role of citizen-driven data in shaping national policies and ensuring responsive governance.
  3. Promoting and Protecting Open Civic Spaces. Twaweza influenced 11 key laws, including those affecting media and political freedoms, by working in collaboration with diverse civil society groups. Notable successes include supporting the Tanzania Centre for Democracy in lifting the ban on political rallies and enhancing the capacity of various organizations to advocate for policy changes. Although challenges in strategic litigation led to shifts in focus, Twaweza continues to promote civic participation and protect democratic space through targeted advocacy and capacity-building efforts.

Uwezo – Revolutionizing Education Assessment

Launched in 2009, Twaweza’s Uwezo initiative, meaning “capability” in Swahili, targets the learning crisis in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. Uwezo assesses millions of children for basic literacy and numeracy skills through a citizen-led approach.

Volunteers conduct large-scale assessments and provide instant feedback to households, engaging communities in educational advocacy. Uwezo’s findings, revealing that many children lack foundational skills, have influenced policy and highlighted educational inequities. The program also demonstrated adaptability by assessing learning in crisis contexts, such as Uganda’s refugee settlements. UNESCO recognized Uwezo in its 2018 Global Education Monitoring Report.

Sauti za Wananchi – Giving Citizens a Voice

In a region where access to reliable data is often limited, Twaweza’s Sauti za Wananchi, meaning ‘Voices of the Citizens’ in Swahili, emerged as a groundbreaking initiative. Launched in 2013, it is Africa’s first nationally representative mobile phone survey. It gathers real-time, nationally representative data on citizens’ views in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. 

The survey, which engages 2,000 participants, led to significant policy impacts, with more than 150 pieces of media coverage and reaching hundreds of policymakers annually. The data collected plays a crucial role in influencing government transparency, policy-making and public debate on issues like education, health and governance. By providing a representative panel and facilitating direct interactions, it amplifies citizen voices, promotes government accountability and drives informed decision-making.

Open Government Partnership

Through its Open Government Partnership (OGP) initiative, Twaweza collaborates with governments. The organization develops and implements action plans that promote transparency, fight corruption and enhance public access to information. Furthermore, it calls on members to enhance reforms in 10 key policy areas over five years to strengthen democracies. The Challenge engages multiple public institutions globally, inspiring policy changes and public debate. With high participation, OGP recognizes outstanding efforts in international forums. Additionally, it boosts global democratic practices and reinforces Twaweza’s advocacy for accountable governance.

Looking Ahead

Twaweza’s work is a powerful reminder of the importance of NGOs for citizen engagement in combating poverty and fostering accountability. Furthermore, the charity is actively helping to create a future where all East Africans can access the services and opportunities they deserve. It stands as a beacon of hope for marginalized communities, demonstrating that through collective action, real change is possible.

– Fatima Naqavi

Fatima is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Unmasking Human Trafficking in Gabon

Human Trafficking in GabonGabon is a Central African nation with an abundance of culture, wildlife and landscapes. However, the country faces a range of challenges, including its continuous and worsening struggle with human trafficking. Gabon finds itself in a challenging predicament as it has become a popular location for human trafficking, especially child trafficking. Mélanie Mbadinga Matsanga, Gabon’s social affairs director-general, even referred to Goban as an Eldorado for human trafficking.

There has been a steady decadence in the severity of human trafficking in Gabon. The nation has witnessed unrestrained and swiftly burgeoning growth of trafficking with no rigorous systemic mechanisms to tackle the issue.

Between 2003 and 2010, there were no trafficking-related convictions in Gabon, while the nation has downgraded to a Tier 2 Watch List in the U.S. Department of State’s 2022 report.

The Reality of Gabon’s Human Trafficking

Gabon has become a popular transitory or final destination for human trafficking victims of West and Central Africa. Gabon both receives and sources trafficked people. Those who end up trafficked often by force become street vendors, transportation assistants, mechanics, fishermen, domestic servants, illicit gold miners, wildlife trafficking or sex workers, according to the Department of State.

The state of human trafficking in Gabon is due to its inadequate systems to prevent and address the issue at hand. A glaring indicator of this absence of systemic instruments is the nation’s inability to adopt an anti-trafficking national action plan (NAP) for the third consecutive year. To compound the issue, the federal government has neglected to create a functioning anti-trafficking coordination system within the national inter-ministerial commission.

Moreover, the lack of national coordination has also made data collection and usage immensely more complicated, thereby hindering the ability to properly understand, investigate and prosecute. For instance, the Gabonese authorities claim to have begun 10 human trafficking-related investigations, while there were zero in 2020 and only three in 2019, according to the Department of State.

Corruption and Collusion

To aggravate the situation, there have been persistent accusations and a scarcity of inquiries for governmental corruption and collusion in human trafficking. Experts have alleged that there has been intentional postponement or dismissal of trafficking cases that bribed judges cause. The Department of State suggests that while the government contends that delays stem from legal inadequacies and the absence of knowledge, the lack of concrete action against corruption accusations foments concerns.

Furthermore, Gabon’s existing anti-trafficking programs and committees lack transparency and commitment. The government has not disclosed the funding for the nation’s anti-trafficking programs and the government’s interministerial committee against trafficking has not convened since 2019. There is a discouraging aura of depreciation and inconsequence to solving these heinous crimes.

Gabon’s Poverty and Human Trafficking

In the shadows of human trafficking in Gabon lies a root catalyst of systemic inequalities and disparities. Poverty renders certain groups significantly more susceptible to exploitation and possible trafficking. Conflict, lack of access to professional and educational opportunities and mass displacement all have poverty as a central element that leaves individuals especially vulnerable.

U.N. Special Rapporteur on Trafficking in Persons Joy Ngozi Ezeilo emphasizes how poverty, some traditional Western African and domestic work’s high demand in high Gabonese society are the foundation for the nation’s human trafficking issues. The dire conditions people face in extreme poverty leave them desperate and more likely to accept risky jobs or sell their daughters into marriage. Traffickers meticulously scout potential victims who live in a cycle of poverty, miseducation, unemployment, desperation and violence.

International Organization for Migration (IOM)

While the concerns and shortcomings of Gabon’s handling of its human trafficking situation, the national government and international institutions have made genuine efforts to tackle the issue.

One of the institutions that has been playing a vital role in the fight against human trafficking is the International Organization for Migration (IOM). IOM assists the Gabonese government in managing migration-related issues, emphasizing mixed population movements, migration governance and migration flows.

The return and reintegration of migrants, including minors in reception centers and adult migrants, is a crucial component of IOM’s activity in Gabon. IOM helped 143 migrants, the majority of whom were trafficking victims, return safely and integrate into their communities in 2020 and 2021 alone.

In addition, IOM Gabon works to advance the goals outlined in the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM). The organization helps to ensure that migration is secure, effectively managed and advantageous for both migrants and the societies they join by cooperating with this global endeavor.

Future Hopes

Gabon is in dire need of action and attitudinal change in order to properly solve trafficking in its nation. “I am confident that Gabon can become a model for other countries in the region and beyond in the fight against trafficking,” said Joy Ngozi Ezeilo

With the appropriate mechanisms in place that strengthen prevention, ensuring the protection and reintegration of victims, paired with the support of international organizations, there is a genuine possibility of amending human trafficking in Gabon and creating a brighter future for its people.

– Agustín Pino
Photo: Flickr

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Facts on Foreign Aid Efforts in Afghanistan

Foreign Aid efforts in AfghanistanAfghanistan’s evolution after two gruesome decades of immense adversity has caught the attention of countries all over the world. The South Asian nation has made breakthroughs in infrastructure, getting millions of girls in school and improving community development. Nonetheless, foreign aid efforts in Afghanistan are still crucial for the further development of the country.

Foreign Aid Skepticism and COVID-19

The world wants to see Afghanistan succeed, but despite willing donors, definitive complications hinder the level of aid that Afghanistan is severely reliant on. The imminent withdrawal of U.S. troops has caused violence from the Taliban to spike while pressures of long-awaited peace talks between the two powers unfold, making donors wary of sending money that could be wasted due to corruption based on past events.

On top of that, COVID-19 is running rampant and bruising economies all over the world, cutting aid efforts in half compared to previous years.

Afghanistan’s rooted systematic issues will continue to undermine any reconstruction and development efforts unless a clear and mindful plan is made that addresses the topical concerns affecting the nation and motions toward this kind of growth are beginning to come to fruition. There are several important facts to note about foreign aid efforts in Afghanistan.

Cuts to US Forces Links to Cuts Toward Aid

To end the United States’ longest war, the Pentagon announced that a cut to U.S. forces in Afghanistan from 4,500 to 2,500 will be underway by mid-January 2021. This decision has already sparked vigilance and tensions between the Afghanistan government and the Taliban, as there is a great concern that the Taliban will feel invited to expand its influence and interfere with hopes of peace and progress. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, urges that Afghans are in “acute need” of humanitarian support, stating that nearly 300,000 Afghans have been displaced by conflict in 2020.

Deadly attacks on Afghan forces show the Taliban’s intentions during a time where peace talks are being strained after months of stagnance and it has made donors feel uneasy about whether the Taliban could abuse any funding meant for aid. Even amongst suspicions, foreign donors like Germany are still showing support, urging the international community “not to turn their backs on Afghanistan.”

Ensuring Prosperity is an International Effort

After 19 years of promised reforms and attempts to grow the economy after the U.S. ousted the Taliban in 2001, Afghanistan will still be reliant on international support for the foreseeable future. Ministers from about 70 countries and officials from humanitarian organizations have pledged a total of $12 billion to the war-torn country over the next four years, at Afghanistan’s international donor conference held on Nov. 23 and 24 of 2020.

Germany has pledged $510 million in civilian assistance, the United Kingdom pledged $227 million in civilian and food aid, Norway pledged $72 million in development assistance and humanitarian aid and the United States pledged $600 million in civilian aid but made half of it conditional on the progress of Taliban peace talks. The U.S. was not alone in donating with specific conditions. All donors stressed that aid would only come as long as Afghanistan shows that it is committed to the peace process and that all parties to the Afghan conflict must respect human rights.

COVID-19 Causes Donation Restraints

Afghanistan is one of many countries taking an economic plunge due to COVID-19. The poverty level jumped from 54% last year to 70% during the pandemic, with more than half the population living on $1.14 a day, despite the billions of dollars devoted to the country over the last two decades.

A global pandemic combined with fragile circumstances emphasizes the need for foreign aid in Afghanistan, but with the heavy burden of COVID-19, most international donors have made significant restrictions on how much they can give. At the last donor conference in 2016, countries pledged a total of $15.2 billion for the years 2017-2020 compared to the $12 billion for 2021-2024.

Past Corruption is Obstructing Development

The U.S. government’s independent oversight authority on Afghan reconstruction, the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR), reported on October 20, 2021, that $19 billion of the total $63 billion that the U.S. has spent on Afghanistan’s reconstruction since 2002 was lost to waste, fraud and abuse.

With corruption forming such a stain on Afghanistan’s reputation and leaving remnants of distrust amongst potential donors, it is apparent why obtaining the necessary aid for growth and development has been such a hindrance for the war-torn country. That is why it is vital to ensure that future investments being made toward reconstruction are not lost and exploited.

Prospects for Peace

The Afghan government and the Taliban have endured a three-month impasse regarding peace talks that were finally brought to a close on November 2, 2020. The Afghan government and the Taliban are now expected to implement an agenda on how they can be partners in developmental changes and advancing realistic and sustainable peace plans.

As the world carefully watches the peace talks unfold, there is hope for a new start. Afghanistan is ready to transform into what it has envisioned for decades, and with realistic compromises set in place, there is an assurance that donors and the international community will feel less wary about foreign aid efforts in Afghanistan.

– Alyssa McGrail
Photo: Flickr

5 Facts About the Humanitarian Crisis in Venezuela

Humanitarian Crisis in Venezuela
Venezuela is a Latin American country located in the northern region of South America. It has been under an oppressive regime since 1999. The country was once a prosperous oil-rich country. However, the past and present leadership of Hugo Chavez and Nicolas Maduro have led to economic collapse and horrible conditions that its citizens face every day. These conditions have caused 4.6 million Venezuelans to flee since 2016, accounting for 15% of the country’s current population. Here are five facts about the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela.

5 Facts About the Humanitarian Crisis in Venezuela

  1. The ever-increasing hyperinflation of the country leaves its citizens with virtually worthless income. With a recorded inflation rate of 9586% in 2019, the income earned by Venezuelans can come out to be as little as $0.72 per workday. The bolivar currency that has been used for decades in the country has become almost useless since many goods and services are being charged in U.S. dollars at a regular U.S. price point. With an exchange rate of 1 VEF (Bolivar) to $0.10, something as simple as a pound of apples is now valued at $18. Buying food, hygienic supplies and clothing can now cost months’ worth of income for a household.
  2. Venezuelan women who try to find refuge in neighboring countries are often kidnapped and forced into sexual exploitation. There is a growing migration rate of Venezuelans to other countries to find better living conditions. Many of these migrants illegally cross the border, which makes them vulnerable to xenophobia and exploitation. Accounts of the prostitution of hundreds of young girls crossing borders by bus or foot at a time are common in the neighboring country of Colombia. Migrating Venezuelan women face other dangers as well. From January to August 2019 alone, 27 Venezuelan women were killed in Colombia. The majority of the incidents were related to sexual violence.
  3. Basic goods in supermarkets are extremely scarce, expensive and require waiting in line for hours. With prices already soaring and taking up most of the income of Venezuelans, there is a dangerous scarcity of basic items such as toothpaste and drinking water. Families line up outside of supermarkets the night before or stand in long lines of up to four hours in hopes of food being available. The scarcity of virtually every product including basic medicine and hospital equipment has increased the maternal mortality rate by 65%. The infant mortality rate also increased by 30% in recent years.
  4. There are frequent power outages, which lead to higher water insecurity. Like the scarcity of basic items, utilities such as running water and electricity have suffered a shortage in Venezuela. The electricity blackouts cause water shortages that can last up to two weeks. As a result, citizens are forced to use contaminated water. This in turn arises concerns of infections and diseases such as Hepatitis A and typhoid fever. In March 2019, many areas in the country went 10 days without electricity. Notably, on March 25, 14 of Venezuela’s 23 states experienced a complete outage. During this time, men, women, children and newborns had to resort to showering with sewage water or dirty water collected during rainfall.
  5. The autocratic president, Nicolas Maduro, tampers with elections and throws political opponents in prison. The party and president in power hold full responsibility for the situation in the nation. The rigged election process keeps them in power, in spite of the crisis. In the last elections of 2018, bribery with nation benefit cards and other forms of aids were used to get the president re-elected. Supporting an opposing leader or party is becoming harder since the Maduro regime has arrested more than 12,800 people linked to anti-government protests and beliefs. Notably, Leopoldo López was held under house arrest for almost four years after calling people to the street to protest the government.

Who is Helping?

Several organizations have taken the initiative to combat the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela. One of these organizations is the South American Initiative, which has been using monetary donations to feed starving children and adults, helping approximately 23,500 people. The initiative also supports Venezuelan refugees in camps in the nation and neighboring countries, providing almost 71,000 meals. The organization has raised $48,903 for aid.

The humanitarian crisis in Venezuela has been ongoing for over 20 years. Scarcity, inflation, corrupt leadership and refugee exploitation are some of the many problems the nation faces. Thankfully, there are efforts from organizations to help relieve Venezuelan citizens. However, much more needs to be done before the crisis can be completely eradicated.

– Veronica Spinelli
Photo: Flickr

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10 Facts About Corruption in Libya

Corruption in Libya

For decades, Libya has endured countless accounts of corruption committed by the government, the militia and major oil corporations. The corruption in Libya derives from what political scientists call a “resource curse,” a term used to describe a nation that tends to have less economic growth and a weaker democracy due to its abundance of natural resources. Oil production has made the nation susceptible to corruption, leading the country into a civil war due to persistent violence and political unrest. Here are ten facts about corruption in Libya.

10 Facts about Corruption in Libya

  1. In 2018, Libya ranked as 170 least corrupt out of 175 countries, according to the Corruption Perceptions Index reported by Transparency International. In the same year, Libya also scored a low 17 out of 100 in the Corruption Perception Index. The corruption primarily derives from the government, the public sector and private businesses.
  2. Corruption in Libya began during Muammar Gaddafi’s rule from 1969 to 2011. Gaddafi’s regime received billions of dollars in bribes from wealthy corporations to make illegal deals in the energy sector. A total of $65 billion of Libya’s wealth fund, the Libyan Investment Authority (LIA), was held in private accounts instead of going toward public expenditures. While Gaddafi’s regime was profiting off of Libya’s national assets, more than 40 percent of the Libyan population lived below the poverty line.
  3. Eighty percent of Libya’s GDP and 99 percent of government revenue comes from oil production. In 2018, foreign exports of oil in Libya brought in revenues totaling $24.5 billion. The central bank in Tripoli controls these funds and is responsible for disbursing them throughout the country, but at the time there were no laws in Libya that demand the transparency of the bank to disclose the use of state funds with their constituents.
  4. Libya has anti-corruption laws; however, lax enforcement permits widespread corruption practices such as embezzlement and bribery among the public procurement sector. According to Libya’s Criminal Code, the Law on Economic Crimes and the Law on Abuse of Position or Occupation, “the abuse by a public official of his or her position or functions to obtain a benefit for himself or herself or for others” is established as an offense. Despite anti-corruption laws, the weakness of Libya’s institutional framework has given leeway to Libyan officials to misappropriate funds. Head of Organisation for Development of Administrative Centres (ODAC) Ali Ibrahim Dabaiba misappropriated nearly $7 billion in national assets and laundered them into personal bank accounts abroad. These funds were designated to go toward Libya’s public infrastructure, but Dabaiba instead put the money toward his interests, such as purchasing luxury hotels in Scotland.
  5. Corruption in Libya remains rampant even after the revolution and the assassination of Gaddafi in 2011. After the first civil war, violence and political instability persisted throughout Libya, and government ministers and the military have conflicted control of the country. General Khalifa Haftar is the leader of the militant offensive, and he promises to combat Islamist militias. However, through mobilizing the military to fight armed groups throughout the country and seize control of major cities, violence became even more prevalent and a second civil war was initiated in 2014. Haftar’s group, the Libyan National Army (LNA), has attacked several sites in the city of Tripoli. His military force has killed a total of 443 people, injuring more than 2,000, and displacing nearly 60,000 civilians in pursuit of gaining control over the territory.
  6. Corruption in law enforcement is also prevalent in Libya. Several reports show police officers engaging in malpractice including bribery, embezzlement, nepotism and extortion. According to a survey conducted by the Departments of Research and Studies of Organization for Transparency Libya, respondents ranked the police highest in spreading corruption. Some cases of police corruption that researchers discovered include police officers stopping drivers, seizing their drivers’ licenses and extorting drivers in exchange for their licenses.
  7. Activists and media workers across the nation of Libya are being silenced. In 2017, 11 out of 18 political, civil, and human rights activists and personalities, polled by the Human Rights Watch in Tripoli and Zawiyah, claimed to have been threatened by state militia, government, and armed groups, three have been attacked or harassed, and nine claims to fear for their lives after receiving threats. In 2016, the Libyan Center for Freedom of the Press (LCFP) reported that 107 media workers were attacked by armed groups including two journalists who were killed.
  8. Transparency International is one of the major organizations combating corruption in Libya. They aim to stop corruption in governments, businesses, and civil societies through the “creation of international anti-corruption conventions and the prosecution of corrupt leaders and seizures of their illicitly gained riches.” They have pushed legislation that has made bribing foreign officials illegal by enforcing the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Anti-Bribery Convention, which requires members to outlaw bribery of officials. For instance, In 2017, an investigation in France on Société Générale bank was opened because of its payment of $58.5 million to a Panama-registered company as part of a scheme to secure its business in Libya. A settlement was reached, and Société Générale committed to pay a total of €500 million to close this procedure.
  9. Civil Initiatives Libya (CIL) is a project that aims to empower and support civil society organizations (CSO). CIL is funded by the European Union and implemented by ACTED in 15 different municipalities in Libya. This initiative is imperative to solving corruption because CSOs are able to promote civic engagement and local governance, which can increase the fairness of the Libyan government. CIL centers provide facilities, technical assistance and funding to over 700 CSOs across Libya. In 2012, over 1,400 NGO representatives benefited from CIL’s facilities and training services. The project also involves hosting CSO events, workshops and training that revolves around women and youth empowerment. CIL has expanded the capacity of many CSOs and has made them strong and politically visible enough to be able to lobby the government and acquire funding from the national budget.
  10. Global Witness is a nonprofit that works to protect human rights by exposing corruption in nations that have an abundance of natural resources, including Libya. Their work involves holding hard-hitting investigations on corruption scandals in pursuit of holding corrupt leaders accountable. Their strategies include secret filming, satellite imagery and drone footage, data analysis of companies, and using anonymous sources. Through their resources, Global Witness is able to release detailed investigations on corruption all over the world and advocate for those who are victims of corruption by launching campaigns that bring awareness to global injustices. In 2002, Global Witness, Transparency International and many other NGOs co-launched the Publish What You Pay campaign, which mandates oil, gas and mining companies around the world to disclose their net taxes, fees, royalties and other payments. This campaign led to the creation of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Since its launch, the EITI has put $2.4 trillion of oil, gas and mining revenues in the public domain.

These 10 facts about corruption in Libya illustrate the prevalence of abuse and fraudulence in Libya. However, even though corruption still permeates Libya’s institutions, efforts from around the world continue to prevent any further corruption by holding public officials accountable for their crimes.

If support from nonprofits, civil societies and advocates persists, Libya may be able to mobilize their local governments to sustain a better democracy and resist violent and corrupt regimes.

– Louise Macaraniag
Photo: Dhaka Tribune

10 Facts About Corruption in Brazil

10 facts about corruption in brazil
As the largest nation in South America with a population of over 200 million, Brazil’s importance on the global stage is clear; however, corruption charges and convictions have riddled the country’s reputation. In 2014, one of the worst economic recessions in Brazil’s history hit it and left it in a state of political and economic instability along with ongoing corruption investigations. It is just beginning to recover. These 10 facts about corruption in Brazil serve to better understand one of the world’s most influential, and most corrupt, global players.

10 Facts About Corruption in Brazil

  1. Major corruption scandals have entangled Brazil’s last three presidents: Former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva received a conviction in July 2017 on charges of receiving over $1 million in kickbacks which he put towards renovating his beachfront apartment, with additional charges of money laundering. Brazil impeached his successor, Dilma Rousseff, in 2016, for mismanaging the federal budget in order to hide the extent of the country’s deficit. Brazil arrested her successor, Michel Temer, in March 2019 (only three months after leaving office) on charges of funneling an estimated $470 million into a criminal organization he spearheaded.
  2. Many recent corruption charges have emerged from Lavo Jato, also known as Operation Car Wash: Conceived in 2014, this operation’s original focus was on exposing a car wash money laundering scheme. Results from the investigation indicted hundreds of government officials and business elites spanning 12 countries in one of the largest corruption scandals in Latin American history. By October 2018, Lavo Jato had resulted in over 200 arrests made on the basis of corruption, abuse of the international financial system, drug trafficking and money laundering. The arrest of former president Michel Temer is a direct result of Operation Car Wash.
  3. The working class felt the consequences of Operation Car Wash: Almost half of state-owned oil-giant Petrobras’s employees received lay off after Operation Car Wash exposed the extent of bribes taken by Petrobras in exchange for giving government contracts to Odebrecht, a construction company. The more than 100,000 laid-off employees, not directly involved in the corruption efforts, had to find new work during one of the largest economic downturns in Brazil’s history as a result of Petrobras’s corrupt actions. Executives from both companies face prison time (a U.S. court has even fined Odebrecht $2.6 billion for it to pay to U.S., Brazilian, and Swiss authorities).
  4. Brazil’s domestic corruption affects many countries: Operation Weak Flesh, an investigation launched by Brazilian officials announced in March 2017, has exposed Brazilian companies JBS and BFR, the world’s largest beef and poultry exporters, to public scrutiny, bringing Brazilian corruption further into the global spotlight. JBS and BFR bribed quality inspectors to approve the exportation of spoiled meat which they exported around the world, including to the U.S. The U.S. has since banned JBS and BFR products. Authorities have arrested the Batista brothers, heads of JBS, for insider trading and lying to authorities. They also charged JBS $3.16 billion in fines for bribes totaling $600 million spread across nearly 2,000 officials.
  5. Economists indicate that political instability caused by corruption contributed to Brazil’s recession: Consumer confidence drops in conjunction with political crises, resulting in GDP losses. For example, the value of Brazil’s currency dropped eight percent after a recording implicating Michel Temer in a bribery scheme released in May 2017. The election of current president Bolsonaro has been described as one of the most politically polarizing and violent elections in Brazil’s history. Bolsonaro himself was a victim of such political violence; he suffered a stabbing during a campaign rally in September 2018. Continued political instability and violence will breed further economic havoc, according to economic experts.
  6. Corruption places Brazil’s indigenous community at risk, as well: Current president Jair Bolsonaro’s agenda involves the loosening of current deforestation regulations that may result in denial of indigenous peoples’ land claims. Experts agree Bolsonaro’s election was in response to public frustration with government corruption. Threats of illegal deforestation to indigenous reserves have increased since Bolsonaro’s election, causing indigenous groups and NGOs to mobilize around the issue. Bolsonaro has plans to drastically cut funding for Brazil’s two agencies responsible for defending the Amazon from intruders; in response, a group of indigenous people has created the Forest Guardians, an unsanctioned patrol group set on defending indigenous lands from criminal intruders Bolsonaro’s campaign promise to limit regulations on deforestation and public land mining may embolden.
  7. The “Brazil Cost” was a common term to describe the price of bribery in Brazilian business: While Operation Car Wash has exposed many high-ranking political and business elite, the systemic extent of Brazil’s corruption crisis goes far beyond the elite; the “Brazil Cost” applies almost universally across businesses. Some companies even had the “Brazil Cost”, an estimate on the amount of money they would need to spend on bribes, built into their business models and compliance systems.
  8. There is hope, though: The results of the Poverty Action Lab’s study outline successful methods for corruption reduction: prior audits of Brazilian municipalities reduce future corruption, local reporting on corruption reduces corrupt activities in surrounding areas and corruption can be limited by increasing the perceived legal costs. While Brazil has yet to implement them on a large scale, these findings could help curb the corruption problem plaguing Brazil from the municipal level to the country’s highest-ranking officials.
  9. Brazil has already implemented real anti-corruption measures in an attempt to halt further corruption: Transparency International implemented a package consisting of 70 anti-corruption measures for the 2018 election. Alongside these measures, the Clean Tab policy, originally created by Brazilian officials in 2010 (but increasingly relied on since Operation Car Wash’s findings) have categorized politicians according to whether or not they have been involved in corruption scandals. Brazil denied entry to hundreds of candidates in the 2018 election due to prior instances of corruption (although many of these candidates appealed the decision and ran despite their “Dirty Tab” status).
  10. Anti-corruption laws are making headway: An anti-corruption law passed in August 2013 now holds people who give out bribes equally responsible to those public officials on the receiving end. Although Brazil proposed the law in 2010 and passed it in 2013, the country did not enforce it until a wave of anti-corruption protests in 2015, evidence of the difficulties in changing an aspect of a political culture that is so institutionalized. Prior to the passage of this law, Brazil did not recognize a corporate liability for bribery. The law also punishes corporations rather than individuals, meaning firing one employee does not rid the company of responsibility. As a result, corporations are spending more on compliance than ever before. From 2014 to the end of 2017, 183 cases occurred against corporations under this law, resulting in millions of dollars worth of fines. Experts are calling this new age of transparency and regulation the age of compliance.

Above are 10 facts about corruption in Brazil, but the problem and potential solutions are much more vast. While these 10 facts about corruption in Brazil paint a picture of the extent of the problem, one cannot overstate corruption’s tangible impact on the lives of everyday Brazilians. With each new election comes renewed fears of corrupt activities; nevertheless, innovative preventative and corrective initiatives are flowing freely, and a corruption-free future for Brazil is more likely than ever.

– Erin Jenkins
Photo: Flickr