Foreign aid coverage and information.

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Poverty Reduction in China and Beyond

Poverty Reduction in ChinaOver the past four decades, global poverty has reduced significantly and one country has played a central role: China. Through quick economic growth, large scale development programs and targeted policy interventions, China has not only lifted hundreds of its own citizens out of poverty but also contributed meaningfully to poverty reduction worldwide. China’s achievement of eliminating extreme poverty by 2020 valuably met the United Nations’ 2030 ‘No Poverty’ target a decade early, signifying an historic milestone.

Domestic Poverty Reduction Success in China

China’s poverty reduction is generally regarded as the largest in human history. According to the World Bank, the country lifted more than 800 million people out of poverty over several decades, largely driven by economic growth and structural reforms. From 1978 to 2020, China reduced its rural poverty rate from 97.5% to nearly zero, successfully declaring the eradication of extreme nationwide rural poverty.

This success had several key strategies:

  • Targeted poverty alleviation, which identified and supported specific households.
  • Investment in healthcare and education, improving long-term living standards
  • Infrastructure development, mainly in rural areas.

By 2020, China had completed a major national campaign to lift tens of millions out of poverty within only five years.

Meeting the UN 2030 Target Early

The U.N.’s first Sustainable Development Goal aims to end extreme poverty globally by 2030. China reached this benchmark around 2020, making it the first country to do so at such a scale.

U.N. officials have applauded China’s progress, noting that it demonstrates the ‘No Poverty’ goal is achievable, even in a country with a population exceeding 1 billion.

Because China accounted for a large population of the world’s poor population in earlier decades, its success crucially accelerated global poverty reduction overall.

China’s Contribution to Global Poverty Reduction

Beyond its domestic achievements, China has increasingly contributed to global poverty reduction. Through trade, investment and infrastructure development, China has supported growth in many developing economies.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been a notably successful example of China’s global poverty reduction. The BRI is a massive global infrastructure development strategy led by China aiming to connect other regions to China to enhance regional trade and economic integration. Research shows that Chinese-funded projects have helped reduce global poverty by creating jobs, improving connectivity and lowering trade costs. A 2023 study found that the BRI investments are associated with measurable declines in poverty levels in participating countries, especially lower income regions.

Similarly, cross-country analysis reveals that countries that are a part of the BRI tend to experience long-term reductions in poverty, largely due to infrastructure improvements and increased economic activity.

In locations such as Africa, Chinese investment in transport and energy has supported broader economic growth by improving access to markets and enabling industrial growth. While the impact varies depending on local conditions, evidence suggests that China’s growing role in global development has become a principal contributor to poverty reduction in many developing economies.

Other initiatives, such as infrastructure investment in South-South cooperation, have helped improve industrial capacity and employment opportunities in partner countries. China has also provided financial assistance and debt relief measures for developing nations during times of crisis.

Regions That Have Benefited Most

Sub-Saharan Africa has remained home to a large share of the world’s poor, and China has become a significant development partner in the region. According to the World Economic Forum, “China has become sub-Saharan Africa’s largest bilateral trading partner.”

Countries in Southeast Asia have benefited from increased trade and manufacturing investment linked to China’s economic expansion.

Chinese investments in Latin America’s natural resources have expanded its economic opportunities and strengthened trade ties across the region.

Lessons for Other Countries

China’s experience offers important lessons for global poverty reduction to countries striving to meet the U.N.’s goals:

  • Targeted interventions are effective: identifying and assisting specific poverty-stricken populations ensures resources reach those most in need.
  • Economic growth is important: this enables large-scale poverty reduction.
  • Infrastructure development creates opportunity.
  • Continuous commitment and long-term planning lead to successful global poverty reduction.

China’s success in eliminating extreme poverty ahead of the UN’s 2030 target proves a landmark achievement. By combining strong economic growth with targeted policies, it has transformed the lives of millions and reshaped global poverty trends.

– Leah Denning

Leah is based in Bristol, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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How EU Accession Reduced Poverty in Croatia

Poverty in CroatiaAs one of the European Union’s recent success stories, Croatia has followed a remarkable path toward economic recovery and integration, only three decades after the devastation of the Yugoslav wars. Like many countries in the Balkans, Croatia emerged from the 1990s conflict with a shattered economy: the war of independence from 1990 to 1995 claimed around 20,000 lives and caused damage equivalent to 160% of its GDP.

In 1991 alone, GDP contracted by 21.1%, and between 1991 and 1993, real output fell cumulatively by nearly 30%.

Despite gradual stabilization in the mid-1990s, Croatia faced another major setback during the global financial crisis. Between 2009 and 2015, the country endured a prolonged recession that stalled growth and deepened social hardship. Against this backdrop, Croatia undertook significant political and economic reforms to meet EU standards, ultimately joining the European Union in 2013, less than two decades after the war. Since then, it has deepened its integration by entering the Eurozone and the Schengen Area, positioning itself ahead of many of its regional neighbors.

In many ways, EU accession reduced poverty in Croatia by providing financial resources, institutional frameworks and market access that played a decisive role in fostering economic growth.

Rebuilding Croatia’s Economy After the War

In the aftermath of the war, Croatia transitioned from a socialist economy to a market-based system under difficult conditions. Inflation surged, infrastructure lay in ruins and regional instability discouraged investment. Although tourism and trade helped spark a modest recovery in the mid-1990s, structural weaknesses persisted for years.

Croatia’s path to EU membership began with the Stabilisation and Association Process in 1999. It gained candidate status in 2004 and spent years aligning its legislation with EU law across 35 negotiation chapters. This process required reforms in governance, judiciary independence, market regulation and regional cooperation. While politically demanding, these reforms laid the groundwork for a more stable and transparent economic environment, an essential precondition for poverty reduction.

EU Membership as a Driver for Growth

Since joining the EU in 2013, Croatia has significantly improved its key socioeconomic indicators, showing how EU accession reduced poverty in the country. Unemployment dropped sharply from 17.25% in 2013 to 6.1% in 2023.

This drop reflects not only favorable economic conditions but also structural transformations supported by EU integration. Croatia received approximately 8 billion euros in structural and investment funds between 2014 and 2020, targeting competitiveness, employment and regional development.

These funds supported infrastructure projects, education and training programs and initiatives aimed at improving labor market participation. Large-scale investments such as the Pelješac Bridge, railway modernization and rural development programs stimulated economic activity and created jobs across multiple sectors.

Expanding industries such as manufacturing, retail and tourism employed many lower-income workers. Economic growth increased wages and improved living standards for vulnerable populations. Croatia also strengthened its social policies by expanding family benefits, child support and welfare programs, many co-financed by the EU. Rising labor income and better employment outcomes drove more than half of the reduction in poverty between 2013 and 2016. Overall employment grew by 17% between 2013 and 2024.

Currently, Croatia’s GDP per capita exceeds 70% of the EU average, up from around 59% a decade ago. The country has also received more than it contributed to the EU budget, with a net benefit exceeding 10 billion euros in its first 10 years of membership.

Sustaining Growth Beyond EU Support

Despite these achievements, Croatia now faces the challenge of sustaining this momentum beyond EU-driven support. Structural problems such as low productivity, bureaucratic inefficiencies and a challenging business environment continue to limit the full impact of EU-driven reforms. Small and medium-sized enterprises struggle to access financing, while public administration inefficiencies reduce the effective use of EU funds.

EU integration has also accelerated emigration. Since 2013, more than 300,000 Croatians have left the country in search of better opportunities elsewhere in the EU, shrinking the domestic workforce and deepening demographic decline, particularly in less developed regions. These trends highlight that, although EU accession reduced poverty in Croatia, it has not resolved all underlying structural challenges.

To sustain its progress, Croatia must strengthen its economic fundamentals, improve governance and enhance its domestic attractiveness. By addressing these structural barriers, the country can maintain growth, retain its population and remain competitive for future EU investment.

Looking Ahead

Croatia’s experience demonstrates how EU accession can serve as an engine for poverty reduction and economic recovery, especially in post-conflict contexts. Through financial support, institutional reforms and access to a larger market, EU membership has transformed the country’s economy, reduced unemployment and improved living standards. At the same time, Croatia’s trajectory highlights the importance of sustained domestic reforms to fully unlock the benefits of integration.

The reduction of poverty in Croatia offers a model for other Western Balkan states. With strong political commitment to reform and effective use of EU support, these countries could work toward replicating similar gains and building more resilient economies.

– Inès Maudire

Inès is based in Paris, France and focuses on Good News and Technology for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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3 MPs Against ODA Cuts

MPs Against ODA CutsFollowing the U.K.’s decision in 2025 to cut the Official Development Assistance (ODA) budget from 0.5% to 0.3% of gross national income, debates around U.K. overseas aid have intensified. Many Members of Parliament (MPs) against ODA cuts argue that this decision will harm the world’s most impoverished communities and undermine long-term poverty reduction. Here are three prominent voices challenging the ODA budget cuts and emphasizing the critical role of aid. 

Sarah Champion

Sarah Champion has emerged as one of the strongest voices among MPs opposing ODA cuts. Champion is using her role as chair of the International Development Committee (IDC) to push back against reductions and show development as the first line of defense. Champion argues that cutting aid weakens global stability and increases poverty. 

She has consistently framed development as a preventative tool, not a luxury. Champion warned that reducing aid to fund defense represents a “false economy” that will make the world less safe. She also highlighted the direct human cost of the ODA budget cuts. 

In parliamentary discussions, she pointed out that millions of children risk losing access to education, especially in low-income countries where U.K. support has historically played a major role. Champion has revealed that certain health-focused ODA programs in countries such as Sierra Leone and Malawi are at risk of being cut altogether. The expected result is that 250,000 people will lose access to modern health services.

Champion’s position centers on a clear principle: investment in education, health and stability reduces poverty at its roots. Without sustaining the ODA, fragile communities face worsening inequality, which ultimately fuels conflict and displacement. Beyond her public statements, Champion has shaped the broader parliamentary critique of aid cuts. 

Reports from the IDC have warned that reducing funding risks worsening outcomes for the world’s most vulnerable and shifting focus away from poverty reduction. Champion has explained that value for money has driven the ODA to lose sight of poverty reduction as its foremost concern, placing millions of lives at risk of losing aid. She has also challenged the government’s definition of value for money, arguing that aid should prioritize improving lives rather than focusing on domestic returns. 

Through her work, Champion reinforces a central message shared by many MPs against ODA cuts: effective aid directly reduces poverty, strengthens institutions and prevents crises before they escalate.

Harriet Baldwin

Harriet Baldwin is among the MPs against ODA cuts. She has also spoken out strongly against the reductions, particularly highlighting their impact on education. Baldwin and others within the Parliamentary Network for Education have called for the government to reverse cuts, arguing that they disproportionately affect schooling in impoverished countries. 

She has drawn attention to several alarming global realities. Hundreds of millions of children remain out of school, while literacy rates in low-income countries remain critically low. Furthermore, drawing on her experience as a former development minister, Baldwin has highlighted U.K.-funded programs that support education and health care in fragile states. 

She argues that these interventions play a vital role in helping communities out of poverty. Baldwin’s arguments focus on long-term poverty reduction through education, helping pave the way for a better life for future generations. She emphasizes education’s role in driving economic growth. Like other MPs opposing the ODA cuts, she warns that these reductions risk trapping future generations in poverty.

Monica Harding

Monica Harding has positioned herself among MPs opposing ODA cuts, arguing that aid cuts threaten both poverty reduction and global stability. She has spoken out against the reductions, calling the government’s approach “strategically illiterate” and an opportunity for other developed countries to step up and replace the U.K. as an aid supplier. 

In parliament, Harding has criticized the scale of the cuts, describing them as a “moral catastrophe.” Furthermore, she warned that they would damage the U.K.’s ability to influence global development and support vulnerable countries. She has consistently linked aid spending to poverty prevention. 

Harding argues that development funding plays a crucial role in preventing conflict and instability. Cutting aid weakens security and creates greater long-term risks. Harding’s contributions to committee discussions have also highlighted the real-world consequences of reducing the ODA budget. 

She has raised concerns that a falling aid budget will limit programs that keep vulnerable countries stable and livable and increase the likelihood of displacement and deepening poverty. Indeed, Harding’s argument has remained clear: sustained investment in development helps communities build resilience and avoid crises. Without that support from the ODA, poverty intensifies and instability spreads, making recovery far more difficult. 

Final Remarks

These three MPs represent a growing and prominent group opposing ODA cuts, arguing that overseas aid remains essential. They do not see the ODA as a charity but as a strategic investment in global stability and poverty reduction. Their message remains that cutting aid may deliver short-term fiscal savings. However, it risks long-term human and economic costs that the U.K. and the world cannot afford. 

– Leah Denning

Leah is based in Bristol, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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International Development Projects in Québec

International Development Projects in QuébecQuébec is a French-speaking province of Canada with strong ties to the international Francophone community. In light of heavy budget cuts to international aid at the Canadian federal level, Québec has demonstrated the impact of subnational action and independently financed projects in international development.

Overseas Aid Budget Cuts

In late 2025, the Canadian federal government announced its annual budget. Over four financial years, the government pledged to reduce the international aid budget by $2.7 billion.

This cut followed a climate set by other G7 members, several of whom had already begun reducing overseas aid provisions. Before Canadian cuts had been announced, the gross G7 Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) budget was already projected to decrease by 28% on 2024 levels by 2026.

Canada had already fallen short of United Nations international aid budget targets, with ODA accounting for just 0.32% of Gross National Income (GNI). The U.N. had set the target at 0.7% of GNI.

The Québec Approach to International Assistance

While the ODA budget is overseen by the Canadian federal government, Québec has taken its own route when it comes to civil society action and international partnerships.

The international solidarity principle is a cornerstone of Québec’s ideological approach to development and represents Québécois singularity with respect to the overarching Canadian aid policy. Given its position in the global Francophony, a unique characteristic within Canada, Québec prioritizes its partnership with Francophone Africa. The province also highlights the U.N. Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as central to its mission.

The growth of civil society movements aimed at providing international assistance led to the formation of a bloc organization, the Québec Association of International Cooperation Organizations (AQOCI). The association comprises more than 70 organizations located all over Québec and acts as a network to enable strategic cooperation and increase the combined influence of the member organizations.

Below are four examples of organizations and projects for international development spearheaded by Québec.

Québec Sans Frontières

Québec Sans Frontières (QSF), founded in 1995, is an organization that aims to mobilize the international solidarity concept by enabling young volunteers to support local initiatives in target areas, notably Francophone Africa, Latin America and the West Indies. As well as providing support to disadvantaged communities, QSF supervises internships for volunteers, allowing them to gain experience in the humanitarian sector.

Volunteers help underprivileged local communities to strengthen their existing capacities to respond to issues that may arise. The organization prioritizes environmental preservation and women’s rights.

Ingénieurs Sans Frontières Québec

Ingénieurs Sans Frontières Québec (ISFQ) is a Québec-based nonprofit organization whose aim is to harness Québécois expertise and innovation to deliver sustainably engineered infrastructure in underdeveloped communities.

The organization has delivered more than 55 infrastructure projects, including the construction of classrooms in Senegal and a college in Togo.

It is also upheld by the international solidarity principle and aims to amplify mutual learning between the engineers and the communities they serve.

Oxfam-Québec

Founded in 1973, Oxfam-Québec is the Québec branch of the international nonprofit Oxfam, working against the inequality it identifies as the root of poverty and discrimination.

Oxfam-Québec has directed several campaigns upholding women’s rights in nine countries across the world, supporting more than 450,000 women.

It has also supported a further 30,000 women in Bolivia in its campaign against gender-based violence.

International Climate Cooperation Program

Aside from local initiatives and international nonprofits, the Québécois government has also pioneered work in international development at the provincial level. The program, launched in 2016, is unique in that it is one of the first climate ventures taken at the subnational level.

The program has a budget of $34.5 million and supports projects in Francophone Africa and the West Indies aimed at reducing the effects of climate change.

The mission is underpinned by the recognition that climate change compounds poverty and reduces basic security, and draws upon the logic of a new kind of international climate diplomacy that Québec says requires subnational cooperation.

Looking Ahead

Despite a trend toward the reduction of overseas aid budgets in Canada and the wider G7, Québec has demonstrated the role of subnational leadership and the importance of an internationally minded civil society. Indeed, the province offers a model for non-state communities pursuing independent courses of action in international development.

– Phoebe Lang-Clapp

Phoebe is based in Montréal, Québec, Canada and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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How UK Aid Continues to Support Development in the DRC

Development in the DRCFollowing her most recent visit to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Jenny Chapman, Minister for Africa and International Development, reaffirmed the U.K.’s commitment to supporting development in the DRC. The goal is to achieve “sustainable growth and stability.” She announced that the U.K. would provide more than £7 million in additional humanitarian aid to help mitigate the impacts of ongoing conflicts on people in the area. This money is to provide clean water, hygiene and protection services to those fleeing conflict, and to provide funding for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the World Food Programme (WFP). A hospital and center in Beni that helps those who have survived sexual violence is also set to see a funding increase, as the U.K. announced an extra £6 million to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).

UNFPA

The UNFPA helps to provide displaced women and girls with essential medical services in the form of medicine, midwives and mobile units. The organization ensures that these people can access maternal health services, including emergency obstetric and newborn care. It also provides safe spaces for them, as well as offering medical, psychosocial and legal support via hotlines. In the DRC, “conflict has disrupted health care for millions,” and the UNFPA helps to mitigate the impacts. Mobile ultrasounds have allowed it to help pregnant women who have been displaced, not just by detecting pregnancy complications but also by providing these women with a sense of reassurance amid conflict. The UNFPA has helped to provide more than 20,000 women with prenatal care in the DRC.

This year, the DRC is expected to take up the chairmanship of the International Alliance on Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict, which shines a light on issues with “upholding international humanitarian law, humanitarian access and accountability for abuses.” Even before the conflict escalation, an estimated three women per hour died in the country due to pregnancy and birth-related issues, so the DRC’s new status as chairman should help to draw attention to the country’s challenges and support more funding and resources to address them.

Humanitarian Aid From the ICRC

The ICRC has been operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo for almost 50 years. It works to ensure that victims of armed violence are respected and have their basic needs met. It also reunites separated families and visits detention centers to ensure people held within them, whether arrested or just detained, are being treated appropriately. From January to June of 2025, the impact of the organization within the DRC was extensive. Almost 40,000 were provided with health care, more than half a million people were helped with accessing clean water and around 215,000 people received food, financial assistance, vouchers, household items or support for agricultural production.

Addressing Food Insecurity

More than 25 million people in the DRC face food insecurity. For development in the DRC to be sustainable, it is important to lower this number, as it is causing around 3 million people to be stunted due to consistent malnutrition. This negatively affects people’s quality of life as well as their ability to provide for themselves and their families, and adds more strain to a health care system already struggling to meet demand. The WFP helps to tackle malnutrition and hunger. In 2024, it helped “5.3 million people with food, cash, malnutrition support and resilience interventions.” The WFP is assessing how to meet increasing demand caused by renewed conflict.

Banking and Financial Inclusion

The U.K. will provide a British International Investment loan of £18.7 million to Rawbank. The bank operates in the DRC and has received awards for being the best in the country since 2008. It has provided more modern banking systems to people in the DRC, allowing them to access mobile banking and increasing financial freedom. It also helps to fund education for young people by granting scholarships, providing mentoring, masterclasses, workshops and training courses, and providing financial support to those wishing to be entrepreneurs. This is part of the We Act Program that the bank runs. The program also helps to support young people who may be interested in arts and culture, sport, corporate social responsibility and digital sectors.

Providing financial freedom and education will help development in the DRC by offering people the opportunity to get involved in and improve the businesses within the country, as well as drawing new companies in with increasing education levels.

Expanding Energy Access

The U.K. is also “supporting capital investment in the Sustainable Energy for Africa Fund, in partnership with the African Development Bank, to support Moyi Power.” Moyi Power aims to improve electrical access in the DRC. The starting goal of the organization is to provide electricity to three isolated cities in the country: Gemena, Bumba and Isiro. The three have a combined population of 700,000 people, but there is no reliable grid access, so sourcing power is difficult. After five years, Moyi expects that it will have provided 37,000 households and customers with connectivity, and the aim is to double its operations every five years. Increasing electrical access will increase development in the DRC, as it will be a draw for businesses to set up headquarters there. In turn, this would increase employment opportunities and start a positive multiplier effect within the country.

Looking Ahead

U.K. aid is supporting development in the DRC in two major ways: it is helping to improve access to necessities provided by the ICRC, WFP and UNFPA, while also investing in organizations such as Rawbank and Moyi Power that aim to increase education and employment opportunities. These work in tandem to ensure that the country is supported in the short term while people are facing hardships due to conflict, but set it up to be able to support itself in the long term.

– Ryan Cowen

Ryan is based in Brighton, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Facts About Statistics Regarding Foreign Aid to Tuvalu

Foreign Aid to TuvaluTuvalu, the low-lying atoll nation in the Pacific, is the most aid-dependent country in the world. Foreign aid to Tuvalu makes up 146% of its GDP, the highest ratio among the 125 developing countries. Since 2010, its Official Development Assistance (ODA) has consistently increased (on average) annually, and in 2024, it received a record amount of aid – almost $100 million – with Australia acting as the key donor.

Taken at face value, the level of foreign aid to Tuvalu appears encouraging, certainly at a time where humanitarian aid efforts are drastically reducing across the globe. Increasing aid amounts can indicate the existence of significant global commitment. However, Tuvalu’s foreign aid statistics tell several painful stories.

The Sobering Reality

Aid is rising – not due to global commitment – but rather on account of the fact that Tuvalu faces a genuine existential risk. With an average elevation of less than 2 meters above sea level, Tuvalu is one of the most climate vulnerable nations in the world and faces the very real possibility of complete land submergence due to rising sea levels and saltwater intrusion.

Pacific island nations like Tuvalu, Palau and the Marshall Islands bear a negligible responsibility for the consequences of changing weather patterns yet face enormous costs. As of 2024, Tuvalu contributes 0.00003% of global CO2 emissions, but is becoming increasingly uninhabitable due to the consequences of changing weather that it did not create.

As the nation lacks the economic ability to combat rising tides, their unusual dependence on foreign aid and external grants as sources of income demonstrates a growing vulnerability, not global commitment. Climate hazard assessments for 2025 identified more intense cyclones and storm systems that extensively damaged infrastructure and essential services across sectors such as water, health and coastal development. Freshwater availability, agriculture and public health are areas that have all suffered, despite rising amounts of aid. This puts a direct stress on people’s livelihoods, income and wellbeing.

What This Means in the Context of Global Poverty

Due to the nation’s climate vulnerability, a large share of foreign aid to Tuvalu has to be tied to specific climate and infrastructure projects. Tuvalu cannot spend it on health systems, education or long-term economic diversification, due to the extent of climate risk the nation faces. The state has little discretionary fiscal space, even though the headline figures may look large. In a country that already has 26% of its population living below the poverty line, the inability to use foreign aid to help families going through hardship contributes directly to increasing poverty statistics. 

As the main focus of foreign aid to Tuvalu is therefore focused on combatting climate risk first, funds that would be used to improve the economic and social wellbeing of Tuvalu’s population are stretched thin. The country’s economy depends heavily on natural resources such as fisheries, small-scale agriculture and coastal land, meaning that environmental changes can quickly translate into economic hardship.

Many homes and community buildings are located near the shoreline because the islands are extremely narrow. As the ocean encroaches inland, families lose land used for housing and farming. As Tuvalu relies largely on subsistence agriculture, where families grow crops such as pulaka (a traditional swamp taro) for their own consumption, land loss directly damages food and economic security. 

Changing weather has also increased the salinity of soils and groundwater, as saltwater infiltrates farmland, damaging crops and reducing harvests. As a result, many households must rely more on imported foods, which are expensive due to transport costs. This creates additional financial pressure for families and is increasing food insecurity.

Solutions

However, it is not all doom and gloom for the small island nation. The Tuvalu Coastal Adaptation Project (TCAP) is perhaps one of Tuvalu’s most notable responses to the issues it is facing. Funded by the Green Climate Fund, the United Nations Development Program and the governments of Australia, New Zealand and the U.S. (~$36 million), the project aimed at helping the most vulnerable communities experiencing climate risk. The TCAP successfully reclaimed 8 hectares of land, and is estimated to have helped 60% of Tuvalu’s population suffering further climate driven poverty, offering a model for other small island developing states to “rise above the waves.” By reducing the risk of flooding and erosion, coastal protection projects help preserve livelihoods and reduce the economic losses that often push households into poverty.

Alongside land reclamation, the TCAP has also invested directly in young Tuvaluans, funding scholarships in climate science, coastal engineering and environmental studies. A focus on educating their nation will soon directly help safeguard homes and protect both public infrastructure and agricultural land. 

International organizations have also introduced programs to help farmers adapt to changing environmental conditions, such as developing salt-tolerant crops, improving soil management techniques and promoting small-scale home gardens. Such programs help communities maintain food production despite rising salinity and environmental stress.

Concluding Thoughts

While the amount of foreign aid to Tuvalu appears significant, its use is severely hindered by fiscal limitations. Figures showing rising amounts of aid can therefore be misleading, as these correspond to rising climate threats and a growing existential risk, rather than increasing humanitarian aims. In truth, the real problem that Tuvalu faces, is not really a “lack of foreign aid,” but rather a lack of concrete climate change commitments and more accountable Nationally Determined Commitments (NDCs) that COP should make. Indeed, after the disappointment of COP30 last year, Tuvalu’s Minister of Climate Change, Maina Talia, claimed the conference was a “festival for the oil producing countries” who “bury our voice as small developing countries.”

Tuvalu’s experience highlights how changing weather patterns can intensify poverty in vulnerable nations by threatening livelihoods, food security and infrastructure. While foreign aid and international climate adaptation projects have helped strengthen resilience and protect communities, long-term solutions will depend on continued global cooperation and stronger action to address changing weather.

– Max Kenway

Max is based in London, UK and focuses on Technology and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Sudan Refugee Crisis Response Amid Famine and War

Sudan Refugee Crisis Response Amid Famine and War Sudan has been facing large-scale displacement since its civil war began in 2023. The conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has forced millions of Sudanese to leave their country. The current displacement total is estimated at 11 million people, and the death toll is estimated at about 400,000. Sudanese displacement numbers currently surpass those of other global conflicts. For example, the conflict in Ukraine, now in its fourth year, has displaced around 6 million people. In addition to millions of Sudanese losing their homes, this displacement is causing widespread famine, poverty, lack of access to medical care and telecommunications blackouts. These issues highlight why the Sudan refugee crisis response needs attention.

Even with the high displacement numbers, there is no current sign of a peace deal that would end the conflict. Displaced Sudanese are fleeing to overwhelmed refugee camps in nearby countries such as Chad, Ethiopia and South Sudan. Organizations and governments are working to accelerate the Sudan refugee crisis response to meet growing demand.

Intervention by Nonprofit Organizations

Because of the conditions in Sudan, a number of nonprofit groups such as the United Nations Crisis Relief, Doctors Without Borders and Save the Children are in the area providing resources. Because of the growing famine, groups are prioritizing food access. For example, Save the Children is providing food, water, shelter and medical services that reach 224,000 Sudanese. While this is already a large number, many more are in need of services.  

Proposed Response Efforts

Sudan has experienced conflict in recent decades, including the Darfur War in 2003. Adding resources to the area is considered a strong investment because this is not the first period of displacement that Sudanese people have experienced. Building significant infrastructure in the region would help sustain responses to future crises. From there, governments and nonprofit groups could focus on long-term stability rather than immediate nutrition and medical needs.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has developed a strategy it believes will best support the Sudan refugee crisis response. According to the UNHCR, there needs to be a focus on keeping borders open across seven countries to support asylum seekers. The U.N. and various nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) will then implement resources for displaced populations. This will include increased food access, medical care, expanded agriculture, general education and vocational education programs. To establish these programs without straining neighboring countries, the UNHCR has stated that a large investment must be made.

A Way Forward

The largest obstacle is the proposed budget for relief. The UNHCR estimates a need of $907 million to make this plan work. Because the number of displaced people is so large and issues like famine require quick action, significant resources are necessary. The most urgent needs, such as addressing famine, will be addressed with available and incoming resources, while funds can be raised for additional programs.

– Nicole Miller

Nicole is based in Pittsburgh, PA, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Graduation Programs in Developing Countries

Graduation Programs in Developing CountriesPoverty, and efforts to escape it extend beyond income earned. The Multidimensional Poverty Peer Network (MPPN) captures this in its introduction to the concept of multidimensional poverty, stating that a person can suffer from poverty due to the buildup of a variety of factors that lessen quality of life, including but not limited to a lack of clean water or electricity, poor quality work or limited access to quality education.

For this reason, foreign aid in the form of transfers of cash or goods, while extremely useful in combating global poverty, might not always provide a comprehensive enough approach to ensure that as many people as possible are reached with long-term sustainability in mind.

Graduation Programs as a Solution

A solution exists in the form of graduation programs, defined by the Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab (J-PAL) as programs that provide people living in extreme poverty not just cash assistance, but also business assets and vocational training so that they may have the chance to build financial independence and break existing cycles of poverty.

Graduation programs, according to J-PAL, were first pioneered by a nongovernmental organization (NGO) named BRAC in 2002. They are reported to yield positive societal outcomes after one to two years of funding and have been implemented in at least 20 countries.

How the Approach Works

As previously mentioned, the approach starts with providing business assets, such as livestock and supplies for trade, followed by skills training to manage those assets and consumption support. J-PAL states that consumption support consists of regular cash or food assistance for several months to one year.

These programs also provide recipients with access to savings accounts and health support in the form of health education, health care access and life skills training. To ensure participant success, frequent home visits are conducted by staff members to provide accountability and needed coaching.

The name “graduation program” is derived from the idea of “graduating” from dependence on foreign assistance within one to two years and transitioning toward financial self-reliance.

Evidence and Measured Returns

J-PAL shares empirical data showing that long-term returns generated by the graduation program approach can outweigh short-term costs. Studies measuring outcomes 18 months to three years after graduation indicate that beneficiaries saw income growth ranging from 7% to 65%, while consumption increased between 11% and 30%.

Additionally, Innovations for Poverty Action (IPA) reported results from a 2015 study consisting of randomized evaluations in six countries where graduation programs were implemented. The evaluations followed 21,000 people across Ethiopia, Ghana, Honduras, India, Pakistan and Peru over three years:

  • Ethiopia – Program cost: $1,054; Returns: 260%.
  • Ghana – Program cost: $2,135; Returns: 133%.
  • Honduras – Program cost: $1,406; Returns: -198%.
  • India – Program cost: $358; Returns: 433%.
  • Pakistan – Program cost: $1,160; Returns: 179%.
  • Peru – Program cost: $2,697; Returns: 190%.

Looking Ahead

In summation, data collected in countries where graduation programs in developing countries have been utilized demonstrate positive effects in providing more sustainable pathways to financial independence for households living in extreme poverty. The reported returns on investment also present a financial case for continued funding of graduation programs in developing countries within broader global poverty reduction efforts.

– Luca Hanlon

Luca is based in Brooklyn, NY, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Investment in Africa: How the UK Aims To Reduce Migration

Investment in AfricaThe U.K. has recently seen a rise in politicians attempting to decrease migration into the country, especially via small boats, which are often unsafe for passengers and can lead to fatalities. A part of these efforts involves investment in Africa, with the intention of creating job opportunities. This initiative is currently focused on Ethiopia.

The British foreign ministry stated that almost a third of people traversing the English Channel on “small boats over the past two years” had departed from the Horn of Africa, which Ethiopia is a part of.

UK Foreign Minister’s Visit to Ethiopia

During a visit to Ethiopia, the U.K. Foreign Secretary met with Safaricom, a company supported by British International Investment. Safaricom provides technological connectivity and mobile money services across East Africa and has helped improve health, employment and education in Kenya. One of its subsidiaries, focused on Ethiopia, supported the country’s “digital transformation” in 2022.

During the visit, the secretary signed a Joint Development Agreement with Gridworks to proceed with two projects, which will cost more than $400 million. The Foreign Secretary also pledged financial support toward aid efforts in Africa, totaling $23.91 million. The aim is to improve access to health care, clean water and food, as well as to tackle women’s and children’s malnutrition.

Gridworks, which is also a British International Investment-backed organization, aims to increase investment in Africa from companies and businesses by providing electrical access. In Africa, “around 600 million people have no access to electricity.” This is a major barrier to economic growth because businesses must use diesel generators to supplement the lack of electricity in the area.

Safaricom and Its Impacts

Safaricom provides technological connectivity in Kenya, providing “2G, 3G, 4G and 5G in aggregate covering [more than] 99% of Kenya’s population.” It currently enables 32 million people to access and use mobile banking. This has lowered financial exclusion in the area to 16% of the adult population.

The organization is also committed to gender equality and sustainable climate practices; it wishes to have “50:50 senior management gender parity by 2025” and achieve net-zero carbon emissions by 2050. Safaricom has two foundations: the M-PESA Foundation and the Safaricom Foundation.

The former is responsible for the Citizens of the Future project, which has contributed hugely to education in Kenya. The project has helped more than 2.5 million students and teachers across more than 2,500 schools. The Citizens of the Future project has also helped renovate schools, improve ICT and provide scholarships.

Furthermore, it involves local communities in its work so they can understand changes made within the school. One beneficiary of the Citizens of the Future project, Mrs. Rebecca Asiko, Acting Head of Institution at Ekwanda Primary School, told Safaricom, “The state-of-the-art ICT hub means we can now teach our learners digital skills and the modern kitchen will ensure that we provide clean meals to the children, who need good nutrition to grow and concentrate in class.”

The Safaricom Foundation invests in health, education and economic empowerment. Its health focus is on “Maternal, Newborn, Adolescent and Child Health (RMNCAH) services.” It helps provide screenings for cardiovascular diseases, cancers, respiratory diseases and diabetes to “enable early detection, treatment and management.”

Its educational goals are similar to those of the M-PESA Foundation: improving teacher capacity and vocational and technical education. Through “enterprise development,” it aims to improve livelihoods and empower Kenyans economically. Improving education is also likely to increase investment in Africa, as a more educated workforce attracts more businesses to the region.

It also opens up more opportunities for employment for the population, which further improves the local economy as residents begin to have disposable income that they can then spend at local businesses.

Gridworks and Its Impacts

The Joint Development Agreement will allow Gridworks to create two transmission projects. These projects aim to meet Ethiopia’s industrial energy demand and, if successful, would help fuel its economy by attracting more investment from businesses in Africa. It would also improve its relations with neighboring countries and promote interconnectedness.

Gridworks has also succeeded with projects like the Moyi Power initiative in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which brought renewable energy to three previously isolated cities. Within five years, the project is expected to provide electricity to 37,000 households and businesses.

Conclusion

While these projects aim to attract investment to Africa and strengthen local economies, foreign aid still matters. Foreign investment not only makes these projects possible but also supports humanitarian work across the region.

UNICEF, which has assisted Ethiopia for more than 70 years, has played a major role in shaping the country’s economy. Its work focuses on children’s survival, health, social policy, protection, education, development and nutrition.

The U.K. Foreign Secretary recognizes the need for continued aid and has pledged to keep supporting organizations such as UNICEF while also investing in economic-focused projects.

– Ryan Cowen

Ryan is based in Brighton, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Confronting the Weaponization of Hunger in Sudan

Weaponization of HungerPassing the 1,000th day of civil conflict in January 2026, the humanitarian situation in Sudan remains the world’s most desperate and most neglected crisis. On top of the ever-growing death toll and alarming reports of widespread sexual violence, observers and international bodies have accused both the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) of the weaponization of hunger, with Sudanese civilians bearing the brunt of this cruelty. On Feb. 19, 2026, the U.K. foreign secretary, Yvette Cooper, alongside European and international collaborators, signed a Joint Ministerial Statement on Protection of Civilians and Humanitarian Operations in Sudan, which they hope will signal a move away from rhetoric and toward action in addressing the atrocities.

Weaponization of Hunger: The Effects and Mechanics

The World Food Program (WFP) has confirmed famine in two parts of the country, El Fasher in the west and Kadugli in the south. Here, 375,000 people face the most drastic level of food insecurity according to the globally ratified Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), Level 5. Elsewhere, moreover, more than 21 million people, nearly half of the country’s population, are suffering from acute levels of food insecurity.

The impact on food security is not an unfortunate by-product of the conflict. Instead, the two warring civil factions have orchestrated it as a war tactic. It has resulted from numerous sustained aid blockages as well as targeted attacks on humanitarian workers and volunteers. Of course, the disruption to domestic food production and increased food prices have exacerbated the crisis.

The U.K.’s Pledge

With neighboring Arab stakeholders bankrolling both sides and both militaries becoming more obstinate in their ambitions, the conflict shows little to no sign of halting. In response, voices across the world have amplified pleas for the conflict to end.

In an address to the Commons on Feb. 5, Yvette Cooper outlined the U.K.’s current status as a major contributor to foreign aid in Sudan, with pledges to increase aid given the current climate. “In December, the U.K. provided an additional £21 million for food, shelter and health services,” she said, amounting to a total of £146 million that has served 800,000 people over the past year.

Cooper’s other contribution has been diplomatic. She recently traveled to Addis Ababa and to Chad, where she held meetings with foreign ministers and members of the African Union to discuss opening aid channels, expanding the currently limited arms embargo and possibilities of engendering a temporary ceasefire.

Responding to the secretary of state’s statement, two MPs explicitly brought up the issue of weaponized hunger in Sudan and questioned whether the government was taking appropriate measures to confront it. Harpreet Uppal, the Labour MP for Huddersfield, and Jim Shannon, Strangford’s DUP representative, called for urgent increases in funding from the U.K. and international partners as well as increased U.N. presence in the worst-affected areas of Kadugli in South Kordofan and risk zones in Darfur and Kordofan. Though they welcomed the increased attention the U.K. government is giving to the humanitarian crisis, they believe more remains to be done.

Monica Harding, MP for Esher and Walton, called for effective intervention in Sudan’s gold trade, control of which is a constant battleground for the SAF and RSF and the profits from which fund a considerable portion of both operations. The U.K. and its allies need to impose sanctions, she argues, and expand the arms embargo “beyond Darfur to the whole country.” In the short term, she emphasizes that a ceasefire is essential if parties are to reopen humanitarian corridors safely.

Cooper reassured the Commons that she had met with the U.N. secretary-general and the U.N. emergency coordinator, Tom Fletcher, who confirmed that the Quad, a temporary alliance of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and the U.S. formed to establish a humanitarian truce in Sudan, was discussing those topics. They are also “pressing for much greater humanitarian access.” Though MPs may welcome the government demonstrating concern with confronting the Sudanese crisis, bolstered by increases in foreign aid, for now, they only have verbal affirmation.

International Input

In the same Commons session, Adam Jogee MP turned attention beyond the U.K. and demanded an update on the contribution European allies are making. He asked Cooper to clarify what France, Italy, Spain and Ireland are doing to end the humanitarian crisis and the weaponization of hunger in Sudan. In response, Cooper reminded the chamber of an upcoming conference that will take place in Berlin in April and aims to discuss funding for an effective humanitarian aid program in the region.

Elsewhere, it is also important to mention the United States, which, despite budget cuts, has joined other nations in increasing the foreign aid directed to Sudan. On Feb. 3, the United States and the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) held a joint conference centered on raising funds to address the situation. In total, donors pledged to contribute $1.5 billion to the Sudan Humanitarian Fund, which distributes money to various NGOs and U.N. agencies. Some critics have questioned the sincerity of these pledges due to the conflicts of interest among some of the countries involved.

As Sudan’s war continues, the WFP’s confirmation of famine and the obstruction of aid by warring factions highlight the deliberate weaponization of hunger. Despite pledges of increased support and diplomacy from Yvette Cooper and international partners, enforceable action, including sanctions, expanded embargoes and protected humanitarian access, may prove necessary if starvation is not to remain one of the conflict’s most devastating weapons.

– Jude Parsons

Jude is based in London, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr