Information and stories about human rights.

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Fragility and Rule of Law in Colombia 

Fragility and Rule of Law in Colombia
In international relations, the rule of law is a principle of governance that holds all parties, including the government itself, accountable to the same rules. Colombia, however, has faced challenges in fairly upholding this principle, leading to political instability and violence. This article will focus on the fragility and rule of law in Colombia. While significant progress has occurred in recent years, major challenges remain. Overcoming these challenges and strengthening the rule of law will require continued legislative reforms, domestic activism and sustained international support. Although an uphill battle, there is hope for Colombia’s legal system.

Understanding the Roots of the Problem

Colombia has a simple legal structure, featuring a legislative, executive and judicial branch. The country elects a president every four years. A Supreme Court (Corte Suprema de Justicia) establishes legal precedent, and a Constitution serves as the foundation for addressing the fragility and rule of law in Colombia. In theory, everything should function smoothly. However, corruption, dysfunction and inequality plague the judicial system. Several factors have contributed to these conditions:

  1. Armed Conflict: Since the 1960s, civil war among rebel guerrilla groups and right-wing paramilitary groups has ravaged Colombia. Millions have been displaced or murdered, and this five-decade-long conflict significantly weakened legal institutions and fostered criminal activity, particularly in rural areas.
  2. Organized Crime: Human trafficking, drug cartels and illegal economies thrive in Colombia. This activity fuels violence and significantly undermines state authority. 
  3. Government Corruption: Elected officials frequently accept bribes from cartels, rebels and businesses to manipulate the law. These powerful figures are rarely held accountable, perpetuating a cycle of inequality.
  4. Dysfunctional Judicial System: Colombia’s judicial system itself is inherently flawed. Understaffing leads to a majority of crimes going unpunished. Legal professionals often face large bribes or violent threats, hindering their ability to administer justice. Furthermore, most poverty-stricken areas lack access to adequate legal institutions.

Impact on Citizens

The fragility and rule of law in Colombia has had a debilitating effect on its citizens, as one can see through citizens distrust of their government and the widespread poverty that runs rampant. Here is information about how fragility and rule of law in Colombia has increased distrust and poverty.

  • Distrust in Government: The World Justice Project’s 2022 survey reveals some shocking opinions that Colombian citizens hold:
    • Only 22% believe government officials would be held accountable for breaking the law.
    • Only 27% of citizens feel that local government officials are elected fairly.
    • A staggering 88% believe that most or all members of Congress are corrupt.
    • Only 36% believe the judicial system is effective in prosecuting criminals.
    • Over 70% believe most or all legal officials are corrupt.
    • Only 26% feel the police act lawfully, and a mere 25% trust the police.
  • Poverty: Corruption significantly hinders development and exacerbates poverty. In fact, as reported by the U.S. Department of State, Colombia lost more than $115 million (meant for infrastructure) to bribes and kickbacks. This irresponsible usage of resources prevents the government from providing essential services to the public, disproportionately affecting poor citizens that rely on the assistance. Furthermore, according to the World Bank, 39.3% of Colombians lived below the national poverty line in 2022. Put simply, corruption wastes resources that could be used for poverty reduction programs, infrastructure development or education, further entrenching Colombia’s citizens in a cycle of poverty.

Progress Towards Equality

While the situation is challenging, the statistics above actually represent growth compared to previous years, particularly regarding perceptions of corruption. This indicates that, albeit slowly, Colombia is making strides toward stability.

Several factors have contributed to this progress, including legislative reforms and international efforts:

  • International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI): This group actively works to restructure the Colombian Judicial System. The IBAHRI has conducted fact-finding missions, provided training to judges and lawyers and advocated for legal reform.
  • Colombian Government: Technology is being implemented to streamline judicial processes. One example is the “Justicia XXI” program, which aims to digitize court records and implement electronic case management systems. 
  • The United States: Since 2017, the United States has donated roughly $1.5 billion to Colombia to assist in “peace accord implementation.” These programs have contributed to the resolution of civil war, reduction of poverty and a crackdown on drugs.
  • The World Bank: The World Bank has provided Colombia with two DPFs. A DPF (or a Development Policy Financing) is a type of loan/grant that aims to support poverty reduction. In Colombia, specifically, the money has gone towards the creation of policy that “improves fiscal sustainability, increases productivity and improves economic/social integration of migrants.” 
  • European Union: The European Union Trust Fund for Colombia, established in 2016, supports projects such as the Land Restitution Unit, which helps victims of armed conflict restore their territory, and the Rural Development Project, which looks to increase living standards in underserved regions of the country.
  • Legislative Reforms:

A Plan for the Future

To maintain this positive trajectory, Colombia will need to continue its anti-corruption campaign by continuing to reform the judicial system, implementing technology and expanding access to justice, particularly in rural and marginalized communities. Furthermore, the country needs to improve security measures, specifically by increasing police accountability and trustworthiness. In doing so, Colombia should be able to combat organized crime, one of the largest issues that the country faces. 

Although domestic reform is critical, Colombia cannot act alone. It will need support from the international community. Currently, the United States, the World Bank and the European Union all provide financial aid, and it would be beneficial for more institutions to follow suit. If Colombia can capitalize on international support, reduce corruption and reform its judicial system, a brighter future is within reach. The fragility and rule of law in Colombia will no longer be a burden, but a testament to peace, democracy and equality.

– Josh Weinstein

Josh is based in Chester Springs, PA, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Fragility and Rule of Law in Ukraine

Rule of Law in UkraineRussia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022 has strained the rule of law in Ukraine as the country navigates maintaining human rights and order amidst unprecedented challenges. While the invasion has caused the oppressive influence of the post-soviet Oligarchy to diminish with aid from Ukrainian President Zelenskyy’s introduction of the anti-oligarchy law in 2021, millions of people have sunk further into poverty due to key factors such as rising costs of basic resources, loss of livelihoods and forced displacement. The stability of civilian rights has become even more fragile, with more people falling into poverty and insecurity due to the state’s adoption of martial law to preserve overall national security.

Post-Soviet Rule of Law

The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought about the power of the Oligarchy, which due to the privatization of state-owned assets such as transport and utilities controlled a large majority of the political-economic landscape, using extra-legal methods to maintain severe monetary inequalities. Economic stagnation led to at least 30% of families living below the poverty line with heavily restricted access to health care and food security, creating a declining population.

At the turn of the century in 2000, Ukraine’s capital management and utilization improved and the economic output recovery was astounding; a rapid increase in labor activity resulted in a decrease in the poverty rate from 32% to 8% from 2001 to 2005, allowing the poverty rate to reach a stable plateau. However the power of the Oligarchs did not diminish and two revolutions followed; The Orange Revolution from 2004 to 2005 and The Revolution of Dignity in 2014, both sparked by political corruption traced back to the Oligarchs. 

Effects of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Rule of Law

Following the Kerch Strait incident in November 2018, Ukraine introduced martial law for 30 days and it has been in effect again since February 2022 due to the invasion of Russian forces. As Amnesty International outlined, martial law has a devastating impact on socioeconomic rights such as freedom of expression, violence against minority groups and the right to a healthy environment.

Personal liberties are under threat, with Ukrainian men aged from 18 to 60 unable to leave the country without special exemption and the conscription age reduced from 27 to 25 in April 2024 to support a larger military. Ukraine allows forced alienation of property and the use of enterprises’ facilities for the need of the state, providing compensation only upon presentation of correct documentation. The Ukrainian government also postponed the Parliamentary elections, which were due in late 2023, for as long as the country remains under martial law to preserve government stability.

Additionally, World Bank data reports that the percentage of Ukrainians living in poverty spiked from 5.5% to 24.1% in 2022 when the full-scale invasion began. This translates to a further 7.1 million people living in poverty, setting the country back 15 years of progress.

Organizations Working to Stabilize the Rule of Law

Despite infringements on civilian rights, positive steps are occurring to help those forced into poverty because of the conflict, alongside legal forces working to ensure that the government does not overstep its jurisdiction while operating under martial law. The World Bank’s PEACE project is helping essential public support services from the government continue. It has reached 15 million Ukrainians since 2022, providing wages for essential workers, pensions for the elderly and social programs for vulnerable individuals.

Amnesty International has also recently launched a campaign to end war crimes against Ukrainians in Russian captivity, detailing that since the invasion in 2022, thousands of Ukrainian POWs (prisoners of war) have experienced detainment or torture. The campaign is still currently in its grassroots stages, however has gained the support of more than 100 former POWs and relatives of POWs, calling for messages to Russian authorities to end the widespread abuse of captive Ukrainians.

Furthermore, The International Bar Association reports that Ukraine as of late 2024 has been formally granted to join the International Criminal Court (ICC), having sworn in 250 judges at an oath-taking ceremony aimed at abolishing remaining corruptive forces and strengthening the rule of law in Ukraine within the current state of martial law.

Closing Remarks

The rule of law in Ukraine is currently in a delicate position, with the Russo-Ukrainian war and the introduction of martial law causing numerous setbacks in their post-soviet socioeconomic progression towards a stronger economy and a reduced poverty rate. However, the events have catalyzed hugely positive changes that have eroded the long-standing corruption within the government dating back to the Soviet era. The Russo-Ukrainian war is still in a volatile state and at the height of violence hitherto, however, the steps taken by the key nonprofit and legal institutions will prove pivotal in allowing for further progression and protection of civil liberties within Ukraine’s current compromised state of martial law and conflict.

– Helena Pryce

Helena is based in Nottingham, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikipedia Commons

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Everything You Need to Know About Poverty in Myanmar 

Poverty in MyanmarMyanmar, also known as Burma, is a republic in Southeast Asia. Stretching from the foothills of the Himalayas to the Thai-Malay peninsula, the region is populated with more than 135 officially recognized ethnic groups (and numerous others). The National League for Democracy’s historic election in 2015 marked the country’s first civilian government after more than 50 years of military rule. Yet, this experiment with democracy was short-lived, as a military coup in 2021 has since plunged the state into a multifaceted conflict and humanitarian crisis. Today, poverty in Myanmar is worsening significantly. A third of the population requires humanitarian aid, and internally displaced people are the most vulnerable.

Crumbling Infrastructure 

The conflict’s impact varies across the states but has reversed years of poverty reduction efforts. In 2018, the government launched the Myanmar Sustainable Development Plan to encourage liberal trade policies, fund infrastructure projects and create more equitable access to markets, information, technology, education and health care. This plan recognized the importance of democratic principles, environmental sustainability and stability in directly addressing the key drivers of poverty.

Warfare has stifled this progress. In particular, the military junta’s scorched-earth tactics to crush actors have damaged civilian access to necessary resources, including health care, medicine, energy and food. Infrastructure destruction continues to isolate communities from economic opportunities and essential services. According to the World Bank, poverty rates have surged from 24.8% in 2017 to approximately 49.7% in 2023.

The humanitarian situation is dire: armed groups damaged 333 health care facilities between January and December 2024; food insecurity affects 15.2 million people; and more than half of the children of internally displaced people, returnees or stateless people can not access formal education. These factors combine to entrench intergenerational cycles of poverty in Myanmar.

Resource Wealth and Corruption

Natural resources dominate Myanmar’s economy, accounting for 43% of economic activity through agriculture, livestock, fisheries and forestry. The country also has significant mining and natural gas industries, with gas comprising 40% of exports. Kachin State produces most of the world’s jade, valued at up to $31 billion in 2014 — half of Myanmar’s GDP.

Despite this immense wealth potential, narrow interests can exploit weak institutions and absent checks and balances to the detriment of the local community. In Kachin, a mosaic of ethnonationalist conflict predates the 2021 coup. The Kachin Independence Army, one of the largest armed ethnic organizations, has fought for regional autonomy since 1961. This has created “war economies” where resource extraction is used to sustain the groups’ survival by maintaining a complex web of alliances and interests rather than supporting development. Despite generating billions in jade revenue, 37.4% of locals in the northern region live below the poverty line.

Human Rights Abuses 

Human rights violations — including torture, illegal killings and collective punishment — characterize the conflict. Both the military junta and opposing factions share responsibility, with civilian recruitment blurring combatant lines.

In many states, armed violence and abuses predate the coup — the Rakhine being a notorious example. The previous civilian government’s genocide against the Rohingya forced approximately 1 million people to flee to Bangladesh, while more than 140,000 remain in camps. Those remaining live under apartheid-like conditions, with restricted movement and limited access to healthcare, education and livelihoods.

These abuses directly perpetuate poverty in Myanmar. Displacement separates people from land and livelihoods; trauma impairs earning capacity; restricted movement prevents market access; and property destruction eliminates savings — creating persistent poverty traps across generations.

Humanitarian Response to Address Poverty in Myanmar

Humanitarian aid is crucial for Myanmar’s vulnerable populations. As Western governments reduce development assistance, the sector faces uncertainty. Recent policy changes under the Trump administration have refocused attention on reform initiatives like The Grand Bargain and Charter for Change, which emphasize locally driven aid. 

The Joint Strategy Team in Kachin and Northern Shan State is one local actor that has led humanitarian efforts in the Kachin State since the re-eruption of conflict in 2011. It is an intermediary body comprised of faith-based and community organizations like the Kachin Relief and Development Committee (KRDC), Kachin Women Association (KWA) and the Bridging Rural Integrated Development and Grassroot Empowerment (BRIDGE). Its 10 governing leaders have demonstrated the success of relevant, flexible and decentralized decision-making. Since August 2021, it has directed foreign-aid funding from the Livelihoods and Food Security Fund (LIFT) and the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office to respond to instability and crisis – supporting more than 200,000 internally displaced people as of July 2023.

This localization offers hope for more effective poverty reduction. Local organizations better understand community needs, can access areas international actors cannot and often deliver aid more cost-effectively. However, armed conflict, bureaucratic obstacles and targeted violence of humanitarian infrastructure create significant challenges. Myanmar has one of the world’s most underfunded humanitarian response plans. Donors have provided only 34% of the funding for the 2024 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan, leaving 1.4 million people deprived of the assistance they need.

The Future of Addressing Poverty in Myanmar

Addressing poverty in Myanmar requires conflict resolution, governance reforms, infrastructure rebuilding, economic diversification and social protection systems. Until political stability returns, supporting locally led humanitarian initiatives provides the best path to mitigate extreme hardship while building foundations for recovery. Sustainable poverty reduction ultimately depends on achieving inclusive peace.

– Bijal Manoj Daialal

Bijal is based in Leicester, UK and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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Higher Education in North Korea

Higher Education in North KoreaWhen it comes to global poverty, it is upon that a focus on education is key for increased sustainability in developing countries. There are many initiatives in place across the globe from UNICEF and the United Nations that aim to promote access to higher education in many low- and middle-income countries. In fact, about $12.2 billion USD of global aid has been dispersed to education initiatives in developing nations in 2022-23. There are many cases for the importance of access to higher education, and it is an important focus for those who fight global poverty. One of the world’s most impoverished nations, The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), has some of the harshest educational restrictions. Higher education in North Korea is a spectacle but remains an underrated focus for the fight against extreme poverty.

There are many misconceptions about North Korea, and it can be difficult to remember that The Hermit Kingdom is one of the most mysterious places on Earth. While it is true that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is a dictatorship, it is important to remember that North Korean citizens are, in fact, people. Access to an equal education on the basis of merit remains a human right and when those rights are violated, it is the duty of wealthy nations to protect those rights.

Equal Opportunity Education

While North Korean literacy rates are at an astonishing 100%, education is not a right in North Korea. Higher education in North Korea is for only those at the top of the songbun, a caste system. The DPRK divides citizens into 51 social classes, with three primary castes known as Hostile Wavering and Core. Songbun status directly affects everything in North Korea and is based on qualifications such as familial ties to South Korea, physical appearance, disability, and, of course, loyalty to the Kim regime.

One North Korean defector, Ms. Kim Chong-kum, reflects on how her level in the songbun hurt her chance at higher education in North Korea in a 2001 interview. Allegedly, her grandfather fled to South Korea during the War, and she had known from a young age that she would never advance academically, no matter how hard she tried. She wanted to be a teacher and dreamed of attending the revered Kim Il Sung University, though she had given up by the time of her graduation. She went into construction.

Higher Songbun and Higher Education in North Korea

While less than a third of the country has access to higher education in North Korea, there is no promise that someone receive entrance. Privilege to apply does not mean right to acceptance. While only Core families (of which make up about 28% of the population) can apply for colleges in the DPRK, an application alone does not mean that a student will receive an acceptance. Students in Pyongyang, North Korea’s capital city and reserved only for those of the highest social standing, have all spoken of the high competition and low acceptance rates of colleges, especially Kim Il Sung University.

What Occurs in North Korean Universities?

Many call North Korea The Hermit Kingdom as it has restricted access to the internet, as well as limited and controlled domestic and foreign student interaction, which has led to a significant lack of information about what exactly goes on inside of higher education institutions in North Korea.

Documentarians, who sometimes receive special permissions, often experience heavy censoring and threats when recording footage. BBC’s Rupert Wingfield-Hayes learned he would not be able to leave campus unless he deleted footage that authorities deemed disrespectful or offensive. As outsiders, there is more information about what North Korean education lacks than includes, other than extensive history and knowledge of the Kim Regime, worshipping the family as Gods. Mi-ran, a defector who had gone through university and taught at schools, did not know how children were conceived at the age of 26, but had learned that being North Korean is a blessing and that the ruling family are religious figures.

Those who are loyal to the regime, garner exceptional grades and accolades, and have incredible songbun, receive the most privileges during their higher education in North Korea, including leaving the country. A man by the name of Hyunseung Lee went to Kim Il Sung University and served in the military, and he and his family received access to Beijing in 2014. One of the rarest opportunities, the regime fears defection or any external influence, as the citizens with the most access to North Korea’s inner workings are the most dangerous to run away. Hyunseung Lee’s family escaped during their stay in China, and soon later his uncle had been sent to a prison camp while his hostage family begged for him to return on state media. The year 2024 was the next time students had travel opportunities through an exchange program with Russia. 

Many North Koreans Cannot Access Higher Education

Not only does 70% of the DPRK lack the opportunity to apply to some form of higher education, but the patriarchal okwa, members of the Central Worker’s Party, recruit many middle and high school girls in the Core class to serve the Kim family, which includes sexual slavery. Education and poverty are increasingly gender biased in many patriarchal countries, and North Korea is not an exception to the harsh conditions girls and women face, including exclusion from education opportunity.

The Choson Exchange

Singapore-based North Korean rights group Choson Exchange is one of the few NGOs allowed through the borders of the DPRK. Aimed at those who are in schools in North Korea, Chosen Exchange works directly with the North Korean government to aid and uplift those who want to be entrepreneurs, as North Koreans themselves understand how education can promote economic growth. Working in country with webinars and lectures, North Korean students are even selected to leave the country, allowing them an actual look into the outside world. This includes a large number of female students in North Korea, as the organization originated when Yale student Geoffrey See visited Pyongyang during his studies and met a young woman who dreamed of owning a business.

Since 2007, more than 500 North Koreans in country have accessed foreign cultural exchanges and an important dialogue has begun regarding the Hermit Kingdom’s links to the outside world. It has been five years since the program stopped working in North Korea due to the closure of its borders in response to COVID-19. However, it pivoted to online education efforts and will likely resume operations in the country following the lift on COVID-19 travel restrictions.

Looking Ahead

It can be hard to feel hopeful when North Korea does not allow any humanitarian aid, but demands for increased access to education for North Koreans is an important step. Organizations like Choson Exchange are working tirelessly inside of the country to remind the citizens that there is hope, even when it is harder to notice.

– Isaiah Rice

Isaiah is based in Ottawa, ON, Canada and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Global Human Rights: Strengthening UN Support to Save Lives

Global Human RightsSeptember 2024 is the month when world leaders and diplomats from around the world gather in New York City, New York, to discuss a variety of global issues ranging from conflict to poverty to education, among many others. From September 22-30, the whole world will be watching as world leaders address international challenges, such as eliminating nuclear weapons and antimicrobial resistance, in summits and high-level meetings in an effort to fulfill the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

Overall, the theme of the 79th session of the U.N. General Assembly is “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations.” Despite the positive aspiration in the theme, reports from U.N. agencies within the last year show that there has not been stronger U.N. support recently.

Institutional Issues Within the UN System

The U.N. system is facing internal institutional challenges, resulting mainly from funding shortages and inadequate support for its efforts to help vulnerable communities in places such as Gaza and Mali. In fact, on August 30, 2024, the acting Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator stated that as the number of humanitarian emergencies increases, a shortage of funding hinders them from “reaching people who need life-saving assistance.”

Although agencies such as the World Food Programme (WFP) and the U.N. Refugee Agency (UNHCR) have been implementing innovative solutions to difficult issues, countries are not providing the stronger U.N. support needed to make these solutions work on a larger scale. This highlights a lack of commitment from the international community to protect and preserve global human rights values.

More Funding Equals More Lives Saved

The main obstacle to the U.N.’s humanitarian work is the lack of adequate funding for its critical life-saving operations. The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) at the U.N. has stated that of the $49 billion needed to reach at least 187 million people who need assistance the most, it only received 29% of the funds.

As of August 30, 2024, the countries whose emergency operations are deemed underfunded include Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Honduras, Lebanon, Niger, Sudan and Syria. Although OCHA was able to assist these countries via its emergency response funds, stronger financial support is still needed to ensure that OCHA can reach as many vulnerable communities as possible around the world.

Funding Innovation in Humanitarian Aid

As humanitarian aid becomes more difficult and complex, U.N. agencies have decided to find new ways to overcome obstacles and deliver more life-saving assistance than before, including digital data-sharing between agencies. For example, UNHCR has a database on digital registration, identity management and case management called PRIMES. In contrast, WFP has one on digital beneficiary information and transfer management called SCOPE.

Thus, in an effort to enhance their aid operations, UNHCR and WFP created a joint database combining both PRIMES and SCOPE called PING that helps both agencies transfer data safely and efficiently. Therefore, if the international community provides stronger U.N. support via more funds, it will enable U.N. agencies to innovate their life-saving operations further.

Strengthening Global Human Rights

The needs and innovations of U.N. agencies highlight the urgent need for stronger support from countries worldwide. With the rise in global conflicts and crises, the number of vulnerable people requiring life-saving aid has grown, outpacing the U.N.’s current funding capabilities. Although U.N. agencies have been implementing the necessary reforms that enhanced their life-saving operations, such as inter-agency digital data sharing, more monetary support is needed for them to implement more innovative reforms.

– Abdullah Dowaihy

Abdullah is based in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia and focuses on Technology and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Russian Minorities in Estonia and Latvia: Combating Discrimination

Russian Minorities in Estonia and LatviaEstonia, which gained independence following the 1991 fall of the Soviet Union, is still home to a large Russian minority, composing around a quarter of the population. In Latvia, another post-Soviet Baltic state, a similar percentage of the population is ethnically Russian. Russian minorities in Estonia and Latvia face language barriers and discrimination that exacerbate poverty among these communities.

Citizenship and Language

Many Russian-speaking residents of Estonia do not have citizenship. According to data from 2017, 19% of ethnic Russians living in Estonia are non-citizens. This, combined with Estonian language requirements, makes it harder for Russians living in Estonia to find work and housing, and to benefit from social services. As a result of these factors, 24.6% of ethnic Russians in Estonia are at risk of poverty, compared with just 18.9% of Estonians, according to 2019 data.

In Latvia, Russian language education will be phased out by 2025 under a recent law that received criticism from the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). A similar law has also been enacted in Estonia, with similar criticism from the OHCHR.

Discrimination: A Political Talking Point

Importantly, the Russian government has often used the alleged discrimination of Russian minorities within post-Soviet countries as a political talking point. Indeed, this was one of Putin’s justifications for the 2014 annexation of Crimea and the 2022 invasion of Ukraine., according to the Centre for East European and International Studies (ZOIS).

However, this does not detract from the legitimacy of such anti-Russian discrimination when it does occur. There is a danger that anti-Russian ginned up in the wake of Russia’s ongoing war with Ukraine could exacerbate existing issues of inequality and discrimination within Latvia and Estonia. A survey conducted in the immediate aftermath of the 2022 invasion found that 40% of those residing in Latvia agreed that attitudes towards the country’s Russians were worsening, ZOIS reports.

Estonian-Russian Language Group

Started in 2012, Keelengrupp is an informal grassroots community group that offers free Estonian and Russian language classes in a relaxed and informal setting. The organization serves the dual purpose of helping Russian speakers overcome language barriers while also helping to build bridges across communities.

It organizes meetings through the Keelengrupp Facebook group and often revolves around leisure activities such as playing board games or watching movies, according to Cambridge University Press. Such activities allow for civic, multicultural, and multilingual exchange in an otherwise stratified society, while also helping Russian speakers acquire the Estonian language skills necessary to succeed professionally and financially.

Promoting the Russian Language in Estonia

Founded in 1996, the Latvian Association for the Support of Schools with Instruction in Russian (LASHOR) focuses on promoting Russian language education in Latvia. LASHOR has been an outspoken critic of Latvia’s recent restrictions on Russian education, speaking up on the topic during the 15th session of the U.N. Forum on Minority Issues in Geneva in 2022. It has also advocated for the adoption of the Law on Educational Institutions of National Minorities, which would seek to provide opportunities for studying the languages of national minorities. As of April 2021, nearly 5,000 people have signed the LASHOR petition in support of the proposed law.

Despite the challenges Russian minorities in Estonia and Latvia face, grassroots organizations and groups are working to overcome the language-based segregation of Russian speakers through community building and language learning. Going forward, the goal is that this community-based approach will better enable disadvantaged Russians to navigate Estonian and Latvian society, with the eventual hope of also bringing about changes to government policy.

– Josephine Koch

Josephine is based in Grand Marais, MI, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Cage Homes in Hong Kong

Cage Homes in Hong KongIn a hidden corner of Hong Kong, one of the “Four Asian Tigers” with the most developed Asian economy, more than 220,000 people live in “subdivided flats“—a delicate term for cramped living spaces measuring just 4 by 4 by 6 feet. Historically, the British colonial administration introduced the Small House Policy in 1972 to expand Hong Kong’s territories. This policy, which the post-handover Hong Kong government has maintained, has limited land availability for nonindigenous residents.

As a result, the limited land availability has driven the creation of smaller living units. Property developers have responded to the demand for affordable housing by continuously downsizing unit areas. The city’s mountainous terrain also restricts development space, with 75% of the territory comprising green spaces or protected country parks.

Simon’s Story

Simon had lived in a 12-square-foot “cage home” for eight years. As a retiree, he has given up hope of securing public housing, where the waiting list stretches five years and includes more than 100,000 families. He receives $867 a month from the government. After paying $330 for rent, the remaining amount is too scanty to support him until the end of the month.

These tiny living spaces, often no larger than 20 square feet, are cramped and used for living and storage, providing barely enough room for one person. They frequently fail to meet safety regulations, have poor insulation, receive little maintenance and can significantly impact tenants’ physical and psychological well-being.

Nutritional Crisis in Cage Homes in Hong Kong

A recent study by Crystal Ying Chan, a research assistant professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, found that children living in these units face higher risks of food insecurity and nutrient deficiencies. In a survey of 469 “cage home” families, 25% of children aged 6 to 8 were overweight or obese, nearly double the citywide average of 13%. Additionally, almost one in four children from infancy to age 17 were underweight, compared to the citywide average of one in a hundred. Moreover, children in half of the surveyed households had experienced food insecurity in the past year.

Solutions

Many projects and institutes are working to support people living in cage homes in Hong Kong. A program led by Crystal Ying Chan has partnered with a team of nurses, social workers and dietitians to deliver food and care services to residents of subdivided flats. Chan’s community intervention model aims to offer essential services directly to these families, reducing their reliance on an overburdened health care sector and overcoming language and cultural barriers foreign workers face. This model emphasizes grassroots experiences and tailors support to each family’s unique circumstances.

Furthermore, to address the housing crisis, the Hong Kong government has planned the development of a Northern Metropolis near the China border, which aims to provide housing for 2.5 million people. Additionally, city officials have pledged to prevent developers from constructing extremely small homes, specifically those less than 200 square feet.

Final Note on Cage Homes in Hong Kong

Cage homes in Hong Kong reveal serious housing challenges, with more than 220,000 people living in spaces as small as 12 square feet. This leads to significant health issues and food insecurity, especially among children. While community support and government plans for new developments offer hope, substantial challenges persist until these solutions are fully implemented.

– Cindy Hong

Cindy is based in Milpitas, CA, USA and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Anirban Helping Trafficking Survivors in Bangladesh

Trafficking Survivors in BangladeshBangladesh is the sixth largest migrant-sending country. Bangladeshi workers migrate to India, Maldives, the Middle East, Pakistan and Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand. Migrant workers from Bangladesh consist of low or unskilled workers. Middlemen and private recruitment agencies arrange for the migration process. Bangladeshi workers are subject to high migration fees and repay loans obtained from recruiters. This forces them to overstay visas and makes them vulnerable to trafficking, according to the U.S. Department of State.

Trafficking in Bangladesh

Women and children can be subject to recruitment fraud. Traffickers promise jobs to these vulnerable groups and exploit them in sex trafficking upon arrival at the location. According to the U.S. Department of State, 40% of Bangladeshi children become victims of sex trafficking victims and face exploitation abroad. Men are subject to forced labor. Forms of labor exploitation include discrepancies in wages or work hours, low or unpaid wages and fraudulent contracts. The U.S. Department of State report has shown passport retention, physical abuse and death due to inadequate protections in working environments.

The reason why these groups of people become vulnerable to exploitation stems from debt-based coercion, absence of adequate legal protection, lack of formal contracts and homelessness. Children become subject to hazardous forms of child labour and serve as collateral for their parents’ loans. Traffickers tempt rural people with alleged good employment opportunities and ultimately become victims of exploitation, the U.S. Department of State reports.

Helping Trafficking Survivors in Bangladesh

Anirban (the flame that never dies), is Bangladesh’s first trafficking survivors’ group. Founded in 2011 with the help of Winrock International, an NGO based in the United States, and USAID, Anirban continues to actively advocate for the rights of trafficking survivors in Bangladesh. Survivors manage Anirban groups and take the lead in helping other trafficking survivors in Bangladesh to build self-confidence and identity. Under the USAID Fight Slavery and Trafficking activity (2021-2026), Winrock International has supported them to become a nationally registered, self-sustaining organization that continues to advocate for the needs of these survivors.

Anirban groups work toward changing public perception of these trafficking survivors in Bangladesh, especially the stigmatization of trafficked people as victims. Sessions and meetings take place in schools with civil society organizations, journalists, the local government and survivors. The main agenda for these sessions is to promote human rights, women’s rights and “safe migration days” for the people, according to Winrock International.

The Flame That Never Dies

Saiful Islam’s story continues to inspire many individuals. An active member at Anirban, Saiful uses his experience as a cautionary tale to spread awareness of the hardships of migrants. Due to being unable to find a job and subsequently being unable to support his family and falling victim to poverty, Saiful began looking for jobs abroad. He comes across a job in Singapore with a two-year contract and a monthly salary of $1,600, Winrock International reports.

The recruiters receive a lump sum amount from Saiful to emigrate to Singapore. Saiful experiences severe hardships in Singapore. He does not secure a published job, does not receive his salary and faces threats. It is only after one year abroad he can return to Bangladesh. Saiful’s woes do not end. He no longer has a job, has lost his family property and has no money.

Through the support from the Bangladesh Counter Trafficking-in-Persons project, funded by USAID and implemented by Winrock International, he was able to get back on his feet. As a member of Anirban, he conducts outreach efforts and spreads awareness about the risks of child marriage and its illegality in Bangladesh. In cases where families are in entanglements with traffickers or suspected traffickers, Saiful guides these communities to develop practical alternatives and solutions. He emphasizes the importance of education and helps trafficking survivors in Bangladesh with social and support programs. Saiful is a beacon of hope for the trafficking survivors in Bangladesh. He uses his funds to support migrants in Bangladesh. With Saiful’s funds, he has been able to help 13 vulnerable families and uplift them from having the same plight as himself, according to Winrock International.

Looking Forward

The work of Anirban continues to be exemplary. The focus on participatory action research ensures addressing the needs of victims of child marriage and human trafficking. The continuous promotion and conversation on safe migration and survivor reintegration within these communities contribute to an effective bottom-up systemic change. Survivor networks have been effective in leading changes in local conditions such as poverty, which drive vulnerable groups to the risk of exploitation.

– Caren Thomas

Caren is based in Dubai, United Arab Emirates and focuses on Good News and Technology for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Child Human Rights Defenders in Brazil

Child Human Rights Defenders in BrazilFounded in 1991, the Committee on the Rights of the Child oversees the implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The Convention’s Preamble advocates for raising children in a spirit of peace, dignity, tolerance, freedom, equality and solidarity. Every two years in Geneva, the Committee conducts a Day of General Discussion (DGD) focusing on children’s issues related to the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Child Human Rights Defenders play a significant role in these discussions. The Defenders bring attention to the practical applications of the Convention in their lives and communities.

2018 Day of General Discussion Focus

In 2018, the Committee on the Rights of the Child’s Day of General Discussion (DGD) centered on protecting and empowering children as human rights defenders. This first global discussion in 2018 significantly raised awareness and understanding of the roles and activities of child human rights defenders. It established a clear definition of a child human rights defender and laid the groundwork for state obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child regarding these defenders. In addition, this 2018 initiative marked a phenomenal achievement: 60 children attended the DGD in person. It also featured the online participation of more than 800 individuals worldwide. The efforts of the DGD brought to light the experiences of children serving as human rights defenders.

Child Human Rights Defenders in Brazil

According to Child Human Rights Defenders (CHRDs), a child human rights defender is a child who takes action to promote, protect and fulfill human rights, including children’s rights.

  • Camila Moradia. A recipient of the Front Line Defenders Award for Human Rights Defenders at Risk in the Americas region in 2021, has been a child human rights defender in Brazil since she was 5 years old. Camila joined her mother in advocating for women’s rights and participated in social projects developed by the State Government of Rio de Janeiro. She also championed housing rights in the Alemão complex, advocating for 1,300 families. In 2015, she founded Women in Action in Alemão (MEAA). MEAA’s mission focuses on ending violence against women, empowering women and their families, strengthening their autonomy and ensuring basic rights. Additionally, the organization has successfully supported more than 400 women in Complexo do Alemão, a slum in Rio de Janeiro.
  • Gabriel. A 16-year-old child human rights defender emphasizes the absence of effective addressal of violence within schools. The pressure on children to sit, listen and remain silent diminishes the participation of children. This leads to the systematic absence of incorporating human rights education in the school curricula. 
  • Melissa. A 17-year-old child human rights defender highlights the importance of digital media for communicating useful information. Young individuals gather together to discuss matters concerning public policy-making. These discussions allowed these child human rights defenders in Brazil to highlight the need for new hospitals and to increase the employment of new teachers. This good practice provides feedback to the Government in Brazil from child human rights defenders in Brazil.
  • Mary Lawlor. The U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, during her official country visit to Brazil, recognizes the gross violations against human rights defenders in Brazil. Human rights defenders in Brazil seeking dignity and pursuing justice are subject to denial and destruction. Mary Lawlor commends them on the level of resilience and solidarity that these human rights defenders show despite facing extreme violence and inequality.

Support for Child Human Rights Defenders in Brazil

Set up in 1983, Child Rights Connect has played an instrumental role in influencing child rights developments across the world. Some of its notable achievements include the participation of more than 200 children, child rights experts and practitioners, 74% being girls and women, to assess the obstacles faced by child rights movements and how to tackle these ongoing challenges. 

Child Rights Connect has empowered children worldwide to actively report to the U.N. Committee on the Rights of the Child. Additionally, 93% of civil society actors have reported that the technical assistance provided by Child Rights Connect has been extremely useful in connecting them with human rights mechanisms.

Contribution of the Alana Institute

The Alana Institute aims to create an equal, inclusive and plural world for children and established the Alana Center in 1994. Over the past 27 years, the center has actively engaged with local government and community stakeholders to focus on the development of children and families. This involvement, along with investments in socio-economic and geographic studies and collaborations with social actors such as residents and public agencies, has significantly improved the quality of life in the community.

Child Rights Connect and the Alana Institute have joined hands to improve the situation of child human rights defenders in Brazil. Empowering child human rights defenders in Brazil, engaging in a safe and sustainable promotion of human rights, engaging with the concerned authorities for effective recognition and providing support for the work of the child human rights defenders in Brazil is of principal focus.

Looking Ahead

The 2018 Day of General Discussion by the Committee on the Rights of the Child significantly raised awareness about child human rights defenders. Additionally, discussions defined their roles and the state’s obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Efforts by organizations like Child Rights Connect and the Alana Institute in Brazil highlight the ongoing commitment to empower these young defenders. Through initiatives that support education, digital communication and policy feedback, these organizations are helping children advocate for their rights and improve their communities.

– Caren Thomas

Caren is based in Dubai, UAE and focuses on Good News and Technology for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Human Rights Abuses in the DRC for Mining Gains

Human Rights Abuses in the DRC
The mining industry proves essential for the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) economy. The DRC boasts 70% of the world’s cobalt, roughly 3.5 million metric tons of cobalt reserves. This amount has attracted foreign investors who see the potential of the resources, but it has also led to unfortunate human rights abuses in the DRC. 

Though foreign direct investment should be beneficial to any nation, historically, investment in the mining industry has had a negative impact on the DRC for a number of reasons. These reasons include human rights abuses in the DRC as the profit-seeking companies are forcefully displacing Congolese people from their homes. Action on the part of the Congolese government is lacking as human rights abuses in the DRC continue due to mining activities. The Borgen Project spoke with Marie Mujinga, a Masisi, North Kivu resident, who witnessed first-hand these human rights abuses in the DRC taking place around the mines.

Companies Exploiting and Violating Rights

International companies that have had or still have a significant stake in the DRC’s mining industry include the Compagnie Miniere de Musonoie Global SAS (COMMUS). China owns 72% of the COMMUS company shares and the DRC owns the other 28%. Then, there is Metalkol SA, owned fully by Luxemburg. Canada owns 39.6% of Kamoa Copper SA while China owns 39.6% and the DRC owns 20%. Various global companies have taken their place in the DRC’s mining industry, but this has come with consequences.

In 2022, in two separate instances, Amnesty International and the Initiative for Good Governance and Human Rights (IBGDH) interviewed 133 people at six mining projects in Kolwezi. These individuals reported being forcibly evicted and threatened to leave their homes without sufficient money to relocate to new locations.

Another example is COMMUS’ involvement in the DRC. Since 2015, COMMUS has demolished various homes in Kolezwi, where 39,000 people live for mining purposes. COMMUS claims it gave adequate compensation packages above market prices, but the displaced citizens disagree. The Vice President of Zijin Mining Group, the Chinese company involved in COMMUS, wrote a letter to Mark Dummett and Donat Kambola, activists from Amnesty International and IBGDH, in May 2023. The letter said COMMUS is “committed to mining for a better society” and “to promote the protection of human rights and the wellbeing of the people.” The stories of Congolese citizens paint a different picture, as mining companies have violated their rights in pursuit of mining goals.

Child Labor 

Child labor is also a pressing issue in the mining industry. Masisi resident Marie Mujinga describes the human rights abuses she has witnessed. Masisi is home to the Rubaya mines, the largest producer of coltan, a mineral, in the country. The DRC also is the biggest producer of coltan globally. Coltan is used in mobile phones, meaning this area attracts many foreign investors, such as technology companies. 

Mujinga says that, in Masisi, international forces and companies, local gangs and neighboring countries like Rwanda and Uganda have involved themselves in mining activities. “They’ve used small children as [young] as five or six to go into the mines to get gold, titanium and coltan as they know children are cheap labor.” 

Impoverished children have no choice because their little money from this adds to the household income. Mujinga says she knows many kids who went underground and died due to the dangerous working conditions. For example, Mujinga noted, “A lot of these mines have water inside of them. The children have to go in dirty water inside the mining caves barefooted and unprotected. This is where they catch bacterial-related diseases such as typhoid, cholera and diarrhea.” Not only children but also adults would go through the same ordeal, Mujinga adds.

Preventative Measures

People internationally have noticed the suffering and abuses of children and others that mining has exploited. In July 2023, a bill was introduced into the U.S. House to ban “imported products containing minerals critical to electric vehicle batteries but mined through child labor and other abusive conditions in Congo,” AP News reported. “The measure also would require the president to identify and impose sanctions, including visa and transaction prohibitions, on foreign actors who facilitate and exploit child labor in Congo,” AP News says.

This step is significant and will hopefully help promote safer methods of mining. The U.S. is a big market that companies may lose if they continue using exploitative methods. This change can also influence other countries to take similar actions. In the U.K., Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park, while Minister of State for Overseas Territories, Commonwealth, Energy, Climate and Environment at the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office, said in 2022 that the U.K. is working with international partners to help prevent illicit mining 

Many parties are still trying to get the most out of DRC’s natural mineral resources regardless of who gets hurt. International companies are not the only organizations involved in the abuses of miners and children. Internal forces have been mining for their gain at the expense of their people. This policy creates further issues in trying to help prevent human rights abuses for mining from internal and external bodies. International bodies have tried to highlight theming-related human rights issues, with Amnesty International and IBGDH spotlighting unethical and exploitative companies working in the DRC. Similar human rights abuses can be prevented on a larger scale if such work continues. 

– Christelle Wealth-Mukendi
Photo: Flickr