Archive for category: Conflict

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Saudi Aid to Yemen: Supporting Recovery and Poverty Reduction

Saudi Aid to Yemen
The fight to reduce poverty is an ongoing battle. Many helping hands from various backgrounds and countries have stepped up to contribute. One such helping hand is Saudi Arabia. The kingdom is known for its wealth due to oil production, but it has also become a major provider of humanitarian and development assistance. Yemen, its neighbor, has received substantial Saudi support.

Yemen

Saudi Arabia’s support for poverty reduction is particularly visible in Yemen. Yemen’s humanitarian crisis ranks among the most severe globally. The Houthis took control of the capital, Sana’a, in 2014, and a Saudi-led coalition intervened militarily in 2015. The conflict has caused deaths both through direct violence and indirectly through hunger, disease and the breakdown of services. A 2021 UNDP estimate put conflict-attributable deaths at 377,000, including 154,000 from direct combat and violence and 223,000 from indirect causes.

With economic and political unrest, the country has not recovered, and the Houthis continue to control large parts of Yemen. In 2026, more than 22 million people require humanitarian assistance, 18.3 million people are acutely food insecure, and more than 2.2 million children under five are acutely malnourished.

Kingdom of Giving

Saudi Arabia has provided humanitarian, development and economic support to Yemen for many years. Saudi sources report more than $12 billion in support between 2012 and 2025, while the Saudi Aid Platform records Yemen as one of the largest recipients of Saudi assistance.

Saudi Arabia has also contributed to UN humanitarian responses. In 2019, it provided $500 million toward the Yemen Humanitarian Response Plan.

Helping Hands

One organization involved in this work is the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center, KSrelief. The organization provides food, medical supplies and other humanitarian assistance.

KSrelief has worked with the World Food Programme on food-security and livelihood programs in Yemen, including support for farming families, agricultural land, irrigation channels and greenhouses.

KSrelief’s own statistics show that it implemented 531 completed or ongoing projects in 2024 at a total cost of more than $622 million. Since its establishment, the center reports thousands of projects across more than 100 countries, with Yemen its largest beneficiary by project spending.

Another Saudi organization supporting Yemen is the Saudi Development and Reconstruction Program for Yemen (SDRPY). Established in 2018, its work includes rebuilding infrastructure, supporting economic stability and promoting long-term development. Its projects have included energy and road infrastructure.

SDRPY has also partnered with international organizations, including UN-Habitat, on projects involving housing and water infrastructure.

Since 2018, SDRPY has implemented hundreds of development projects across sectors including education, agriculture and fisheries. Its work includes training and support intended to strengthen livelihoods and local production.

In partnership with Yemen’s Social Fund for Development, SDRPY has also supported education projects, including plans involving more than 25 schools and training for hundreds of teachers.

Final Thoughts

Saudi aid cannot by itself resolve Yemen’s poverty or humanitarian crisis, which ultimately depends on greater political and economic stability. However, humanitarian assistance and longer-term development programs can help communities meet immediate needs while supporting infrastructure and livelihoods needed for recovery.

– Lara Lewis

Lara is based in Wakefield, RI, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Gaza’s Health System: From Emergency Response to Recovery

Gaza's Health System
Since the outbreak of hostilities on Oct. 7, 2023, Gaza’s health system has faced what the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNWRA) describes as a “systemic collapse,” severely undermining its capacity to meet the population’s basic health needs. The conflict has damaged health facilities, degraded services, created shortages of medical supplies and fuel and severely constrained health care personnel’s delivery of care.

As of August 2026, 35 of the 57 hospitals and field hospitals, and 146 of the 233 primary health care facilities, were partially or fully operational, according to the World Health Organization’s HeRAMS assessment. Despite these extraordinary restrictions, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East has maintained primary health care services wherever possible by adapting its operational model, expanding mobile health teams, and establishing temporary health facilities.

Emergency Medical Teams Fill Critical Gaps

In Gaza, Emergency Medical Teams, international and national professional health teams coordinated through the World Health Organization (WHO) response, have helped provide surge capacity while local services remain severely constrained. Their role is not to replace Gaza’s health system but to help keep essential services functioning while local capacity remains severely constrained. Comprising more than just doctors and nurses, these teams are self-sufficient mobile units that also include logisticians, water and sanitation specialists, and administrative staff. In Gaza, Emergency Medical Teams are responding to high levels of injury and illness alongside the local health workforce. As of April 15, 2026, 23 Emergency Medical Team partners were supporting 36 active teams in Gaza, comprising 72 international and 310 national personnel. According to the World Health Organization, Emergency Medical Teams had provided 4,288,220 general medical consultations, 65,056 emergency surgeries and treatment to 272,483 critical trauma patients from January 2024 through March 2026.

Primary Health Care Keeps Essential Services Accessible

When the capacity of hospitals—which constitute only one part of the broader health system—is severely constrained, primary care centers, health posts, mobile teams and temporary facilities become key avenues for ensuring access to care. From June 8 to 14, 2026, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East reported 70 mobile medical teams working through 28 medical points alongside six health centers and four temporary health centers. During that week, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East health personnel provided 73,165 medical consultations, including maternal care, physiotherapy, laboratory services and vaccinations.

Rebuilding Gaza’s Health System Requires More Than Hospitals

Rebuilding Gaza’s health system will require more than just repairing damaged hospital buildings. The health system also relies on medical equipment, pharmaceutical supply chains, electricity and fuel, laboratories, ambulances, referral systems and trained health care personnel. Meanwhile, damage to water and sanitation infrastructure increases public health risks, while a lack of rehabilitation equipment and specialized services can lead to long-term disability. A 2026 qualitative study based on interviews with health care workers found that future reconstruction efforts should incorporate local expertise, workforce development, emergency preparedness and stronger coordination among health stakeholders.

From Emergency Care to Long-Term Recovery

One can already see he transition from emergency response to recovery in services such as rehabilitation. The Limb Reconstruction Center at the Nasser Medical Complex in Khan Younis originated on June 1, 2026, and provides orthoplastic surgery, physiotherapy and limb reconstruction services for patients with complex conflict-related injuries. The center has access to 16 World Health Organization-funded beds and dedicated operating theater sessions twice a week.

According to the Humanitarian Situation Report, such services demonstrate why the recovery process does not end when a patient leaves the emergency department; serious injuries may require surgery, rehabilitation and long-term medical support. These interventions should not be viewed merely as simple wound care. Long-term recovery also requires ongoing attention to chronic diseases, mental health, maternal and child health, rehabilitation and medical follow-up. Therefore, the goal is not simply to restore individual buildings, but to rebuild a health system capable of providing continuous and comprehensive care to the population.

Health Care as a Foundation for Recovery

In conclusion, Gaza’s health crisis cannot be addressed through emergency medical aid alone. Immediate intervention is essential, but long-term recovery requires re-establishing the systems that enable the day-to-day functioning of health care services. This requires the rehabilitation of facilities, the reconstruction of supply chains, support for health workers, the re-establishment of referral and ambulance networks, the expansion of primary health care services and investment in rehabilitation, mental health and public health infrastructure. Rebuilding health services for Gaza is also part of rebuilding daily life. Access to reliable health services can help people manage chronic conditions, recover from injuries and maintain maternal, child and mental health services. These conditions can contribute to people’s ability to return to education, work and community life.

– Ömer Valyozoğlu

Ömer is based in İstanbul, Türkiye and focuses on Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Updates on SDG 16 in Lebanon

Updates on SDG 16 in Lebanon
Since the escalation of hostilities on March 2, 2026, more than 1 million people have been displaced across Lebanon. As of March 27, more than 133,000 people are sheltering in more than 600 collective sites nationwide, according to UNDP. Here are some updates on SDG 16 in Lebanon.

SDG 16: Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions

SDG 16 is one of 17 Sustainable Development Goals that the United Nations developed to fulfill its 2030 Agenda. As Lebanon grapples with social, political and economic constraints, updates on SDG 16 arrive as the UN focuses collaboration efforts on developing and reforming the government’s public administration and civil service.

UN partners and teams have assisted in expanding institutional capacities for social stability, economic growth and conflict prevention. However, the efficiency of these programs has noticeably differed before and during conflict escalations in the South.

UN Programmatic Interventions

The UN has instituted 10 programmatic interventions responding to the threats to SDG 16 in Lebanon. Of these, Lebanon implemented two. In 2025, the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia and the United Nations Development Programme supported a study that the Lebanese Office of the Minister of State for Administration Reform on “Reform Models and Practical Recommendations for Lebanon” conducted. Ending in June 2026, the study examined Lebanon’s fragmented governance context, including the formal and informal sectarian networks entrenched within the country’s political system. Its primary focuses included post-crises state building, digital transformation, performance management, transparency reforms and whole-of-government modernization.

UNDP’s Security and Justice project supports security and justice services for crisis-affected populations in Lebanon. The current project page lists it as ongoing through June 2027 and focuses on social stability, human rights and access to justice. UNDP reports that more than 260,000 people from 75 villages can benefit from police services aligned with community-policing standards. It also reports that four legal-aid helpdesks provided free legal services to more than 19,000 beneficiaries, 62% of whom are women, and that an inclusive justice forum was established to help stakeholders address challenges facing justice institutions.

Concerning the promotion of inclusivity and social justice, UNDP’s “Dealing With the Past: Memory for the Future” Phase II is an active reconciliation initiative running from 2022 to 2027. It aims to advocate for accountability on “dealing with the past,” coordinating the operation of regional, local, and national actors to understand and accept histories associated with the Lebanese context. Its objective is to prevent relapse into violence through education. As a result, 225 history teachers and 51 former fighters and youth have received training in mediation through education, bringing perspectives across sects to the public’s attention. The initiative succeeded in adding 50 documented stories to historical mappings of the Lebanese Civil War, an event largely shaping current Lebanese politics, and delivered six educational materials from this multifaceted approach.

Daybreak Over Mount Lebanon: Looking Forward

Despite ongoing conflict, the documented programs have expanded access to legal aid, strengthened local security services and supported reconciliation and education initiatives across Lebanon. However, continued conflict and displacement have disrupted several programs, creating challenges for the implementation and long-term sustainability of these efforts.

– Ghassan-Elias Zaitoun

Ghassan-Elias is based in Guelph, Ontario, Canada and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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How Women Are Shaping Peacebuilding in Colombia

Peacebuilding in ColombiaWomen have played an important role in Colombia’s efforts to build peace after more than five decades of armed conflict. The conflict had a particularly serious impact on rural women, as violence and displacement cost them their land, livelihoods and economic security. United Nations (UN) Women reported that rural and Indigenous women were pushed into severe poverty during the conflict. During peace negotiations between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP), women’s organizations pushed for greater participation and demanded recognition of these experiences. Their involvement led to the creation of a Gender Sub-Commission and helped bring women’s rights and gender equality into the 2016 Peace Agreement. Women in peacebuilding in Colombia therefore play a role not only in building peace but also in addressing some of the social and economic effects left by decades of conflict.

Women’s Influence on the Peace Negotiations

Women’s organizations in Colombia helped push for greater representation during the peace negotiations. Their advocacy led to the creation of a Gender Sub-Commission in 2014, tasked with ensuring negotiators included a gender perspective throughout talks between the Colombian government and FARC-EP. Women also participated through consultations and visits to the negotiating table, which allowed victims and women’s rights organizations to share their experiences and proposals. According to the United Nations, women made up approximately half of those involved in national and regional consultations during the peace process. Their participation meant negotiators recognized women not only for how the conflict had affected them but also for the role they could play in building peace in Colombia.

Progress on Gender Commitments

Although Colombia’s Peace Agreement included important commitments on gender equality, putting them into practice has been slower. The Kroc Institute monitors 130 gender-related commitments within the agreement. Its research found that, as of November 2022, 18% had not been initiated, 52% remained at a minimal level of implementation, 18% had reached an intermediate level and only 12% had reached completion. Earlier monitoring also identified limited institutional leadership and inadequate funding as obstacles to progress, particularly for women and LGBTQ+ people in rural areas. These figures show that including gender commitments in the Peace Agreement was an important step, but implementing them remains a challenge for women in peacebuilding in Colombia.

Women Building Peace in Local Communities

Women’s role in Colombia’s peace process extends beyond national negotiations. Across areas affected by armed conflict, women leaders and local organizations have worked to support dialogue, protect communities and encourage the implementation of the Peace Agreement. Women have also organized to address issues affecting their communities, including displacement, insecurity and continuing violence. UN Women has highlighted the work of women and local organizations involved in peacebuilding, including efforts to strengthen women’s participation and represent communities affected by the conflict. This shows that peacebuilding in Colombia is not limited to national negotiations. Women are also working within communities that continue to experience the effects of conflict.

Women’s Role in Reintegration

Women who formerly belonged to the FARC-EP have also become part of Colombia’s transition from armed conflict to peace. More than 30% of former FARC-EP members involved in the reintegration process are women, many of whom have had to adapt to new roles as workers, students, mothers and community leaders. Reintegration can involve challenges including access to employment, education, health services and personal security. Programs in Colombia have worked to support women’s economic independence, political participation and leadership during this transition. Supporting women’s access to livelihoods and economic independence is particularly important in communities where conflict has fueled poverty and stripped away economic opportunities.

Young Women Are Strengthening Peace

Young women are also contributing to peacebuilding in areas of Colombia that continue to experience violence and inequality. In Quibdó, in the department of Chocó, the Empatía Chocó Foundation supports community initiatives focused on women’s rights, violence prevention and youth leadership. Young women involved in these efforts work to strengthen relationships within their communities and create opportunities for younger generations in an area that has endured decades of armed conflict. Their work shows how women in peacebuilding in Colombia are not only involved at the national political level but are also helping to build peace within communities still affected by conflict.

Women Peacebuilders Still Face Security Risks

Despite their contribution to Colombia’s peace process, women activists and community leaders can face serious risks because of their work. Human Rights Watch has documented violence and threats against human rights defenders and other social leaders in Colombia, particularly in areas where armed groups continue to operate. A 2026 United Nations report also found that women, including community and political leaders, continued to face heightened risks from armed violence and gender-based discrimination. These threats can make it more difficult for women to participate safely in community leadership and peacebuilding. Protecting these women matters if they are to continue their work in communities and contribute to peace in Colombia.

Looking Ahead

Nearly a decade after the 2016 Peace Agreement, women continue to play an important role in Colombia’s efforts to build lasting peace. Colombia has made progress in recognizing women’s participation, supporting former combatants and including gender commitments in the Peace Agreement, but challenges remain. A 2026 United Nations report highlighted continuing concerns around women’s participation in decision-making and the implementation of gender provisions. Continued support for women leaders, peacebuilders and local organizations will be important as Colombia works to strengthen peace in communities still affected by conflict. Ensuring that women in peacebuilding in Colombia can participate safely and meaningfully remains an important part of the country’s peace process.

– Aniya Akram

Aniya is based in Bradford, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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3 Pathways To Rule of Law in Papua New Guinea

Rule of Law in Papua New GuineaIssues regarding the rule of law in Papua New Guinea (PNG) are a matter of reach. The country has constitutional rights, courts, police and public institutions, yet many Papua New Guineans, particularly those in remote areas, cannot readily access them. Limiting factors like distance, cost, lack of legal knowledge and inconsistent government services make it difficult to navigate conflict within the law, often pushing communities to look outside formal systems. This fragility, however, does not mean that PNG lacks governance. It means that governance remains uneven across the country.

Compounding the challenge, economic shocks and natural disasters can intensify political instability – particularly for those living in poverty. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) identifies these pressures as interacting sources of fragility: they weaken government capacity to deliver services, reduce poverty and manage risks. Papua New Guinea faces some of the most complex and intersectional poverty in the world and when citizens cannot access reliable courts, health care or education, public institutions can lose legitimacy – the gap between constitutional promise and reality widens.

1. Rights Need Accessible Institutions

PNG’s Constitution protects civil and political rights, but basic procedural barriers make it difficult to enforce them. One constitutional review found that PNG frames socio-economic and cultural rights largely as guiding principles rather than rights, making it difficult to legislate enforceable protections. For people without access to legal services, rights to protection, education and health remain difficult to claim.

The formal justice system also cannot operate alone. Poverty in Papua New Guinea is not just about money; it’s about compounding factors. Most Papua New Guineans live outside urban centers, which means access to courts, police and other state services can become remote in every sense of the word. Rural communities also account for 88.5% of PNG’s population, 61.5% of whom experience multidimensional poverty. For the many citizens who are isolated from city centers, the village courts and customary systems become the first stop to keep the peace.

Village courts often provide the most accessible forum for dispute resolution. They sit closer to communities and can incorporate customary processes, though they still require safeguards for human rights and gender equality. Australian support has helped strengthen this local infrastructure. In 2026, PNG’s Village Courts and Land Mediation Secretariat report showed the total network to consist of 14,496 village courts, operated by more than 15,000 officials, 900 of whom are women. These courts strengthen state fragility and the rule of law in Papua New Guinea by providing fundamental access to state justice.

2. The Issue of Parliamentary Supremacy

The Papua New Guinea rule of law also depends on political institutions that constrain power. The 2011–12 constitutional crisis exposed the consequences when political leaders treat constitutional limits as negotiable. The crisis followed the removal of Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare and produced competing claims to executive authority. Research from the Australian National University characterized the fragility and the rule of law in Papua New Guinea issues during this period as a serious retreat from previous years. Fluid political loyalties and incentives prioritized parliamentary survival over institutional reform.

Fifteen years later, the Lowy Institute argues that PNG’s party law can exclude citizens from meaningful democratic participation. Political parties mostly lack deep membership structures, leaving voters with limited influence over candidate selection or party policy between elections. While more accountable political parties would not solve every justice problem, they could give citizens greater ability to demand service delivery and legal reform.

3. Power of the Local

PNG also has active solutions that address fragility at the community level. Femili PNG, a local organization that began operating in Lae in 2014, helps survivors of family and sexual violence access police, medical, welfare and justice services. Between July 2014 and June 2024, Femili PNG admitted 7,452 survivors as clients. Now, in 2024-25 alone, Femili PNG assisted 1,652 survivors and delivered more than 33,000 services. The organization works to connect survivors to services rather than expecting them to navigate a fragmented system alone.

Australia’s law and justice partnership aims to extend this work. Providing an estimated $500 million in bilateral assistance to PNG in 2026–27, Australia will allocate a total ODA of $680.5 million. Its development program supports security, policing and law and justice services, while the Australia–PNG Law and Justice Partnership aims to strengthen accessible justice at national and community levels. Funding to support state courts and police can help tackle fragility and the rule of law in Papua New Guinea, but assistance must also strengthen village courts, survivor services and trusted local mediators.

Pathways Forward

Most Papua New Guineans live in rural communities with higher levels of multidimensional poverty, which means formal legal institutions cannot alone secure the rule of law. The rule of law is not something a single piece of paper – it is the practice and tradition, reinforced with every new judgement and decision, that there is no person or power above the law. When most people in a country have challenges accessing justice, power rather than law becomes the stronger force. So, all of these local leaders, village courts, churches, rural communities and NGOs are not support structures: they are access points to justice.

– Matilda Beikoff Smart

Matilda is based in Brisbane, Australia and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Fragility and Rule of Law in Lebanon

Fragility and Rule of Law in LebanonLebanon has spent the better part of a decade immersed in the Middle East’s ecosystem of conflict, caught between Iranian and Israeli intervention along its southern border. Today, that instability has sharpened into a direct test of fragility and rule of law in Lebanon, as President Joseph Aoun’s government struggles to disarm Hezbollah and reassert the state’s monopoly on the use of force. Aoun took office in January 2025 on that promise, tied to the November 2024 ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hezbollah, but more than a year later the question remains unresolved.

A State Testing Its Authority

The November 2024 ceasefire ended a year of open conflict between Israel and Hezbollah and required Israeli forces to withdraw from five military positions in southern Lebanon. Aoun’s government also committed to disarming Hezbollah, according to the House of Commons Library. Hezbollah refused to lay down its weapons until Israel completed its withdrawal. In this way, disarmament became a threat to Lebanon’s own standing rather than a step toward sovereignty.

By 2026, Lebanese officials reported that the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) had moved into former Hezbollah positions along the border and near the Litani River, extending the army’s presence into territory the group once controlled.

Renewed Pressure, Renewed Risk

The fragile progress unraveled after the United States and Israel killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in a February 2026 airstrike on Tehran, escalating the broader U.S.-Israeli campaign against Iran. Hezbollah responded by firing six rockets into northern Israel, and the Lebanese government proved unable to compel full disarmament of the group, reviving fears of renewed conflict.

By June 2026, Washington and Jerusalem set stricter conditions for a new ceasefire, including complete Hezbollah disarmament, an end to hostilities and exclusive military authority for the LAF, according to the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. Lebanese, Israeli and U.S. officials continued negotiations through the summer, most recently in Rome in July 2026.

On June 16, 2026, Israel agreed to withdraw from two pilot zones in southern Lebanon, though the displaced residents and left damaged infrastructure behind were aspects to consider, Reuters reported.

Aoun described the Rome talks as showing “positive progress,” according to Vatican News, and negotiators added the return of Lebanese prisoners and a halt to house demolitions to the agenda.

Despite the diplomatic intervention, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) reported that Israeli forces fired more than 450 projectiles into south Lebanon and crossed into Lebanese airspace nearly 100 times more than a single weekend in early August, increasing pressure on Lebanon to disarm Hezbollah.

Rebuilding State Institutions

Efforts to address fragility and rule of law y in Lebanon go beyond the battlefield. Since September 2017, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has worked with the Lebanese government to strengthen the country’s security and justice institutions. The program has helped turn municipal police forces into community-policing units in more than 300 municipalities, providing services to more than 260,000 people across 75 villages. According to UNDP, it has also established four legal-aid helpdesks with the U.N. refugee agency, providing free legal assistance to more than 19,000 people, 62% of whom are women. The project has received more than $14 million from international donors, including the United States, the European Union and Denmark, and is expected to continue until June 2027.

Present Day

Violence has decreased since the Rome talks and a preliminary U.S.-Iran agreement on the wider regional conflict, though Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon continued into August, according to France 24 — a reminder of the gap that still separates what is agreed on paper from what happens on the ground.

This fragility has deepened poverty across the country. According to the International Organization for Migration’s (IOM) Lebanon Crisis Response Plan 2026, the collapse of formal safety nets alongside a weakened rule of law has left vulnerable populations exposed, with more than 79% of Lebanon’s population now living below the poverty line. Migrants face particular risk: approximately 165,000 of them, roughly 70% women, are exposed to exploitation, loss of legal status and exclusion from aid. IOM’s response focuses on community stabilization, peacebuilding, and social cohesion, working alongside the Lebanese government.

The European Union has also stepped in, committing €100 million in humanitarian aid after the March-April 2026 escalation between Israel and Hezbollah, which displaced more than a million people. Food, shelter, and other essential support for those caught in the crisis has been constantly provided.

Even so, the UNDP-backed expansion of community policing and legal aid access shows one path through which fragility and rule of law in Lebanon can improve, independent of the pace of diplomatic negotiations.

– Juan Guillermo Rueda Castrillón

Juan is based in Bogotá, Colombia and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Fragility and Rule of Law in Guatemala

Rule of Law in GuatemalaThe rule of law underpins any free and thriving democracy. It ensures access to justice for all, places limits on executive power and protects fundamental human rights and freedoms. It is particularly important for the most vulnerable in society, those living in poverty. Although Guatemala has been a democratic country since the 1990s, its institutions are fragile, corruption is rife and it consistently underperforms on international rule of law rankings.

Rule of Law in Guatemala

Freedom House, an American NGO promoting democracy worldwide, labelled Guatemala a “partly free” country in 2026, with a particularly low score for rule of law. The NGO gave independence of the judiciary, due process in civil and criminal matters and equal effects of state laws and practices, a concerning one out of four. The implications of these troubling scores demonstrate that fragility and rule of law in Guatemala disproportionately affects the poor.

A Dependent Judiciary and Corruption

For the rule of law to be upheld, a judiciary independent of political influence is essential. This is a particular area in which Guatemala is faltering. A 2022 poll showed that 54% of Guatemalans believe that top government officials seek to limit the courts’ competencies and freedom to interpret the law.

The appointment of members to the country’s judiciary is a non-transparent process, riddled with political meddling. As a result, corruption is able to thrive in Guatemala, as the judiciary serves to favor the interests of the rich and powerful.

The severity of the problem is evident in the Corruption Perceptions Index’s 2023 report, wherein Guatemala placed 154th out of 180 countries.

A corrupt, dependent judiciary will not protect the human nor material rights of vulnerable people who need that protection most. It leads to an unjust society where resources and opportunities are concentrated at the very top, and therefore blocking people from rising out of poverty. 

Due Process and Equal Laws

The fragility of rule of law in Guatemala prevents due process and the equal application of laws for all of society. An example demonstrating the implications of the lack of these core democratic features lies in the Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights 2023 report claiming that Guatemala is seeing increased forced evictions and land conflicts. The situation primarily affects indigenous communities, those most affected by poverty and longstanding marginalization. Land laws do not protect their rights to ancestral lands, and many indigenous leaders seeking to prevent displacement meet with criminalization and harassment from the state.

A New Start

One of the many organizations working in Guatemala to remedy the situation is Be Just, a nonprofit that promotes the rule of law in Central America through strengthening democratic institutions, judicial independence and free elections. 

In November 2025, Be Just ran a workshop in Sacatepéquez, Guatemala ahead of the Attorney General and Head of the Public Prosecutor’s Office elections in May 2026. The workshop sought to educate participants on how the election process operates, what is at stake for Guatemala’s democracy and the socio-political context shaping the election. A population educated on and invested in free and fair elections serves to prevent impunity and corruption and ensures that elected officials serve the public good.

Hope for 2026

The year 2026 brings hope for democratic rule of law in Guatemala. In May, Be Just’s efforts paid off, as the public voted in a new Attorney General, Gabriel García Luna, replacing the eight year tenure of María Consuelo Porras. The former Attorney General had played an outsized role in dismantling the rule of law in Guatemala. Her list of wrong-doings are long: impunity was rife, as Porras disassembled key prosecution units in charge of investigating corruption cases and human rights violations committed during Guatemala’s internal armed conflict of 1960-1996, and criminalization was political, with journalists, human rights activists and anti-corruption activists being prosecuted. In 2023, she attempted to nullify the presidential election results, and in 2024, more than 40 countries sanctioned her for eroding democracy and the rule of law.

Looking Ahead

The country has some hard work ahead of it before the public’s trust is regained and rule of law in Guatemala reinstated. But with the work of foundations like Be Just helping the public to oust corrupt officials like Porras, the country is taking encouraging steps toward a more free and fair democracy for all. 

– Amelia Krone

Amelia is based in London, UK and focuses on Technology and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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The Sahel Solution: Girls’ Education and Conflict Prevention

girls’ education and conflict preventionThe links between girls’ education and conflict prevention are well documented. By addressing the root causes of instability, education builds resilience against radicalization and economic despair. Girls’ education and conflict prevention are key pathways to bringing peace in the Sahel by tackling socio‑economic and governance drivers of violence.

The Education-Poverty-Conflict Nexus

The Sahel is a large, semi-arid area of West Africa facing overlapping crises of armed conflict, climate change and poverty. In Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, insurgent violence has forced millions to flee, devastated livelihoods and undermined national economies. More than 40% of people in the Central Sahel live in extreme poverty, and many families survive on less than $1.90 per day, which makes the direct and indirect costs of schooling difficult to afford, according to UNDP and World Bank data. Poverty pushes parents to keep girls at home to work, marry early or migrate for survival income rather than continue their education. In Burkina Faso alone, schools are frequently targeted by armed groups; thousands have closed due to chronic insecurity, and more than 1 million children have seen their education disrupted. In this context, girls’ education becomes a crucial strategy for building social cohesion and resilience.

Girls’ education, poverty reduction and stability are deeply connected. According to a 2018 World Bank study, barriers to girls’ education result in a global loss of $15 trillion to $30 trillion in productivity. Educated girls are more likely to delay marriage, earn higher incomes and invest in their children’s health and education. For example, in many low-income countries, women with secondary education earn nearly twice as much as those with no schooling, and their children are significantly less likely to be malnourished, according to World Bank data. These pathways show how expanding access to education helps counter poverty, demographic pressure and social exclusion, three drivers closely tied to instability in the region.

When girls miss out on education, the cost is exceptionally high in fragile regions. Girls out of school face greater risks of child marriage, exploitation by armed groups and entrapment in cycles of poverty that fuel future conflict. This illustrates why scaling up girls’ education across the region is essential for reducing recruitment into armed groups and weakening violent extremist narratives.

The Sahel’s Challenges

The Sahel’s triple burden of conflict, severe climate shocks, such as droughts that destroy crop yields, and poverty threatens girls’ ability to attend school. Before the  COVID-19 pandemic, about 54% of girls in Niger were out of school, and child marriage rates ranked among the highest in the world. In Burkina Faso, more than 6,000 schools have closed recently, affecting 1 million children and leaving many girls without safe learning spaces. These compounding pressures show how fragile the conditions are for sustaining girls’ access to education, especially for the poorest households that struggle to cover school fees, supplies and transportation.

In Niger, disruptions are acute in regions like Tillabéry and Diffa, where insecurity and displacement prevent basic education access. Across the Central Sahel, nearly 7.5 million children are in urgent need of assistance, primarily displaced women and children. This level of need means that education services must also provide food, psychosocial support and protection to ensure that girls from extremely poor families can attend and stay in school.

Evidence-Based Interventions

Initiatives like cash incentives, safe transport and school feeding programs deliver measurable results. The World Bank reports that targeted cash transfers and education grants boost attendance and completion while drastically reducing early marriage and pregnancy among girls. In practice, these programs ease the financial burden on low-income families, making it possible for girls to remain in class instead of marrying early or working to supplement household income.

Other effective measures include providing uniforms, creating safe, girl-friendly schools and supporting girls’ clubs that offer life skills and mentoring. These tools keep girls in school and reduce pressures pushing families toward harmful coping strategies like forced marriage. They also show practical ways to operationalize these strategies through concrete, scalable policy instruments that directly benefit communities living in poverty.

Multilateral Efforts and U.S. Support

Education Cannot Wait (ECW), the United Nations global fund for education in emergencies, focuses on the Sahel, aiming to maintain education in conflict zones. In Burkina Faso, ECW provided $11.1 million in seed funding to mobilize an additional $48 million, reaching more than 800,000 children, 60% of whom are girls. These investments help restore learning for children in areas where conflict and poverty have closed schools and cut off opportunities.

In Niger, ECW investments increase enrollment for children impacted by conflict and climate shocks by covering fees and expanding secure classrooms. United States foreign assistance, including USAID, complements these efforts by promoting girls’ education as a pillar of regional stability and poverty reduction, supporting teacher training, community-based schools and scholarships that target low-income and displaced girls.

Looking Ahead

Girls’ education in the Sahel is not merely a moral duty but a strategic investment in conflict prevention and poverty reduction. Schools that keep girls learning, protect them from violence and equip them with skills break cycles of poverty and conflict. When girls attend school, communities benefit: earnings rise, maternal and child health improves and foundations of peaceful, more prosperous societies are built. Investing in girls’ education across the Sahel therefore represents a powerful pathway for donors and policymakers to support both human development and lasting stability in one of the world’s most fragile regions.

– Charles Bakar

Charles is based in Montréal, Canada and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Traditional Ukrainian Weavers Combat Poverty Amidst War

Traditional Ukrainian WeaversSince 2022, the Russo-Ukrainian War has devastated the Ukrainian economy. According to the World Bank, the Gini coefficient, a widely used measure of income inequality, rose from 0.41 in 2023 to 0.50 in 2025, driven primarily by shifts in pensions and wages, the two most common forms of household income. In addition to the widening income gap, about one-quarter of Ukrainian households now include at least one member who is an internally displaced person (IDP), a veteran, or someone with a disability due to Russia’s invasion.

Rising Poverty Amid War

A staggering number of Ukrainians have been disabled or displaced by Russia’s invasion. This, combined with the increasing household income inequality rate, has left Ukraine in a more severe state of poverty since the start of the war. World Bank microsimulation-based estimates indicate that poverty rates in 2025 had doubled since 2021, reaching an estimated 41.6% in 2025, a considerable increase from 37.0% in 2024. A notable percentage of households living beneath the poverty line include members from increased risk groups, such as young children, the elderly, and those permanently disabled by Russia’s invasion. About 30% of households with children under age 6 are in the bottom income quintile, a statistic indicating a general trend that leaves the most vulnerable populations of Ukrainians and their families at heightened risk of poverty, starvation, and death.

Traditional Ukrainian Weavers

One key factor contributing to the disproportionate poverty of households with vulnerable members is their ability to participate in Ukraine’s wartime labor market. Ukrainian women have identified one key means of revenue that allows them to remain close to their families while simultaneously strengthening the bonds they hold with their culture, community, and country. Centuries-old Ukrainian textile crafts such as weaving have given families a way to keep their ethnic traditions alive and support themselves during this time of hardship.

One pillar of Ukrainian textile art is Vyshyvanka, the traditional embroidery adorning hand-woven shirts. Its origins can be traced back to the early medieval era, meaning the practice is at least 10 centuries old. Vyshyvanka has blended spiritual, cultural, artistic, and practical elements for as long as it has existed. Slavic historians at the University of Kansas describe Vyshyvanka as functioning like “a second skin,” believed by Ukrainians to offer protection from misfortune. The spiritual protection offered by Vyshyvanka and, relatedly, the link it provides Ukrainians to their ancestors and cultural history is still a powerful force of resilience to this day.

Another prominent Ukrainian textile art, known as Vybiyka, uses natural paints and carved wooden block stamps to apply traditional ornamental patterns to goods and clothing. Vybiyka also dates back to the 11th century. The art form has historically used wooden stamps carved from pear or linden wood, which were used to print plant dyes onto shirts woven from hemp. Since its inception, Vybiyka has been tightly interwoven with cultural and social significance. According to Histrov, a traditional Ukrainian clothing brand, printed fabrics in rural Ukrainian communities carried deep meaning, serving as festive dress, a symbol of dignity, and “a mirror of the inner self.”

A Weaver’s Perspective

The Borgen Project contacted Yuliia Riabchun, a woman living in Kyiv, Ukraine, who runs the Etsy page “HeritageBloomGifts.” Riabchun told The Borgen Project that traditional Ukrainian textiles are “much more than just decorative items,” explaining that each piece carries a story and preserves a craft passed down through generations. She said she is especially drawn to how each pattern, color, and technique connects people to their family and cultural roots, and that traditional Ukrainian weavers are safeguarding an important part of Ukraine’s cultural heritage for future generations.

Ukraine’s Etsy Success

For over a decade, Ukrainian artists have dominated the global marketplace on Etsy. According to Koalanda, an Etsy statistics tracker, Ukraine boasts north of 34,500 stores today, despite being in the midst of ongoing conflict. Total sales for these stores amount to over 39 million, meaning that each store has brought in an average of 6,600 sales. Other top-selling countries, including the U.S., Canada, and Germany, average about 500 sales per shop. These considerable sales margins can be attributed to the centuries-long traditions upheld by traditional Ukrainian weavers and artisans, as well as strong demand in the West for authentic Ukrainian handmade goods.

Ukrainian Etsy stores additionally host over double the listings per capita of competitor countries such as Spain and Italy. Etsy sales provide better pay and more work flexibility given favorable currency conversion for international sales. Considering Ukraine boasts the highest sales-to-store ratio globally, it can be estimated that the country brings in tens of millions annually from Etsy revenue alone.

Support From Etsy and Nonprofits

The platform itself has made efforts to alleviate some of the strain put on Ukrainian sellers by the ongoing war with Russia. Etsy waived fees for all Ukrainian stores across its three platforms, which include Depop and Reverb, amounting to approximately $4 million. In addition, the website has maintained a curated list of Ukrainian sellers since early 2022 in an effort to increase traffic and revenue in this time of continued and escalating conflict. Moreover, organizations like the RPCV Alliance for Ukraine provide mini-grants and sewing and weaving equipment to help IDPs and refugees acquire new textile skills that translate into sustainable careers. The RPCV was founded in 2018 and serves as a country affiliate group to the National Peace Corps Association (NPCA). By providing these grants, the RPCV Alliance for Ukraine empowers Ukrainians to practice, share, and monetize one of their most sacred cultural arts.

Looking Ahead

Numerous platforms, including the Goodness Exchange, report that traditional crafts and weaving have helped the Ukrainian people decrease their risk of poverty. While Etsy may be an unexpected venue for preserving cultural history, it has become an important part of many Ukrainian families’ livelihoods and a way of telling the story of their culture. The recent uptick in traditional Ukrainian weavers selling and sharing their art online through Etsy serves a double function: to soften the economic burden presented by Russia’s ongoing invasion and to keep traditional Ukrainian culture alive and strong.

– Natalie Naylor

Natalie is based in New York, NY, USA and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Fragility and the Rule of Law in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The Rule of Law in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Amid growing economic pressures, changing weather patterns, technological development, inequality and political extremism, governments around the world are under increasing pressure to uphold the rule of law while remaining inclusive and accountable. Nearly three decades after the Bosnian War (1992-1995), fragility and the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina remain closely linked. While the country has made significant progress in rebuilding institutions, political divisions and corruption continue to hinder development.

From Conflict To Institutional Fragility

The Bosnian War (1992-1995) claimed more than 100,000 lives and displaced millions before ending with the Dayton Peace Agreement. While the agreement secured peace, it also established a highly decentralized political system designed to balance power among the country’s three main ethnic groups: Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats.

Today, Bosnia and Herzegovina consists of two autonomous entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska, and the self-governing Brčko District. This highly decentralized system creates overlapping responsibilities that delay policymaking, reforms and public service delivery.

Although this constitutional framework has helped preserve peace since the end of the war, it has also contributed to ongoing institutional fragility. Political divisions, corruption and legislative deadlock still hinder effective governance and weaken public confidence in state institutions.

The European Commission’s 2019 Expert Report on Rule of Law Issues concluded that a lack of commitment to the rule of law remains a fundamental challenge, requiring substantial legislative and institutional reforms to meet European Union standards.

These governance challenges are reflected in the World Justice Project’s 2024 Rule of Law Index, where Bosnia and Herzegovina ranks 70th out of 143 countries globally. While the country was one of the few to improve its overall score, concerns remain over delays in the civil justice system, government interference and the broader impact of political polarization on judicial independence and accountability.

Why the Rule of Law Matters for Development

A strong rule of law is fundamental to sustainable development. Independent courts, transparent institutions and accountable governments help create stable societies where public services function effectively and citizens’ rights are protected. Conversely, corruption and weak governance can divert public resources away from priorities such as healthcare and education, limiting opportunities for communities to thrive.

Addressing fragility and strengthening the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina remain essential to improving living standards and supporting long-term development. According to the World Bank, Bosnia’s fragmented governance has slowed the reforms needed to attract foreign investment, create jobs and advance European Union accession, limiting economic growth and institutional modernization. For many Bosnians, stronger institutions are about more than governance as they help ensure fair access to public services, employment opportunities and legal protections, particularly for those facing economic hardship.

At the same time, the United Nations has expressed concern over the deteriorating environment for human rights defenders, warning that legal uncertainty and political tensions can discourage civic participation and deepen social divisions. By strengthening judicial independence, improving government transparency and protecting fundamental freedoms, Bosnia can create a more stable environment that supports the wellbeing of citizens and lays the foundation for prosperity and democratic governance.

Strengthening public institutions is therefore not only a matter of good governance but also an important step toward reducing poverty and inequality. More effective and accountable institutions can improve access to services and create economic opportunities for communities across Bosnia and Herzegovina.

International Support and the Path Forward

Despite persistent challenges, Bosnia and Herzegovina has taken important steps toward strengthening the rule of law with support from international partners. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is helping modernize public administration through digital public services, open-data initiatives and improved public finance management, while also enhancing citizen participation in local decision-making.

The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) also supports judicial independence through trial monitoring, legal assistance and reforms that improve transparency and accountability. These initiatives aim to increase public confidence in the justice system.

Although significant challenges remain, continued domestic reform and international cooperation offer an opportunity to strengthen public trust, improve access to justice and reduce barriers that prevent vulnerable communities from benefiting fully from economic and social development.  

As Bosnia and Herzegovina continues to strengthen its institutions, addressing fragility and reinforcing the rule of law will be essential to ensuring lasting peace, economic opportunity and inclusive development.

– Maisie Russell

Maisie is based in Surrey, UK and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash