The pressing issue of poverty in the North African country of Tunisia needs to be addressed. While attempting to understand the causes of poverty in Tunisia, patterns of unemployment, food insecurity and civil unrest have become most apparent.
In 2021, Tunisia’s poverty rate rose to 16.6% from 15.2% in 2015 and it has been projected to increase further to 17.1% in 2024. Furthermore, although the nation has experienced some economic growth in the tourism sector (+17% year-on-year) and transportation (+5%), over the years, the wealth achieved so far is unevenly distributed, with those living in the coastal regions benefiting more than those in the inland areas. The COVID-19 pandemic has also caused a rise in unemployment, which has worsened the situation.
Poverty, in particular, affects those in central Tunisia at a higher rate than those on the outskirts of the country’s borders.
3 Leading Causes of Poverty in Tunisia
Hunger is a pressing issue within Tunisia that contributes to poor living conditions for many. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), 12.6% or more than 1.5 million of Tunisia’s population experienced severe or moderate food insecurity in 2022. One of the primary causes of food insecurity in Tunisia is the country’s dependence on agricultural imports, with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine exacerbating the situation. Many problems are associated with malnutrition on such a large scale, including limits to economic productivity and increased health costs for many.
Tunisia also has a remarkably high unemployment rate, which affects, in particular, the youths. The country’s unemployment rate reached approximately 16% in the first quarter of 2023, one of the highest among countries in the Middle East and Central Asia. The high unemployment rate among youth is due to various structural and policy factors, including the fact that the demand for skilled labor is primarily concentrated in the public administration sector, which faces constraints due to budgetary limitations and the trends of privatization and deregulation.
The civil unrest that has plagued Tunisia since 2011 is another one of the significant causes of poverty in Tunisia. The political instability resulting from the Ben Ali regime stems from dissatisfaction with poverty and unemployment that plague many Tunisians. This unrest has since driven away tourists and business investors alike, which has further increased unemployment for Tunisians, as not enough jobs are being created to meet the demands of the growing workforce.
Organizations Tackling Poverty in Tunisia
There are several nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) working to combat hunger, unemployment and poverty in Tunisia. Among them is Islamic Relief, which has been operational in the country since 2011. Since its establishment, the nonprofit has been running a program that ensures more than 270 school children receive daily meals.
Moreover, the organization is dedicated to enhancing the lives of Tunisians by collaborating with farmers and offering vocational training to the youth. This initiative aims to equip them with the skills needed for self-employment, ultimately breaking the cycle of unemployment and poverty.
Another notable nonprofit in Tunisia is the Tunisian Youth Alternative Network (RAJ TUNISIE), founded in 2013 in response to the civil unrest that began in 2011. Serving as a mediator between various stakeholders, the organization focuses on youth issues, encouraging greater participation among young Tunisians in building the “new democratic and pluralist Tunisia.”
Final Remark
Like every other country, Tunisia is facing some challenges like high youth unemployment rates, civil unrest and poverty. However, several NGOs, such as the Islamic Relief, are actively at the forefront in the fight against poverty in Tunisia.
– Jennifer Faulkner
Photo: Flickr
Updated: May 27, 2024
Decreasing the Cyprus Poverty Rate Among the Elderly
The European Social Watch Report 2010 identified the elderly as the generation most at-risk to be affected by poverty. However, within the past few years, the over-65 poverty rate has decreased dramatically, dropping from 45 percent in 2008 to 17.3 percent in 2015. Two key factors played a major role in this improvement.
Causes of Poverty in Cyprus
Pension Maturation: Everyone who is gainfully employed in Cyprus (including self-employed individuals) is eligible to receive compulsory social insurance. This insurance also includes an old age pension, which is the primary source of income for Cypriots over age 65.
The current Cypriot social insurance scheme was last reformed in 1980, affecting pension levels in two important ways. First, the system changed from a flat-rate to an earnings-related structure. This means that the level of pension available is based on the level of insurable earnings. Second, pension levels are based on the length of the contribution period. As the current system has “matured,” or gotten older, retiring Cypriots have had more time to contribute to their pensions. This has allowed for an increase in income from old-age pension, directly correlating to the decrease in the over-65 poverty rate.
Overall Wage Decline: In the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, unemployment rose and wages fell in Cyprus. The European Social Policy Network (ESPN) cited both a 7.6 percent drop in mean monthly earnings for full-time workers between 2010 and 2014 and a rise in non-standard employment as repercussions of the crisis. However, income for Cypriots over 65 remained relatively stable due to the old age pension.
It is important to note that the dramatic decline in the over-65 poverty rate in Cyprus is not necessarily secure. The ESPN predicts that pension growth will level off as the system fully matures, the poverty line will rise as the economy grows and pension levels will be lower in the future as workers in non-standard positions retire. Maintaining the current Cyprus poverty rate for Cypriots over age 65 will require focusing on income levels for retirees. In the current system, that means safeguarding the ability for workers to obtain an adequate pension.
– Erik Beck
Photo: Flickr
Causes of Poverty in Tunisia
The pressing issue of poverty in the North African country of Tunisia needs to be addressed. While attempting to understand the causes of poverty in Tunisia, patterns of unemployment, food insecurity and civil unrest have become most apparent.
In 2021, Tunisia’s poverty rate rose to 16.6% from 15.2% in 2015 and it has been projected to increase further to 17.1% in 2024. Furthermore, although the nation has experienced some economic growth in the tourism sector (+17% year-on-year) and transportation (+5%), over the years, the wealth achieved so far is unevenly distributed, with those living in the coastal regions benefiting more than those in the inland areas. The COVID-19 pandemic has also caused a rise in unemployment, which has worsened the situation.
Poverty, in particular, affects those in central Tunisia at a higher rate than those on the outskirts of the country’s borders.
3 Leading Causes of Poverty in Tunisia
Hunger is a pressing issue within Tunisia that contributes to poor living conditions for many. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), 12.6% or more than 1.5 million of Tunisia’s population experienced severe or moderate food insecurity in 2022. One of the primary causes of food insecurity in Tunisia is the country’s dependence on agricultural imports, with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine exacerbating the situation. Many problems are associated with malnutrition on such a large scale, including limits to economic productivity and increased health costs for many.
Tunisia also has a remarkably high unemployment rate, which affects, in particular, the youths. The country’s unemployment rate reached approximately 16% in the first quarter of 2023, one of the highest among countries in the Middle East and Central Asia. The high unemployment rate among youth is due to various structural and policy factors, including the fact that the demand for skilled labor is primarily concentrated in the public administration sector, which faces constraints due to budgetary limitations and the trends of privatization and deregulation.
The civil unrest that has plagued Tunisia since 2011 is another one of the significant causes of poverty in Tunisia. The political instability resulting from the Ben Ali regime stems from dissatisfaction with poverty and unemployment that plague many Tunisians. This unrest has since driven away tourists and business investors alike, which has further increased unemployment for Tunisians, as not enough jobs are being created to meet the demands of the growing workforce.
Organizations Tackling Poverty in Tunisia
There are several nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) working to combat hunger, unemployment and poverty in Tunisia. Among them is Islamic Relief, which has been operational in the country since 2011. Since its establishment, the nonprofit has been running a program that ensures more than 270 school children receive daily meals.
Moreover, the organization is dedicated to enhancing the lives of Tunisians by collaborating with farmers and offering vocational training to the youth. This initiative aims to equip them with the skills needed for self-employment, ultimately breaking the cycle of unemployment and poverty.
Another notable nonprofit in Tunisia is the Tunisian Youth Alternative Network (RAJ TUNISIE), founded in 2013 in response to the civil unrest that began in 2011. Serving as a mediator between various stakeholders, the organization focuses on youth issues, encouraging greater participation among young Tunisians in building the “new democratic and pluralist Tunisia.”
Final Remark
Like every other country, Tunisia is facing some challenges like high youth unemployment rates, civil unrest and poverty. However, several NGOs, such as the Islamic Relief, are actively at the forefront in the fight against poverty in Tunisia.
– Jennifer Faulkner
Photo: Flickr
Updated: May 27, 2024
Causes of Poverty in Botswana
The discovery of diamonds in 1967 helped Botswana to move from one of the poorest countries in Africa to a middle income country. Ironically, that same discovery contributed to vast levels of income inequality and poverty in the nation. Though Botswana is not technically a poor nation, substantial clusters of poverty remain in its rural areas. In some rural areas, the poverty rate is as high as 46 percent and unemployment for the country is at 20 percent. Here are some of the main causes of poverty in Botswana.
The skills taught in the education sector often do not match the skills needed to execute jobs available in the job market. This has led to a mass influx of certain skills in the job market, resulting in high unemployment for graduates. Several youths between the ages of 15 and 24 are unemployed in Botswana due to being poorly prepared for potential careers. This age group makes up 51 percent of the unemployed population in Botswana.
Unemployment rates are higher among women than men. Botswana men are generally better educated than women so their employment rates tend to be higher. Women also have trouble entering the labor force because of social standards and barriers. Because of these barriers, women make up a mere 36 percent of formal sector employees but make up 75 percent of informal sector employees.
Lack of ownership of livestock is a significant cause of poverty in Botswana. About 47 percent of farmers do not own cattle and those who do own cattle only own small herds. Thus, the poorest 71 percent of traditional farmers own only about 8 percent of total traditional herds, while the richest 2.5 percent own about 40 percent. About 10 percent of farming households own 60 percent of the 2.3 million cattle in the country. This system makes it so that wealth in the country continues to be dispersed unequally. The rich remain rich and the poor remain poor.
While there are several causes of poverty in Botswana, the future of Botswana’s economy looks optimistic. The Botswana government has recently released Vision 2036, a framework designed to reduce the poverty rate and secure prosperity for all. The plan is ambitious and is backed by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Prior to creating the plan, the president engaged in a countrywide dialogue with citizens of Botswana to understand their goals and needs, ensuring that Vision 2036 captures their perspectives. If the plan is effective, by 2036 Botswana will be a high-income country with virtually no one living under the poverty line.
– Jeanine Thomas
Photo: Flickr
Why Is Mali Poor?
Despite achieving the Millennium Development Goal of reducing hunger by 50 percent, Mali continues to struggle with extreme poverty. 50 percent of the population lives on less than $1.25 a day. There are nearly 59,000 internally displaced people and 143,500 Malian refugees located in neighboring countries. More than 600,000 Malians are in need of food assistance. A low-income nation, Mali was ranked 179 out of 188 countries on the 2015 Human Development Index. Though Mali’s economy is projected to grow by 5 percent over the 2017-2019 period and all economic sectors are projected to contribute to this growth, poverty persists. Why is Mali poor?
The answer to this question must consider the negative effects that drought and erratic rainfall have had on the country. Climate change has also led to higher temperatures, less rainfall and growing desertification in Mali, already one of the hottest countries in the world. 90 percent of the rural population works in the agricultural sector. Most farming is done on a subsistence basis; therefore, there is little to no reinvestment made in mechanization. Due to the adverse conditions, 25 percent of families are moderately to severely food insecure. During the 2016 lean season, approximately 315,000 Malians experienced severe food insecurity. One in three Malian children under the age of five is affected by stunting, a condition brought on by poor nutrition which affects both physical and cognitive development.
With an undiversified economy dependent on commodity exports, Mali is also extremely vulnerable to fluctuations in global commodity prices and the consequences of climate change. Though growth accelerated to 7 percent in 2014, its highest level in over a decade, and is expected to remain steady at 5 percent, Mali’s economic prospects are contingent on several important factors, including the stability of global prices for cotton and gold, Mali’s two biggest exports. Climatic shocks that negatively affect harvests could also cause a drop in economic growth and an increase in food insecurity.
Another contributing factor to why Mali is poor is the military coup that took place in the country in 2012. The coup resulted in the occupation of the northern regions of Mali by armed non-state groups. The signing of a peace agreement in 2015 between the Malian government and two rebel coalitions allowed for the implementation of a program of accelerated development in the northern regions. Due to fragile security and attacks on United Nations forces and the Malian army by terrorist groups in the northern regions, putting the program into action is difficult.
In addition to adverse weather conditions and conflict, poverty in Mali has also been perpetuated by the lack of access to education and career training. According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the expected amount of schooling in Mali is 8.4 years, while the average amount of schooling is only 2.3 years. Educational programs such as those implemented by the Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE) have taken steps to make education more accessible to children in Mali, particularly those who have been out of school for a prolonged period of time.
“In Mali, 89 [percent] of out-of-school students who enrolled in a CARE accelerated learning program also completed it,” says CARE’s Senior Technical Advisor for Education, Katherine Begley. “100 [percent] of them successfully transitioned into formal schools.”
With the emphasis put on reaching those most affected by conflict and poverty, it is the belief of organizations like CARE that the cycle of poverty can be ended in Mali.
– Amanda Quinn
Photo: Flickr
Addressing Poverty in Argentina
In 2017, over 13 million people live under the poverty line in Argentina. This accounts for almost 33 percent of the country’s population, a notable increase of almost four percent from the 2016 figures. So, why is poverty in Argentina so common and why is it getting worse?
In comparative regional terms, “poor” is not necessarily an accurate description of Argentina. The World Health Organization’s Human Development Index considers Argentina to have “very high human development.” It is one of only two South American countries on the list, along with neighboring Chile.
However, poverty in Argentina is growing, most likely due to the instability of the country’s economy. Since his election in 2015, President Mauricio Macri has introduced a series of economic reforms intended to spur growth, a total reversal of the previous government’s policies. The economy is indeed growing after surviving a 2016 recession, but reforms have simultaneously been condemned as damaging to the country’s poor. Inflation has swelled due to the lifting of currency controls, the cutting of utility subsidies and the reduction of agricultural export taxes.
Fortunately, President Macri recognizes that, while Argentina’s recession has ended, the poverty rate is increasing as a result. He came into office with a “zero poverty promise,” but in a statement in 2016, he acknowledged the considerable percentage of Argentines reaping little benefit from the nation’s new economy.
Prior to President Macri’s government, poverty in Argentina had already been a controversial subject. The populist former president Christina Kirchner, Macri’s political polar opposite, also failed to bring the poorest Argentines positive change. Under former President Kirchner, slums such as Villa 1-11-14 in Buenos Aires became so neglected, they had no official status or name.
Questioning why Argentina remains a harsh place for so many of its people must surely reflect on how the previous government essentially pretended poverty did not exist at all. Furthermore, President Macri’s reversal of Kirchner’s economic platform is symptomatic of the Argentinian political system, which often has to deal with frequent and catastrophic economic crises, having experienced two in the 21st century alone.
Actions taken in recent months suggest some relief is on the horizon for the nation’s poor. The government has agreed to introduce a “social emergency loan,” which will generate a million jobs and raise the salary of Argentina’s large “informal” economy, such as handiwork and cooperatives. Additionally, the country’s departure from its previous recession in the second half of 2016 could begin to see the economy rebound, bringing change for the less fortunate in the near future.
– Jonathan Riddick
The Female Experience of War
Contrary to the title of this article, there is no singular female experience of war. The very statement illuminates one of the issues in historical and contemporary engagement in understanding and analyzing women during wartime. Too often, the intellectual and political community groups women from different countries, ethnicities and religions together to presume they suffer the same wartime experiences. The world sees war through a gendered lens which colors women as victims who idly wait for their husbands, sons and fathers to return home. War is as immediate and tolling for women as it is for men in ways that vary drastically across the board.
Take World War II as an example of the diversity of the female experience of war. The white American woman gained access to the workforce during WWII and momentum in furthering her cause in the feminist movement. Meanwhile, her black counterpart experienced barriers and institutionalized racism. These consequences did not decline until over a decade later. When employed, African-Americans were forced to use separate bathrooms and often worked the lowest-paying jobs despite having high qualifications or manual and cognitive skills. Black men and women accounted for only 6 percent of employees in the American aircraft industry while white women accounted for approximately 40 percent. Despite the pushback, black women used WWII as a platform to herald the inequalities back at home with campaigns such as “Victory Over Racism at Home” and “Victory Over Fascism Abroad”.
Across the Pacific Ocean, the Korean female experience differed significantly from that of women in the U.S. Thousands of Korean (and other southeast Asian) women under Japan’s imperial rule were forced into sexual slavery and served as “comfort women” for Imperial soldiers during WWII. Gross violations of human rights included female genital mutilation, forced abortions and even murder. Under colonization, many women turned to prostitution as a means of survival, adopting the fetishized symbols of orientalism that their oppressors projected upon them. In the eyes of the public, many of these survivors of sexual slavery lost their virtue and thereby their value to their community following liberation from Japan. Their communities ostracized them, forcing them to live isolated lives. In this way, it not only becomes a question of women’s experiences during the war but also their experiences after the war.
In her book, “Bananas, Beaches and Bases,” international relations theorist and author Cynthia Enloe illustrates how women in Jaffna, Sri Lanka played a role as ethnic minorities during the armed conflict between Tamil guerrillas, the government’s military and the Indian army. These women describe how their experiences as women compared to their oppression as Tamils in the Singhalese-dominated nation, penetrating what had been a male-dominated intellectual space. Eventually, these women played a crucial role in the reconciliation period, finding allies in Singhalese feminists and voicing their concerns about the militarized state and lack of female rights. Enloe further notes that these women, who played an essential part in stabilization, were repressed by their husbands who believed their outspoken critique to be outside the parameters of their female duties.
These examples neither serve to pit woman against woman nor seek to rank their experiences, but rather illustrate the diversity of women and the female experience of war. These women as individuals and as participants in a wider community have their own narratives and experiences. Giving them the due diligence they deserve begins with recognizing the diversity of 50 percent of the world’s population and their nuanced participation as both victims, perpetrators and protestors of war.
How do societies break out of masculinized power structures of international politics to acknowledge women as a priority during conflict and post-conflict discussions? It is critical to recognize the many different and extremely nuanced versions of war that women around the world experience. The idealized projection of the ‘female’ is so deeply entrenched that society often glosses over the experiences of women from ethnic, religious and sexual minorities. The female experience of war is extremely diverse, and it is critical that existing international and domestic power structures acknowledge and embrace it.
– Sydney Nam
Photo: Google
How to Help People in Tonga
There are many ways to help people in Tonga thanks to the wide variety of organizations taking action and accepting donations from the public.
Here are a few of the organizations that are making changes and contributing to the well-being of citizens in Tonga.
By donating and volunteering with organizations such as these, everyday citizens are able to help people in Tonga, bringing hope and changing lives for the better. Consider taking the time to check into these organizations and make a contribution today.
– Noel Mcdavid
Photo: Flickr
Central African Republic’s Poverty Rate
The incredible poverty rate is due to a variety of factors, perhaps none more important than the Central African Republic’s history as part of the French Empire. As a country rich in natural resources that have been in demand throughout history, the Central African Republic has been exploited by western nations from the beginning of the Age of Imperialism to the modern day.
Internal conflict has worsened the problems originally begun by western imperialism. Since the Central African Republic gained independence in 1960, the major Christian and Muslim factions in the country have rarely ceased in-fighting. Alongside religious rivalries, multiple ethnic groups and political ideologies have contributed to widespread violence and instability throughout the country.
Longstanding political instability has led to a severe lack of development, one of the greatest reasons behind the abysmal Central African Republic’s poverty rate. Widespread poverty has allowed the country to wallow in incredibly low rates of development for years, ranking 179th out of 187 countries.
In a population of just over four million people, nearly 370,000 children will grow up without one or both of their parents, and more than 50 percent of the population can neither read nor write. Almost five percent of the population carries HIV/AIDS, one of the highest rates in the world.
Numerous groups worldwide are providing necessary aid to the Central African Republic, but many focus on providing emergency relief. While any and all aid is needed throughout the country, short-term solutions do little to assuage the Central African Republic’s poverty rate. In order to provide a long-term solution to poverty, the International Rescue Committee is, alongside emergency aid and health services, creating programs that help both men and women receive education and set up businesses. This program will allow Central Africans take the first steps out of poverty themselves.
– Connor S. Keowen
Photo: Flickr
Facts About the Tajikistan Poverty Rate
Tajikistan has one of the highest poverty rates of central and west Asian nations. It is currently third, following Afghanistan and the Kyrgyz Republic.
The current poverty rate is only slightly higher than that of 2015, when it was at 31.5 percent. Over the last five years, the Tajikistan poverty rate has hovered around the low 30 percent range.
Notable strides have been made since Tajikistan declared independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. According to UNICEF, the Tajikistan poverty rate was above 70 percent in the early 2000s. However, it remains one of the poorest countries in western Asia.
Poverty in Tajikistan has a particularly significant effect on children, large families with multiple children, and families in rural areas. For every 1,000 babies born, 39 die before their first birthday.
The poorest people in the country live in the rural Khation region. Here, 78 percent of the population lives below the national poverty line. The primary cause of rural poverty is a reliance on agricultural activities that do not provide an adequate income.
Tajikistan is currently the largest remittance-dependent country in the world. In 2012, it was the top receiver of remittances from Russia. Today, remittances make up over half of Tajikistan’s GDP (52 percent in 2013). The majority of families in Tajikistan have a migrant member of the household. In general, remittances have had a positive impact on reducing child poverty. They have been shown to improve living conditions for children, especially in terms of nutrition and morbidity rates.
The World Bank’s solutions for reducing poverty in Tajikistan are geared primarily towards private sector development, specifically private investment and private sector-led growth. An increase in both areas, and especially in agriculture, are represented in the World Bank’s ongoing Country Partnership Strategy (CPS). The organization has highlighted the need for a more “competitive” and “transparent” business environment. The movement of goods across borders to regional markets needs to be made easier as well.
Several achievements in the fiscal years of 2011 and 2013 have helped combat poverty in Tajikistan. This includes the implementation of a “single window” that simplifies import and export procedures, as well as the implementation of a revised tax code simplifying tax reporting procedures. These results and others are evidence that growth and solutions are underway in Tajikistan.
– Melanie Snyder
Photo: Flickr
Human Rights in Nicaragua: Three Issues You Should Know
Violence Against Women and Girls
The lack of legal protections for women in the case of domestic violence is a huge issue for human rights in Nicaragua. Studies estimate that one out of every two women in Nicaragua has experienced violence. Though a comprehensive law addressing gender-based violence was passed in 2012, many of the major advances in the law were overturned in subsequent years. In 2014, President Daniel Ortega issued a special decree shifting responsibility for the law’s implementation to the Ministry of the Family and mandated the establishment of neighborhood-based counseling as the first step to resolving “family conflict” prior to filing a legal complaint.
In 2016, this decree made it more difficult to access legal justice in cases of domestic abuse. The already under-resourced police units in charge of handling gender violence cases were shut down altogether. There is an emphasis on “family values” within Nicaraguan culture which makes it difficult for women to be taken seriously when coming forward with cases of domestic abuse. The actions of the government are only exacerbating the problem.
Indigenous Peoples’ Rights
In the past several years, there has been a wave of violent attacks against the Miskitos, the largest indigenous group on the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua. According to CEJUDHCAN, a non-governmental indigenous rights organization, 21 indigenous men have been killed since 2014 and dozens more wounded or kidnapped. Women have been raped, and armed men have attacked several villages. The Miskitos blame the attacks on settlers coming from other parts of the country. Thousands of Mestizos (Nicaraguans of Spanish descent) have moved into the rainforest, enticed by cheap, fertile land and timber and gold. Tensions have erupted into violence, and almost 3,000 Miskitos have fled their homes since 2015. The government’s failure to properly address this conflict has been a huge blight to human rights in Nicaragua.
The Miskitos say the government has done little to stop this violence. The army was only deployed once in December 2015, and once stationed, they did little else to help the locals. President Daniel Ortega has publicly backed the Miskitos’ right to their land but has initially denied any connection between the violence and the land conflict. The Miskitos accuse the president of only using the conflict for political gain around election time, and of taking no concrete action to protect the Miskitos or their land.
Mistreatment of Activists
The Nicaraguan government has been accused of unfairly targeting, detaining and deporting activists. In June 2016, six foreign environmental activists were detained and expelled from the country. There was a human rights hearing last year in regards to the killing of Francisco Garcia, whose family claims that he was targeted due to his wife’s work in the field of indigenous rights. His family alleges the government failed to diligently investigate the incident. Several other indigenous activists have reported cases of harassment and intimidation, with little response or support from authorities. Governmental targeting of activists leaves these citizens vulnerable and is a hindrance to human rights in Nicaragua.
In Nicaragua, the government is failing to protect the human rights of women and indigenous people. Activists are being unfairly targeted and left without legal protection. Without fair legislation and concrete action by the government, these groups will continue to struggle.
– Hannah Seitz
Photo: Flickr