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Housing Programs in Serbia: A Step Towards Social Inclusion

Housing Programs in SerbiaSerbia’s recent headlines have reflected deep political and social tensions. Since the deadly railway station collapse in Novi Sad on Nov. 1, 2024, which killed 16 people, mass protests have spread across the country. Demonstrators have accused President Aleksandar Vučić’s government of entrenched corruption and authoritarianism while demanding greater transparency and democratic reform.

At the same time, Serbia continues negotiations with the European Union (EU) and benefits from major EU-funded development programs targeting poverty reduction, infrastructure and social cohesion.

This political context places Serbia at an important turning point: while public distrust toward institutions grows, EU-backed social programs continue to reshape living conditions for some of the country’s most vulnerable communities.

Poverty and Ethnic Discrimination in Serbia

Serbia remains the largest economy and the most populous state in the Western Balkans, with approximately 6.6 million inhabitants in 2026. Over the past decade, Serbia has experienced notable economic growth and increasing foreign investment. However, this growth has not benefited all parts of society equally.

Around 20% of the Serbian population remains at risk of poverty, particularly in the southern and western regions of the country. Economic inequality, unemployment, weak infrastructure and limited access to public services continue to affect vulnerable populations disproportionately.

Among the communities facing the greatest structural discrimination are the Roma people. Roma communities in Serbia frequently encounter barriers in employment, education, health care and housing. Many Roma families continue to live in informal settlements with poor infrastructure, limited sanitation and insecure housing conditions, which further reinforces cycles of poverty and exclusion.

The EU SHAI Program: Housing as Social Inclusion

In response to these challenges, the EU launched the Social Housing and Active Inclusion Program (EU SHAI), one of Serbia’s largest social inclusion initiatives. Between 2019 and 2025, the EU invested €27 million into the program, while the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS) implemented it alongside Serbian national and local authorities.

Rather than focusing solely on housing construction, EU SHAI combined accommodation with employment support, education, health care access and social services.

The program targeted Roma communities, women escaping domestic violence, people with disabilities, young people leaving state care systems and families living in extreme poverty. It adapted its approach to local needs by constructing new apartments, purchasing rural homes, renovating existing properties and upgrading infrastructure in informal settlements. Projects took place across 19 Serbian municipalities, including Čačak, Loznica, Šabac, Raška and Svilajnac.

The program produced measurable results:

  • 127 families moved into newly built housing units
  • 14 new family homes were constructed
  • 56 village houses were purchased
  • 92 homes were renovated
  • More than 350 vulnerable families received permanent housing support

Overall, the program supported more than 1,200 people.

Some municipalities achieved especially visible results. Svilajnac and Raška emerged as examples of how long-term coordination between local governments, international organizations and social services can create sustainable improvements for vulnerable communities. In this sense, EU SHAI functioned not only as a humanitarian program but also as a governance and development initiative.

Housing Programs in Serbia for Roma Communities

Serbia has also developed targeted housing initiatives specifically for Roma communities. Through the Let’s Build a Home Together project, the Serbian government, with EU financial support, has provided housing solutions for up to 170 Roma families previously living in unsafe, informal settlements.

Families can choose between apartments, village houses or the reconstruction of existing homes. Authorities designed the program with direct participation from Roma beneficiaries in order to protect housing rights and adapt solutions to each family’s needs. The initiative also places strong emphasis on women’s equal housing rights and property security.

Social Housing for Refugees and Displaced People

Following the conflicts that accompanied the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, Serbia participated in the Regional Housing Program (RHP), a joint initiative involving Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia. The program aimed to support refugees and internally displaced persons affected by the Yugoslav wars.

Alongside the RHP, Serbia developed the Social Housing in Supportive Environment (SHSE) program, which has operated since 2002 with support from international donors, the Serbian government, the EU and organizations such as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

The SHSE program provides long-term housing and social protection for vulnerable groups, particularly refugees and internally displaced persons. Since 2002, the program has built 430 apartments across 22 Serbian municipalities, housing approximately 1,100 vulnerable residents. Unlike traditional institutional shelters, SHSE promotes decentralized and community-based housing solutions that integrate beneficiaries into local communities while supporting their access to health care, employment and social services.

Programs Fostering Active Inclusion

What distinguishes the housing programs in Serbia from traditional housing policies is their emphasis on active inclusion. Programs such as EU SHAI recognize that stable housing alone cannot sustainably reduce poverty if families remain excluded from employment, education and health care systems. As a result, these programs combine housing assistance with social and economic support measures tailored to the specific needs of each family.

The initiatives also actively involve the communities they support in the decision-making process, allowing beneficiaries to participate in shaping their own housing solutions and future living conditions rather than remaining passive recipients of aid.

This integrated approach proved especially important for Roma communities, who often face overlapping forms of exclusion. By combining stable housing with education and employment opportunities, these programs aim to break intergenerational cycles of poverty rather than simply manage their consequences.

Serbia, the EU and the Politics of Social Development

The housing programs in Serbia highlight the complex relationship between Serbia and the European Union. While political tensions surrounding democracy, corruption and media freedom continue to complicate Serbia’s accession process, EU-funded social programs remain deeply embedded in the country’s development strategy.

For many vulnerable families, these projects produce tangible improvements in everyday life regardless of broader geopolitical debates. They provide stable housing, access to employment, educational opportunities and greater social protection in communities that have often remained excluded for decades.

Looking Ahead

At a time when poverty, displacement and housing insecurity continue to affect millions across Europe, Serbia’s social housing programs demonstrate how targeted international cooperation can generate measurable social impact even amid ongoing political tensions. By combining housing with active inclusion policies, the housing programs in Serbia offer a model for poverty reduction that focuses not only on shelter but also on long-term social integration.

– Inès Maudire

Inès Maudire is based in Paris, France and focuses on Good News and Technology for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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From Rally to Reform: Gen Z Fights Poverty in Madagascar

Poverty in MadagascarNationwide unrest has emerged from decades of instability, corruption and poverty in Madagascar, where three-quarters of the population lives below the poverty line. Youth-led protests over the lack of basic public services mirror global movements demanding a more prosperous future for the next generation. Since gaining independence in 1960, the African island nation of 32 million has continued to navigate volatile governments, neglected livelihoods and uncertainty about its future.

Poverty in Madagascar

Madagascar faces deeply rooted economic pressures that have left much of its population struggling to survive. With an average annual income of just $600, the Malagasy are among the world’s most impoverished people. The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) notes that, with “front-row seats to the lifestyles of elites,” the inequalities burdening the Malagasy have become increasingly visible.

Chronic underdevelopment has left basic services unreliable; water shortages, power cuts and limited sanitation affect millions daily. Rapid urbanization has further worsened living conditions, as 60% of urban residents live in informal settlements that lack essential services, including water and sanitation. The expansion of Madagascar’s urban centers has occurred alongside limited investment in education, health care and social infrastructure. 

As a result, weak human capital continues to limit opportunities to escape poverty in Madagascar. High tariffs imposed by the United States throughout 2025 have also affected major Malagasy exports, including vanilla. Coupled with the expiration of beneficial trade agreements between the two regions, these measures have heightened the economic turmoil already affecting tens of millions of people.

Gen Z Protests

Madagascar’s Gen Z community spearheaded nationwide protests over severe water and power shortages in September 2025. Protesters demanded greater job opportunities, humanitarian aid and accountability from elected officials, expressing frustration over what they see as neglected responsibilities and broken promises. CFR reports that the demonstrations quickly expanded to include broader demands for governmental reform.

Inspired by similar youth movements in Kenya and Nepal, the demonstrations were among the largest the Indian Ocean region has experienced in years. Disillusionment among Gen Z with autocratic rule, government inaction and visible inequalities continues to fuel worldwide concern about their futures—and, in turn, large-scale activism. Protesters from similar movements around the world offer one another support, energy and motivation, strengthening the push for a stronger youth generation.

The Corruption Perceptions Index ranks Madagascar 140th out of 180 countries for perceived corruption. Malagasy activist Shely Andriamihaja argues, “The youth are the first victims of corruption, especially in universities where the infrastructure is so bad.” The impact of corrupt, decentralized governance on Gen Z remains a key driver of growing global youth activism.

What the Future Holds

In response to the widespread protests, Malagasy President Andry Rajoelina fled the country and dissolved his government—a result similar to those achieved by other Gen Z–led movements. The president apologized to the protesters, acknowledging that his officials had failed to fulfill their responsibilities to their constituents.

While the protests reached some of their goals, there is still work to be done. CFR expects activists to seek a more concrete plan to alleviate poverty in Madagascar, which continues to burden the country’s youth.

– Jayhan Adhi

Jayhan is based in Chicago, IL, USA and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Fragility of Rule of Law in Portugal

Rule of Law in PortugalPortugal’s journey since the turn of the millennium presents a paradox: a nation celebrated for progressive social policies that simultaneously grapples with deep-seated fragilities in the rule of law in Portugal. While landmark reforms have advanced human rights, systemic issues like corruption, entrenched social inequality and political instability continue to challenge public trust and the very foundations of its democratic institutions. This delicate balance between progress and peril defines the current state of the rule of law in Portugal.

The Reasons for Challenges With Fragility and the Rule of Law in Portugal

  • High-profile Corruption Cases and Political Polarization: Over the past decade, former officials, bankers and public figures have featured in corruption cases that shook Portuguese politics and finance. These prosecutions show that institutions can and do act — but they also erode public trust and fuel political polarization when citizens see accountability as uneven. According to Statista, 91%of Portuguese in 2025 believe corruption remains widespread in the country, up slightly from 90% in 2013. Moreover, Transparency International gave Portugal a score of 57 out of 100 in its 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index, marking the lowest score in recent years and ranking Portugal 43rd among 180 countries.
  • Institutional Obstacles, Sluggish Justice and Capacity Constraints: Portuguese judicial institutions confront chronic delays, particularly in administrative and tax courts, which undermines the rule of law in Portugal. Long delays reduce the law’s deterrent effect and deepen public frustration with the timely delivery of justice.
  • Legal Reforms Under Political Pressure: Political pressure sometimes prompts rapid legal modifications such as proposals to broaden asset-confiscation powers without a criminal conviction. Although such moves aim to strengthen enforcement, critics argue they risk undermining the presumption of innocence and property rights. These proposals illustrate the tension between the need for effective anti-corruption enforcement and the protection of fundamental rights, which is central to any robust rule of law in Portugal.
  • Transparency, Oversight and Conflicts of Interest: Various international watchdogs, including GRECO, repeatedly call on Portugal to strengthen transparency and oversight mechanisms. They recommend robust asset-declaration systems for MPs, judges and prosecutors; enforceable conflict-of-interest rules; and independent oversight bodies. Without these preventive measures, corruption scandals can re-emerge, and the public may conclude that institutions lack integrity.

Poverty and Social Inequality

Poverty remains a serious challenge in Portugal, and weaknesses in the rule of law often deepen socioeconomic vulnerability. In 2023 (reflecting 2022 incomes), official data indicate that roughly 17% of Portugal’s population lived at risk of poverty or social exclusion after social transfers. Some regions, including the Azores, Madeira, the Algarve and northern areas, face especially high risk.

Corruption and weak rule of law undermine governmental capacity to combat poverty. When public resources leak, public procurement inflates and misallocation of funds becomes common, the state loses the ability to deliver fair social services, maintain public infrastructure and allocate welfare effectively. The phenomenon harms not only economic growth but also social equity, increasing income and wealth inequality in which poorly served communities suffer most.

A recent report underscores the link between corruption and social deprivation: corruption erodes health, education and social welfare outcomes in a way that disproportionately harms the poor. Thus, improving the rule of law in Portugal could serve as a structural lever to reduce poverty, foster social inclusion and rebuild citizens’ faith in institutions.

Addressing the Rule of Law in Portugal

Experts from OECD, GRECO and other international bodies recommend a consistent set of reforms, and several named contributors and authorities appear repeatedly in these reports. The OECD justice report lists lead contributors and managers — Elsa Pilichowski (OECD Director for Public Governance), Tatyana Teplova (Senior Counsellor), Chloé Lelièvre (Head of Unit for Access to Justice) and Barbara-Chiara Ubaldi (Head of Unit for Digital Government and Data) — and the report presents specific recommendations to modernize courts, speed procedures and invest in skills and digital case management. GRECO’s evaluation team similarly sets out measures to strengthen asset disclosure, conflict-of-interest rules, post-employment restrictions and lobbying transparency. Transparency International, the EU Commission and independent academics have echoed these proposals.

Portugal has already adopted or launched some of these measures. The government published the National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2020–2024 (ENAC) and created a National Anti-Corruption Mechanism (MENAC) under Decree-Law No. 109-E/2021. MENAC aims to coordinate prevention, monitoring and enforcement across the public administration, and to improve asset-declaration systems, conflict-of-interest rules and whistleblower protection. GRECO and the OECD acknowledge this framework but report partial implementation; follow-up reviews note that Portugal still needs to strengthen enforcement, improve transparency of asset declarations and fully adopt measures on lobbying and post-employment restrictions.

Specific Expert Recommendations and Implementation Status

The OECD recommended modernizing case management, digitizing courts, recruiting targeted personnel and creating specialized chambers for complex economic crime to reduce delays and strengthen enforcement. The OECD named its project leads and listed technical recommendations based on stakeholder interviews and data. Portugal has accepted many recommendations in principle and started pilot digital initiatives, but full roll-out and resourcing remain works in progress.

Meanwhile, GRECO recommended enforceable asset-declaration rules, independent oversight and stronger cooling-off rules for high officials. The 2025 compliance report records partial implementation of several recommendations and outstanding gaps.

Additionally, the EU Commission recommended speeding up administrative and civil procedures and strengthening judicial capacity; national progress reports link these recommendations to OECD technical assistance projects.

The National Anti-Corruption Strategy and MENAC

The National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2020–2024 (ENAC) entered the official agenda in 2020–2021, and the Decree-Law No. 109-E/2021 (December 2021) established the National Anti-Corruption Mechanism (MENAC).

MENAC’s mandate includes coordinating implementation of the National Strategy, monitoring and evaluating anti-corruption actions across public bodies, improving prevention measures such as asset and interest disclosures, and strengthening whistleblower protection. The overall strategy sets out an action plan with measures on prevention, enforcement, transparency and international cooperation.

MENAC has centralized coordination functions, launched monitoring mechanisms and supported revisions to disclosure and whistleblower rules. Observers and follow-up reports (GRECO, OECD, EU) record progress on institutional design and legal frameworks, while also noting gaps in enforcement, the need for stronger oversight and incomplete implementation of several recommendations. GRECO’s compliance reporting (2025) finds that Portugal partially implemented a number of recommendations but still needs to address asset-declaration enforcement, lobbying transparency and post-employment rules.

A Fragile but Reformable Rule of Law in Portugal

Portugal has not faced a collapse of democracy and many institutions are still functioning. Yet, the rule of law in Portugal remains fragile in critical respects. Institutional inefficiencies, public distrust and repeated crises of political and financial malfeasance undermine social equity and hinder the country’s ability to reduce poverty.

The future of Portugal’s rule of law will depend on transparent and effective reforms, faithful protection of civil and property rights and the capacity to restore public trust through tangible improvements. If implemented well, such reforms could yield not only stronger governance, but also meaningful progress in reducing poverty and social inequality in Portugal.

– Vagner Trindade

Vagner is based in Portsmouth, UK and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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The Politics Behind Being Poor in Tanzania

Being Poor in TanzaniaHome to around 60 million people, poverty rates have seen a steady decline in Tanzania since the year 2000, particularly in the last two decades. For example, the national basic needs poverty rate fell from approximately 35.7% in 2001 to 26.4% in 2018. However, poverty is still a fundamental concern across Tanzania, with 51.53% of its population experiencing multidimensional poverty and living off $3 a day.

Rural vs Urban 

Being poor in Tanzania and the alarming poverty rates have strong links to the political struggle in addressing the rural-urban divide. Particularly, policies and strategies have historically favorably sided with urban areas, leaving rural regions with low agricultural productivity due to obsolete and inadequate infrastructure, limit access to credit and poor market integration. Conversely, in the urban areas of Tanzania, the evident benefit of acquiring government support is notable in the display of infrastructure and social investments. Essentially, such a stark contrast has led to both social and political unrest and tackling these issues is imperative to reduce extreme poverty.

Weak Policy Implementation

Despite relatively rapid economic growth and an investment to human development, poverty across Tanzania remains a concern, elucidating that the benefits that the wealthier of the population reap are not equally accessible to the poorest. The Tanzanian government’s focus on reducing poverty and inequality, namely in their commitments to the United Nations Sustainable Goals (SDG 1 and SDG 10) has indeed stabilized in past years and the government has received criticism for setting ill-informed and unrealistic goals for the country. In summary, exacerbated income inequality directly opposes the potential to reach economic growth to tackle extreme poverty and undermines Tanzanians’ ability to fully access their rights and to prosper with greater educational and health outcomes.

Government Corruption

One can directly associate being poor in Tanzania with government corruption and it is one of the greatest opponents to Tanzania achieving its development goals. Corruption has led to unsustainable exploitation of natural resources for the “benefit” of the country without consideration for human safety or the fundamental rights of the Tanzanian people. Similarly, many Tanzanian leaders have neglected the country’s developmental goal to eradicate extreme poverty and instead have acquired royalties from foreign investments, mineral companies and polluting industries.

Policy and Legal Framework Failure

The Tanzanian government has implemented a variety of policies to provide support for the local communities to manage and develop the available natural resources in the country. A pivotal example is evident in Tanzania’s Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), which outline the macroeconomic, structural, and social policies to achieve growth and reduce poverty. Having notable success, the PRSPs work to maintain low inflation and and improve tax collection, invest in land reforms and ensure improvements in farmer support services and targeting low income households and offer aid in education, health care and livelihoods. For example, within Tanzania’s Productive Social Safety Net (PSSN), a key attribute of the PRSPs, it has been evidenced that the PSSN had reduced household vulnerability to poverty by 13.4% highlighting its worth in policy contributions for reducing poverty in Tanzania.

Tanzania’s Fight Against Poverty

Despite the notable struggles that Tanzania faces in its journey to reduce poverty across the country, one cannot forget that much dedicated and inspiring work is continuously occurring to ensure the safety and well-being of all. For example, in 2006, the U.K. organization Village Africa embarked on a mission to fund partner organizations in Tanzania to improve health, education and environmental projects to work to alleviate poverty across the country. Thus far, Village Africa has established an emergency ambulance service that has reduced death rates in support communities, funded various student sponsorships and school building infrastructures and provided employment to local citizens through local building projects. In its most recent report, Village Africa has provided 125 students access to education through their Simba Club scheme, started a construction in a library for Yamba and been able to transport 79 people via the ambulance to receive emergency health care.

Conclusion

In summary, the government’s implementation (and lack of) of human development are largely impacting being poor in Tanzania and the fundamental concern of poverty. However, it is the tireless work of such dedicated organizations like Village Africa that make a true difference to the lives of many Tanzanians.

– Reece Robertshaw

Reece is based in Doncaster, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Being Poor in Venezuela

Being Poor in VenezuelaTo feel trapped in a country that is meant to be your home — a place of refuge, comfort and safety — is now the reality of more than 80% of households in Venezuela, with more than half living in extreme poverty. Being poor in Venezuela has become a familiar, looming presence under the rule of President Nicolás Maduro.

A Demand for Change

According to the BBC, for two decades, Maduro’s regime has inflicted suffering across Venezuela. Following a government-controlled election, Maduro claimed a third successive term, crushing hopes for change.

With renewed control over the country’s foreign policy, Maduro banned platforms such as Binance – a global cryptocurrency exchange – and social media platform X, which provide visibility into Venezuela’s economic crisis. Without such visibility, Venezuelans remain at the mercy of a corrupt regime and stay trapped in a cycle of being poor.

Mass Exodus: Searching for Safety

Being poor in Venezuela has become a daily struggle after decades of hyperinflation, leaving the country in dire straits. Citizens face extreme poverty, with an average income of just $0.72, and since the bolivar no longer functions as a viable currency, many must seek alternative means for survival.

Victims of this crisis now seek refuge in neighboring countries across Latin America and the Caribbean. According to the U.N. Refugee Agency (UNHCR), “nearly 8 million Venezuelans have been forced to flee” in search of safety and economic stability.

A Call for Action

Supporters of opposition candidate Edmundo González denounced the National Electoral Council’s (CNE) recent election results. Analysts at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) outlined a “Day After” Postcrisis Recovery and Reform Framework, calling for comprehensive institutional reconstitution to restore political and economic stability.

To be successful, they emphasize how global powers such as the United States and other countries can support Venezuela through the crisis – especially the devastating realities of being poor in Venezuela, where citizens face systematic hardship and lack access to basic resources.

United Against Corruption

Maduro has succeeded in isolating Venezuela’s global markets, economically imprisoning citizens and limiting access to foreign currencies. Being poor in Venezuela now means navigating a collapsed economy with few lifelines.

Jorge Jraissai, the president of the Economic Inclusion Group, urges individuals to support organizations such as the Human Rights Foundation, which work to give Venezuelans a fighting chance against currency collapse.

In his analysis, The Role of Freedom Tech in Venezuela’s Fight for Freedom, Jraissai explains how the Human Rights Foundation has united activists and developers to create new digital solutions. Cryptocurrency platforms such as Binance, he argues, play an essential role in helping people to safeguard their earnings and access global currencies. These tools allow Venezuelans to bypass government restrictions and achieve economic autonomy.

Digital Lifelines

The Human Rights Foundation (HRF), a non-governmental organization (NGO), which operates to alleviate poverty and protect human rights globally, with a focus on countries ruled by authoritarian regimes. Founded in 2005 by Venezuelan human rights advocate Thor Halvorssen Mendoza, HRF continues to provide initiatives such as the Oslo Freedom Forum, which brings together activists and technologists to promote global freedom.

HRF raises awareness about the threats of authoritarianism and poverty. In 2023, its policies appeared across top major media outlets including CNN, CNBC, The Atlantic, POLITICO, Newsweek and the BBC. According to HRF, the organization received 17.8K media mentions, $772M in earned media value, and 23M social media Impressions.”

To support innovative solutions, HRF’s advocacy efforts “protect activists, journalists and other civil society leaders targeted by authoritarian regimes.” 

The organization developed the “Tyranny Tracker,” a research tool that analyzes and identifies countries most vulnerable to political oppression. Its methodology classifies nations as either democratic (103 countries: 2.2 billion), Hybrid Authoritarian Regimes (40 countries: 2.7 billion) or Fully Authoritarian Regimes (57 countries: 3 billion).

By supporting NGOs like HRF, global citizens can stand in solidarity with Venezuelans and help combat the devastating effects of being poor in Venezuela.

From Survival to Renewal

Poverty in Venezuela does not represent an unbreakable chain – it demands unity and action. Digital technology, institutional change and global collaboration could provide Venezuelans a fighting chance against poverty. 

– Gabriela E Silva

Gabriela is based in Addlestone, Surrey, UK and focuses on Technology and Solutions for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Russia’s Kleptocracy: Domestic Consequences of Corruption

russia's kleptocracyThe Kremlin juggles an imperative to maintain both popular and elite satisfaction. From 2000 to 2008, Russia experienced impressive growth – real GDP increased by 66% and real wages increased by 185%. Benefiting from windfall oil and gas revenues, the government balanced the provision of social services with self-enrichment at the top. The 2008 financial crisis launched Russia into a prolonged period of stagnation. Persistent corruption and a weak rule of law discourage investment and entrepreneurship. Russia’s kleptocracy went from a source of stability to an Achilles’ heel. The aim to keep oligarchs wealthy and happy comes at the cost of national development and welfare. International sanctions and the war in Ukraine in 2022 put greater pressure on the government to minimize the rampant looting of state assets.

Russia’s Kleptocracy

President Vladimir Putin used a recruitment base of KGB veterans (or the siloviki) to fill top posts in the executive branch and the economy. Some run law enforcement agencies – Ministry of Interior (MVD) and Federal Security Service (FSB). Others manage state-owned companies in the energy sector, banking and transportation. The silovarchs use coercive capacities and criminal connections to target businesses and extract corrupt rents.

Putin also dueled out advantages to close friends from childhood, the Ozero dacha cooperative and hobbies. These oligarchs own firms that benefit from state contracts and the public procurement system. Gennady Timchenko and the Rotenberg brothers obtained a fortune building pipelines for Gazprom.

Russia’s kleptocracy not only relies on elite control over state resources, but the lack of rule of law. The Kremlin keeps everyone in permanent legal jeopardy to maintain control. As the regime encourages bureaucrats and businessmen to engage in corrupt schemes, private eyes gather kompromat (evidence of legal wrongdoing) to hold over their heads.

Inequality and Social Policy

Even autocrats care about popular opinion. Social policy is an important tool to win elections. In the run-up to the 2012 presidential election, Putin promised to improve social well-being, build more schools and limit utility expenses, among other things. The Russian newspaper Vedomosti detailed areas the regime fell short. After five years, the number of people below poverty increased by several million, the number of schools declined by 7,000 and costs for heating and electricity rose by 50%.

Corruption adversely impacts economic growth and welfare provisions. The lucrative public procurement system, in which the government hands out state contracts on a non-competitive and personal basis, leads to lower quality of infrastructure and public services. Corruption can also distort the make-up of expenditures. It incentivizes bureaucrats to choose expenditures that provide the best opportunity for self-enrichment. It is easier to collect substantial bribes on large infrastructure projects than on textbooks or teacher salaries.

Anti-Government Protests

The mobilizing potential of inadequate social policy and fraud manifested in 2011 and 2012. The massive anti-government protests put pressure on the Kremlin to fight corruption. Putin launched an anti-corruption drive in 2012. The Kremlin targeted low-level officials and elites with punitive action. Some high profile prosecutions were carried out in the national and regional arenas. The government also attempted to clean up petty corruption in the public sector. They implemented a reduction in the discretion of service providers and harsher penalties for offenders. The performative nature of these measures limited any real impact on corruption.

Russia’s kleptocracy endures. Russia scored 22 on the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) in 2023, where 100 means a very clean public sector. The practice of reiderstvo (illegal business raids) grew by 135% in 2019 compared to the previous year. The number of malicious criminal prosecutions of entrepreneurs increased between 2014 and 2019, as well as mistrust in law enforcement and courts.

Positive Role of Civil Society

Opposition leaders and civil society do exist and function in Russia. Activist Alexey Navalny founded the nonprofit Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) in Russia to fight rampant kleptocracy. FBK produced powerful and evidence-based documentaries on YouTube. “A Palace for Putin” video generated millions of views.

When law enforcement did not investigate the attempted murder of Navalny in 2020, investigative journalists filled the accountability void. Reporters from Bellingcat and Russia’s The Insider stepped forward to expose government wrongdoing.

Transparency International Russia (TI-Russia) uses non-partisan and non-political activities to fight corruption. The movement believes a government crackdown on corruption is not a substitute for independent scrutiny. TI-Russia holds education workshops, designs artwork to teach citizens how to say no to bribes and works with students to find innovative solutions.

After the invasion of Ukraine in 2020, the crackdown on independent media and opposition actors tightened. The government declared more than 40 journalists and news outlets “foreign agents” in 2021.

Corruption can reduce economic growth and effective social spending, increasing poverty and income inequality. Even in a repressive environment, Russia’s determined civil society continues to fight kleptocracy. With a sustained grassroot effort, the momentum for a more equitable Russia can grow.

– Alessandra Lewis

Alessandra is based in Westport, CT, USA and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Fragility and Rule of Law in Nigeria

Fragility and Rule of Law in NigeriaNigeria, based in West Africa, has the largest economy and most populous country in Africa. It has a great amount of natural resources, such as oil, yet it remains one of the poorest countries globally, with an estimated 87 million Nigerians living below the poverty line. There are many reasons for endemic poverty in the region but one of these is the state of the rule of law in Nigeria, in particular, the nature of corruption and violence. These two features exist as persistent structural problems in the region. They undermine development efforts, job creation and service delivery. Poor Nigerians are most affected by these problems as they depend most on security and public institutions. These two issues weaken institutions and efforts to reduce poverty. Here are some of the ways that the state of the rule of law in Nigeria affects poverty.

Corruption and Poverty

Nigeria remains one of the most corrupt countries in Africa with a score of 26/100 from Transparency International, an organization dedicated to monitoring corruption. There is poor government accountability. Public institutions routinely suffer from embezzlement, ghost workers and contract fraud.

These practices drain funds that are meant for poverty reduction initiatives such as social welfare and infrastructure projects. Corrupt officials also often divert aid or demand bribes to release public goods. While there are some anti-poverty programs like N-Power, they often fail to reach the poorest and political favoritism further reduces their impact.

Corruption also worsens access to services. Citizens sometimes have to pay bribes to access health care, school enrollment, land documents or housing support. This inflates the cost of these services and makes them inaccessible to the poorest who need them the most.

Corruption also shapes access to job opportunities as nepotism and bribery influence public sector jobs, scholarships and government contracts. Poor people, lacking money or political connections, are often excluded from these opportunities. This reinforced cycles of inequality and poverty as elites stay empowered while the poor stay locked out. The poor state of the rule of law in Nigeria, as it pertains to corruption, reduces trust in the system and discourages participation in government programs or elections, furthering the cycle of poverty.

Violence and Poverty

Violence in Nigeria, since the fourth republic, has largely been concentrated in the northern and central regions. These regions also experience the highest poverty rates in Nigeria. Several studies have drawn the link between insecurity and deprivation in these regions. 

In particular, in the north-east (Borno, Yobe, Adamawa), Boko Haram has terrorized civilians in their attempt to overthrow the government, leading to mass displacement. Meanwhile, in the north-west (Zamfara, Katsina, Sokoto), there is widespread banditry, kidnapping and extortion. Additionally, in the middle belt of the country (Benue, Plateau, Taraba), there are herder-farmer conflicts and communal violence which lie along ethnic and religious lines.

In these regions, their poverty rates range from 60-80%. In contrast, the southern regions, such as Lagos and Anambra, have much lower poverty rates, suggesting a geographic overlap between insecurity and extreme poverty.

While it is likely the case that extreme poverty has led to violence in these regions, the violence itself has exacerbated poverty and its plight. It affects food production by reducing farming and livestock output and leads to great food insecurity as tens of millions are put at risk.

It also affects education as the destruction of schools and fear leads to dropout and inaccessibility. Likewise, Internally Displaced Persons from the violence, generally lack stable housing, health care and clean water. The weakened rule of law in Nigeria produces great violence which worsens poverty now and makes it more difficult to escape it in the future.

Anti-Corruption Initiatives

There have been some recent promising efforts to tackle corruption. In 2024, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) secured 4,111 criminal convictions and recovered about $214.5 million USD in looted funds. The establishment of the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPS) has gone a long way to eliminate ghost workers. The launch of the Open Treasury Portal in 2019 has provided public access to federal government expenditures.

These initiatives have had some effect on tackling poverty. Recoveries help plug fiscal gaps for services, although they have limited impact on direct poverty alleviation. The elimination of ghost workers helps free up some salary funds. Transparency tools can build long-term trust and enable advocacy which is crucial in the fight against poverty although they currently remain underused or inconsistently updated. 

Security Reforms & Community-Based Approaches

Some efforts recently taken to address violence include military offensives such as Lafiya Dole against insurgents. The Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) has increasingly involved itself in local defense. Additionally, the government has initiated peacebuilding and deradicalization programs in Borno and Zamfara and has further emphasized community policing and state security networks.

These efforts have allowed the return of displaced persons in some areas such as in Borno, which goes a long way in tackling poverty. However, poverty reduction is slow due to damaged infrastructure, trauma and loss of livelihoods. Localized success stories exist but are not yet scalable or systemic. However, efforts in bolstering the rule of law in Nigeria goes a long way in facilitating poverty reduction in the country.

Looking Ahead

Nigeria faces complex and varied challenges, with insecurity, poverty, and corruption, but these difficulties are not insurmountable. Recent steps show a growing awareness that change is both urgent and possible. There remains real hope that Nigeria’s immense potential can be more fully realized.

– Seun Adekunle

Seun is based in Scotch Plains, NJ, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Ending Poverty in Nigeria by 2050

Ending Poverty in NigeriDespite Nigeria’s rich natural and human resources, including crude oil, coal, marble and gold, poverty remains one of the most pressing challenges. According to a National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) report, 40.1% of the population lives in poverty. This statistic indicates that, on average, four out of 10 individuals in Nigeria have real per capita expenditures that fall below $87.47 annually. Consequently, this translates to more than 82.9 million Nigerians considered poor by national standards.

However, with a strategic vision and well-defined government policies, ending poverty in Nigeria by 2050 is achievable. Collaborative efforts from the Nigerian populace will also play a crucial role. This goal is essential for achieving sustainable development.

Root Causes of Poverty in Nigeria

The root causes of poverty in Nigeria include:

  • Economic Underdevelopment and Lack of Diversification. Nigeria’s economy is predominantly dependent on oil, which has resulted in a significant lack of diversification and heightened vulnerability to global price fluctuations. This over-reliance on a single commodity stifles job creation and economic growth, ultimately affecting the overall standard of living for the population.
  • Corruption. Corruption remains a major obstacle to development in Nigeria, costing the country $550 billion since independence. According to Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, Nigeria ranked 145th out of 180 countries, reflecting persistent governance challenges. Corruption undermines public service delivery, diverts infrastructure, health and education funds and worsens poverty by restricting access to basic services.
  • Income Inequality. Income inequality in Nigeria remains a pressing issue, with the top 10% earning 14 times more than the bottom 50%. Nigeria’s Gini coefficient of 35.1 reflects a significant disparity in wealth distribution. This inequality limits social mobility and access to opportunities, reinforcing poverty, especially in rural areas.

Policy Initiatives to End Poverty in Nigeria

The Nigerian government has developed a strategic vision and key policy initiatives to end poverty in Nigeria. This includes a minimum wage increase from $19.23 to $44.86 in 2024 for those in the formal sector. This policy is designed to enable workers to afford essential needs, particularly in light of rising prices.

Similarly, collaborative initiatives, such as the Three Million Tech Talents (3MTT) initiative, represent a proactive approach by the Nigerian government to cultivate a generation of tech-savvy youth. This program empowers young individuals, particularly in the technology and creative industries. It fosters strategic partnerships with international organizations and the private sector. These efforts are aimed at ending poverty in Nigeria by the year 2050.

Final Remarks

Current economic conditions, characterized by inflation, a high cost of living, increased electricity tariffs and rising prices, have significantly weakened the impact of the wage increase. Additionally, minimum wage laws mainly apply to formal sector workers. This leaves much of the informal workforce uncovered, limiting the overall effectiveness of the policy. Therefore, ending poverty in Nigeria requires effectively enforcing the proposed minimum wage increase across both formal and informal sectors.

– Damilola Bukola Omokanye

Damilola is based in Abuja, Nigeria and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Indefinite Instability: Rule of Law in Eritrea

Rule of Law in EritreaDespite its short history as an independent nation, Eritrea has endured decades of conflict, economic insecurity and harsh leadership. For many Eritreans, the actions of President Isaias Afwerki have brought an air of uncertainty to the Horn of Africa. Here is information about the rule of law in Eritrea and efforts to help those who it affects.

Origins of Corruption

After tasting peace for the first time in three decades, the citizens of Eritrea witnessed the climactic ascent of a guerilla fighter to the nation’s highest office. Isaias Afwerki emerged from the war of independence as the head of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front, the primary organization that led the fight against Ethiopian rule. Afwerki quickly became the frontrunner to usher the nation into a new age of prosperity that has yet to be realized.

Eritrea declared its independence in a United Nations-supervised referendum on April 23, 1993, and appointed Afwerki as head of state. In the following year, President Afwerki renamed the EPLF to the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). To this day, the president’s rule of law in Eritrea ensures that the PFDJ remains the nation’s sole political party.

Indefinite Servitude

Almost immediately after taking office, Afwerki’s administration drew international condemnation. Elections originally set for 1997 were indefinitely postponed and the country ratified a constitution but never fully implemented it. Meanwhile, an all-encompassing conscription policy shaped the nation into a militaristic society. Initially, every adult under the age of 55 would serve in the military for 18 months, however, Afwerki revised the policy and extended the length of service for an indefinite amount of time, forcing some Eritreans into decades of military service.

In turn, indefinite conscription has created a workforce with no private sector; as the military and the PFDJ oversee projects in construction, agriculture and government administration. National conscription also ensures a continuous and cheap workforce, with the average salary for conscripts amounting to just 450 Nakfa per month ($30). According to the World Bank Group, 70% of Eritreans live under the poverty line, while Afwerki’s administration allocated an average of 24.9% of the nation’s GDP to military expenditures between 1993 and 2003.

Human Rights Abuses

Rule of law in Eritrea dictates that refusing military service, practicing outlawed religions, forming opposition parties and reporting on the state’s human rights abuses are all punishable offenses. Eritrea maintains a total independent media blackout and ranks dead last out of 180 countries listed in the World Press Freedom Index. The PFDJ holds journalists and other prisoners in deplorable conditions, often leaving them in metal shipping containers in the desert for indefinite amounts of time. 

A New Horizon

Ironically, Eritrea’s rule of law for keeping its citizens in check has had the opposite effect, as many citizens decide to flee the country despite the significant risks. As of 2024, there are an estimated 559,000 Eritrean refugees around the world. With roughly 17% of the population having fled the country, there is a great need for refugee assistance organizations like the America Team for Displaced Eritreans (ATDE).

Based out of Pennsylvania, the ATDE is a nonprofit organization that advocates on behalf of Eritrean refugees and asylum seekers around the world. Volunteers with the ATDE assist refugees with housing, asylum case support and connecting with international organizations that are equipped to provide protection and medical assistance to those in need. Additionally, the ATDE lobbies government officials in the United States and abroad to enact positive change in the way Eritrean refugees are treated when seeking better lives for themselves and their families.

Despite the PFDJ’s efforts, the resiliency of the Eritrean people continues to shine brightly, illuminating the possibility of a prosperous future. Additionally, groups like the America Team for Displaced Eritreans continue the important work of advocating on behalf of the victims of Afwerki’s administration. With the world bearing witness and governments being pressured into action, change might be on the horizon for this fledgling nation.

– Burke Bunyard

Burke is based in Austin, TX, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Poverty in Colombia’s Chocó Region

Poverty in Colombia’s Chocó RegionChocó, Colombia’s poorest region, has long been a victim of ongoing conflict, corruption and racism, resulting in a poverty rate that far exceeds the national average. Almost 80% of the population in Chocó lives below the poverty line. The impact on children is especially severe, with child mortality rates in the region doubling those seen elsewhere in Colombia.

While the alarming poverty rate can be attributed to the ongoing armed conflict between the National Liberation Army (ELN) and the Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia (AGC), discriminative poverty remains in abundance. About 82.1% of the population in this region are Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities, such as the Embera, who also call Chocó home. These groups face conflict, discriminative policies and geographical difficulties, resulting in malnutrition and a lack of care and access to necessities.

While the region remains under scrutiny from armed groups and conflicts, there are some initiatives in place to help alleviate extreme poverty in Colombia’s Chocó Region. The Millennium Development Goals Achievement Fund (MDG-F) aims to improve food security and nutrition in Chocó. Similarly, a government notion of “total peace” operates across the country to better the situation in post-conflict zones and ensure peace prevails. The situation in Chocó remains dire, but promises by current President Gustavo Petro bring hope for the future.

Why Is Chocó Poor?

  1. Armed Conflict: Chocó has historically been plagued by conflict and hardship, from Colombia’s civil war to enduring clashes between the leftist guerrilla group ELN and the right-wing paramilitary group AGC. These opposing forces continue to battle for territory, illicit trade routes, economic control and key smuggling pathways into Panama, fuelled by the region’s abundant illegal drugs and valuable natural resources like timber, platinum and gold. Many years of friction have led to the displacement of 181,000 people, high rates of sexual violence and limited access to essential services. The violence has left many individuals in psychological distress, with little to no access to necessary medical or mental health support.
  2. Geography: Chocó has a unique and complex geography, enriched with highly biodiverse, dense forest, the Andean mountains to the East and the Pacific coast to the West. Many areas are only accessible by boat or plane, making it an easy target for armed groups and vulnerably isolated from essential amenities. This remoteness means that more than 30% of the population has no access to running water and 80% have no sewage system, spurring the spread of disease and infection. Furthermore, Chocó has the poorest health care in Colombia, with only one hospital accessible in Quibdó, leaving much of the population vulnerable to often easily cured illnesses or injuries. 
  3. Farming: The lack of transport links, infrastructure and money means most rely on farming to sustain a living, specifically coca and Pancoger farming. However, changes in weather patterns and the increased effects of climate instability, pollution and flooding have destroyed much of the arable land, leading to increased crop failures and, thus, food shortages. Harvesting Coca plants has been a long-standing form of farming in Colombia, providing much necessary income for small-holder farmers. However, the market has dropped significantly and the government has implemented initiatives to destroy the crop to target illegal industries.

Total Peace

Since Petro’s election in 2022, his administration has championed a “total peace” initiative to reduce violence and foster long-term stability in Colombia. This strategy allows the government to negotiate with criminal organizations in hopes of securing permanent disarmament and eventually reducing violence in Colombia. Petro has pledged significant investments in education and reconciliation efforts, supporting various programs that address the roots of conflict.

Additionally, he has prioritized investment in post-conflict regions like Chocó, where longstanding violence has left deep scars. Among his administration’s key achievements, Petro announced a guaranteed investment of $24.5 million for road infrastructure in Chocó. Progress has also been seen in security, with reported clashes between state authorities and armed groups decreasing by 48%, signaling a hopeful shift toward stability in the region.

The MDG-F’s Joint Program

The MDG-F’s Joint Program focuses on improving food security and nutrition for impoverished people in Chocó. The program is directed at helping the particularly vulnerable, including pregnant women, children and Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities who face marginalization and exclusion. While the program promotes physical and cognitive development in individuals, it also aims to strengthen inter-ethnic and gender relationships to maintain peace and reduce inequality.

The program recorded several successes in reducing poverty and improving health outcomes, particularly among children in Colombia’s Chocó region. More than 80% of malnourished children recorded at the start of the intervention have shown significant recovery, contributing to decreased food and nutrition insecurity across the region. Beyond physical health improvements, the program has fostered a sense of empowerment and active community participation, helping residents feel more involved in shaping their futures and supporting each other in the journey toward stability and well-being.

– Sofia Bowes

Sofia is based on the Isle Of Skye and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr