Archive for category: Politics

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Syria’s Infrastructure Crisis: Health, Education, Jobs and Energy

Syria's infrastructure crisisSyria slumped into a period of turmoil far before the fall of Assad. However, it continues to struggle despite the inception of the interim regime. Health care infrastructure, education, general employment and the energy sector have been downtrodden for years. The long-term effects of such a catastrophe have begun to compound. While significant efforts have been made to revive Syria’s infrastructure crisis, the consequence of their existence remains a consistent conflict.

Health Care

According to UNICEF, “Half of the primary health care system in Syria remains offline. Two out of five sub-districts do not have functional primary health care facilities.” As of February 2025, more than 40% of Syria’s hospitals and more than 60% of primary health care facilities are offline. According to the U.N., as of December 2024, two million people live in Aleppo, yet fewer than eight hospitals remain operable.

On top of that, only around 20,000 medical staff are left in Syria. This leaves the ratio of health care workers to patients at 2.4 per 1,000, as opposed to the international standard of 4.5 per 1,000. Moreover, Al Jazeera has reported that there are currently more than five million people in Syria living with cancer. However, there are only three oncologists throughout the entire nation.

The hospitals remaining in operation are consistently full and hundreds of names are withering on waitlists waiting to receive prosthetics. Most health care facilities in northern Syria do not possess the equipment necessary to perform intensive surgeries, let alone have access to cancer and heart disease medication.

As of April, the Aid Fund for Syria reported distributing more than $18 million to support health care projects in northern Syria. The funding has assisted more than 65 medical facilities serving 1.9 million people, trained about 2,000 health care workers and contributed to more than 863,000 consultations.

Education and Employment

UNICEF stated that one in three schools in Syria has either been damaged, decimated, converted to military installations or repurposed into civilian shelters. Thousands of educators have fled the country and nearly half of all children ages 5-17 do not attend school. Despite these figures, UNICEF reported in June that 365,000 children had received educational support and 27,000 teachers were trained across all 14 governorates.

Regardless, many of these children may still join the ranks of their compatriots, 37% of whom were unemployed as of June 2024, with 85% facing disguised unemployment, according to the BBC. However, that number may rise as the new regime announced the public sector will require only 550,000–600,000 employees, less than half its previous size. While mass layoffs have not yet occurred, many workers have already been placed on leave.

According to the Tahir Institute, the remaining employees will receive a 200% salary rise, bringing the average monthly wage to $68, just above the poverty line. In March, it was estimated that a family of five living in Damascus would require monthly earnings totaling $666. Of course, this also relates to the depreciation of the Syrian pound. From 2019 to 2024, the currency fell by more than 3,680% against the U.S. dollar, coupled with a rise in inflation. However, it also rose when Assad’s regime collapsed. However, it’s feared that this boost will be temporary.

While progress is made in small amounts, it is still made. In May, the International Labor Organization (ILO) reported implementing the Employment-Intensive Investment Program, which has created short-term jobs in infrastructure rehabilitation; in Aleppo, 140 jobs were generated through this system.

Energy

According to the Tahir Institute, overall infrastructure repair for Syria is estimated to cost between $250 billion and $400 billion. However, Reuters reports that the electrical grid will only cost the nation around $11 billion. Since the start of the civil war, energy production has reduced by 80%, partly because 70% of power plants and electrical lines are damaged. As of October 2024, more than 50% of Syria’s electrical grid is offline.

Power has long been rationed to less than four hours per day for those still connected. Setting aside structural damage, the main factor in this equation is a lack of oil and gas. Syrian Minister of Electricity Ghassan al-Zamel reported that while the ministry requires 23 million cubic meters of gas daily, it receives only 6.5 million. Similarly, only 4,500 of the 10,000 tons of fuel required per day are available.

Moreover, under Assad, the regime had developed plans to install 2,500 megawatts of solar energy, 1,500 megawatts of wind power and 1.2 million solar water heaters. However, it’s uncertain whether or not these projects will ever come to fruition under the new interim government. Regardless, as of June 30, President Trump has lifted sanctions on Syria. While oil and gas may still be inexplicably expensive, it’s a step in the direction of being able to rebuild and reduce Syria’s infrastructure crisis.

In addition, Syria has committed to a deal with Qatar for $7 billion to construct four gas-fueled power plants and a single solar plant. According to Reuters, the energy generated from these facilities is expected to produce 50% of Syria’s electricity and create 50,000-250,000 jobs. However, the deal states that Qatar will own and operate these facilities once completed.

Final Remarks

Perhaps once elections occur, Syria’s infrastructure crisis can be improved and the country can focus on areas that increase its GDP, creating more opportunities for its overwhelmingly impoverished. However, the future remains unclear.

– Owen Armentrout

Owen is based in Detroit, MI, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Thailand and Cambodia Ceasefire: How Their Civilians Are Affected

Thailand and CambodiaSince May 2025, Thailand and Cambodia have been embroiled in a conflict over their disputed border, however, on July 28, a ceasefire was declared. Although tensions are still high, a truce is still a good sign for peace in the future. As the ceasefire continues to be negotiated, one of the most important questions is how the civilian population of both countries will recover from the damage of the conflict. Here’s an overview of the effects on the civilians and what Thailand and Cambodia can do to ensure their welfare going forward.

Thailand and Cambodia’s Border Dispute: An Overview

The war between Thailand and Cambodia flared up in May after decades of tensions over their border. The dispute dates back to the ’50s, when Cambodia gained independence from France and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) awarded it part of the contested territory. This is not the first time the conflict has turned violent; the first open clashes occurred in 2008. Fighting subsided after the ICJ intervention in 2013, but flared again in May of this year.

The specific area being fought over lies in northwestern Cambodia’s Preah Vihear province and the adjacent northeastern region of Thailand. The current conflict has mostly been fought over a distance, with strategic bombing campaigns rather than ground invasions. The first shots in this particular conflict were fired on May 28, 2025. Official military conflict lasted five days in July 2025 and a ceasefire was announced shortly afterward.

The Civilian Toll

Given the brief nature of this conflict, civilian deaths have been relatively low. However, it is estimated that around 175,000 civilians have been displaced due to bombing campaigns from both parties. The civilians have been able to remain in their home countries, but still have to deal with large-scale property destruction.

Civilian displacement is one of the most common sources of quality-of-life reduction in war. It typically occurs as a result of large-scale property destruction. This property destruction can accelerate poverty due to worsened living conditions. It can also lead to overcrowding issues in the areas where they are being relocated, making supplies more scarce. With such a large number of displaced persons, Thailand and Cambodia’s ceasefire arriving as soon as it did was vital.

Moving Forward

To prevent civilians from falling into impoverished conditions, rebuilding in Thailand and Cambodia will be needed. The process of moving displaced civilians back to their homes has not begun yet. Logistically speaking, this rebuilding and relocating process will be expensive. However, this rebuilding process is vital to the health and well-being of both countries.

Both countries have a long way to go before establishing lasting peace. Even after this ceasefire was declared, both Thailand and Cambodia have accused each other of breaking the ceasefire. Even still, this ceasefire is a step in the right direction. Hopefully, this can lead to a more lasting peace between the two nations.

– Thaddeus Konieczny

Thaddeus is based in Williamston, MI, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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How Political Turmoil Deepens Poverty in Thailand

Political Turmoil in ThailandThailand is facing one of its toughest years in recent memory, as political crisis and economic stagnation combine to hurt the most vulnerable. The dismissal of Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra in August 2025 has left the country in political limbo, disrupting budget plans and stalling welfare programs. As political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, low-income households are being forced to shoulder the brunt of rising costs, job insecurity and weakened safety nets.

Poverty on the Rise

The World Bank has cut Thailand’s 2025 growth forecast from 2.9% to just 1.8%, citing instability as a key reason behind slowing investment and policy delays. This translates into fewer jobs, weaker income growth and rising debt for poorer households. Thailand’s household debt already stands at nearly 91% of GDP, one of the highest rates in Asia, leaving families little room to absorb economic shocks.

Tourism, once a major employer of low-wage workers, has suffered repeated disruptions from political unrest. Manufacturing, another crucial source of jobs for people experiencing poverty, has also slowed as investors grow wary of instability and tariff disputes.

Informal workers who comprise more than half of Thailand’s labor force are especially vulnerable, as they lack access to unemployment benefits or other protections. As political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, many of these workers are forced to rely on debt to meet daily expenses.

Welfare and Budget Delays

The fallout from the political crisis is most visible in stalled welfare programs. The budget of more than $117 billion in 2026, which funds subsidies, social assistance and infrastructure projects, has been delayed by parliamentary gridlock. Without these funds, government schemes designed to ease living costs for low-income people, such as transport subsidies and cash transfers, are left in limbo.

This uncertainty is particularly damaging for Thailand’s rural and urban poor, who depend on these subsidies to cope with inflation and high debt. Political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, not only by driving up living costs but also by undermining the very policies meant to protect the vulnerable.

Relief Efforts Amid Crisis

While national politics stall, other actors have stepped in to provide support. The Bank of Thailand has cut interest rates to 1.50%, seeking to reduce debt burdens and encourage borrowing. However, economists warn that this measure alone is insufficient.

Civil society groups are playing a vital role in bridging the gap. Tearfund works with rural communities to improve incomes and build resilience. At the same time, CARE International focuses on food security and women’s livelihoods programs, which have become more urgent as families face mounting hardship.

In Bangkok, grassroots groups like the Bangkok Community Help Foundation run food banks and the “Center of Dreams” initiative. It offers education and skills training to children from low-income families. These efforts ensure that vulnerable communities still receive some support even when the state falters.

Housing insecurity has also been partially addressed through the Baan Mankong program, run by Thailand’s Community Organizations Development Institute (CODI). The initiative helps low-income families improve housing and living conditions through collective financing. While not a cure-all, such community-led projects provide stability in uncertain times.

Conclusion

Thailand’s ongoing crisis shows how deeply politics and poverty are intertwined. The removal of a prime minister, the delay of a national budget and the weakening of investor confidence may sound like abstract political issues. However, they carry direct consequences for ordinary people.

As political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, the needy face higher prices, rising debt and fewer opportunities. Relief efforts by NGOs, local organizations and some government institutions are helping to soften the blow.

Yet these measures remain small compared to the scale of the problem. Until political stability is restored, Thailand’s most impoverished citizens will remain caught in a cycle of uncertainty, bearing the heaviest burden of a crisis far beyond their control.

– Charlie Wood

Charlie is based in West Yorkshire, UK and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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The 1995 Global Summit Became a Blueprint for Ending Poverty

The World Summit for Social Development (WSSD) took place in 1995 in Copenhagen, Denmark. Many considered this event a catalyst for international cooperation in reducing global poverty. The 1995 Global Summit was, at its time, the largest convention of world leaders to ever meet; more than 14,000 people attended, including delegates from 186 countries, with heads of state or government representing 117 of them.

Copenhagen Declaration on Social Development

The Copenhagen Declaration on Social Development was the main political declaration that summit participants adopted in 1995. It outlines the global commitment to social development, focusing on reducing poverty.

The Copenhagen Declaration outlines ten key commitments. A summary of these commitments includes:

  1. Creating an environment to achieve social development.
  2. Eradicate poverty through national and international actions.
  3. Full employment, productive and freely chosen.
  4. Promoting social integration in society.
  5. Equality between men and women.
  6. Equitable access to quality education and health care, both physical and mental.
  7. Speeding up development in Africa and other developing countries.
  8. Strengthening civil society with structural adjustment programmes.
  9. Mobilizing resources allocated to social development.
  10. Strengthening framework for international, regional and subregional cooperation for social development.

Declaration and Program of Action

Many governments adopted a “Declaration and Program of Action” in conjunction with the Copenhagen Declaration. This meant that they agreed to put people at the center of development, to advance social development by improving 10 core areas mentioned in the Copenhagen declaration. In the declaration of action, member states made a practical implementation plan to improve and promote social development and accelerate development in Africa and other developing countries across the world.

Furthermore, this declaration aimed to achieve its goals by addressing several key issues. These included debt elimination, reorientation of agricultural policies and increased Official Development Assistance (ODA). It also addressed collective bargaining rights, poverty vulnerability indicators, traditional rights to resources and health care access for low-income families.

How Did It Become a Blueprint for Ending Poverty?

  1. Global unanimity on poverty being a political and moral priority. Additionally, poverty can be addressed through coordinated policies.
  2. It became a catalyst for national anti-poverty strategies, as the 1995 Global Summit encouraged countries to create their own poverty reduction plans.
  3. Acknowledgement of the importance of a civil society. This event gave a platform to charities, NGOs and marginalized communities.
  4. Transition toward people-centered development, rather than economic development being a priority. The 1995 Global Summit made clear the importance of poverty being a multidimensional issue, comprising access to health care, education and social participation.

30-Year Anniversary of the WSSD

In 2025, 30 years after the 1995 Global Summit, the United Nations (U.N.) will meet for the second WSSD, this time in Doha, Qatar, in November 2025. This summit will give global leaders the opportunity to rethink their position on social development and realign poverty as a political priority. The 2025 summit will also create an opening to discuss crucial issues that weren’t a priority 30 years ago, while also rebuilding trust between institutions and multilateralism.

– Emma Dornan

Emma is based in Fife, Scotland and focuses on Technology and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Reasons For Venezuela’s Displacement Crisis

Venezuela’s Displacement CrisisSince 2014, Venezuela has faced a major displacement crisis. With limited access to basic rights, food, medicine and other essentials, many Venezuelans have turned to extreme survival strategies, the most common being to flee the country.

Around 8 million people have left Venezuela, making it the world’s second-largest displacement crisis. Of these, about 6.7 million migrants and refugees remain in Latin American and Caribbean countries, with Colombia hosting the largest share at 2.8 million. 

Economic Collapse

Venezuela’s displacement crisis is fundamentally rooted in a devastating economic collapse. Triggered by a perfect storm of plummeting oil prices, mismanaged state policies and weakening sanctions. With oil accounting for 95% of Venezuela’s export earnings, the 2014 collapse in global oil prices wiped out the country’s main revenue stream.

As inflation soared to hyperinflationary heights, with annual rates exceeding 344,510%, Venezuela lost access to essential services. Around 90% of the population cannot afford food, which has led to widespread breakdowns in health and nutrition.

Analysts have described Venezuela’s economy as “free fall,” with GDP shrinking by roughly one-third between 2013 and the mid-2010s. Adding to these pressures, U.S.-led sanctions, described by Tricontinental as “Unilateral Coercive Measures,” have deepened Venezuela’s economic collapse. Between 2017 and December 2024, they wiped out oil revenues equal to 213% of GDP, a staggering loss of more than $200 billion.

This economic failure has forced millions into poverty and desperation. Unable to meet basic needs at home, Venezuelans were compelled to flee in search of security and subsistence, which makes the country’s economic collapse one of the main drivers of its displacement crisis.

Political Instability

Political instability in Venezuela has become a powerful catalyst for Venezuela’s displacement crisis, propelled by authoritarian repression, democratic erosion and systematic violence. Since the July 2024 election, state forces and pro-government colectivos have carried out pervasive abuses and killings. They have enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions and torture specifically targeting protesters, opposition members and innocent bystanders.

In 2025, Freedom House classified Venezuela as “not free,” citing the collapse of democratic structures and the elimination of dissent, while a recent U.N. Fact-Finding Mission confirmed ongoing crimes against humanity involving political persecution. This political violence has stripped Venezuelans of safety and legal recourse. When peaceful protest leads to detention or disappearance, families see exile as the only option.

The International Organization for Migration’s (IOM) 2025 crisis response cites political persecution alongside all the violence as core drivers of migration. Together, systematic repression and institutional collapse have made political instability a central force behind Venezuela’s displacement crisis.

Human Rights Violations

Human rights violations are another major force behind Venezuela’s displacement crisis, with thousands of people facing violence, mistreatment and fear for their safety. Reports from Amnesty International describe widespread arbitrary arrests, in which individuals are detained without explanation or access to legal support. Many detainees are held in overcrowded, unsanitary conditions, facing beatings, denial of medical care and psychological abuse.

The U.N. Fact-Finding Mission and other human rights groups have also documented enforced disappearances where individuals vanish, being taken away by security forces. This leaves families in a state of uncertainty for weeks or months. The U.K.’s June 2025 Statement to the U.N. Human Rights Council reports more than 900 individuals arbitrarily detained or forced to disappear. Legal safeguards have been gutted, with civil society stifled under “Anti-NGO” legislation.

Moreover, enforced disappearances have continued into mid-2025. Amnesty International reports at least 15 cases of forced disappearances, of which eight remain unsolved. Victims include children, Journalists and everyday citizens who have simply spoken out about shortages, poor services or safety concerns.

These abuses have caused deep emotional trauma, family disruption and a constant climate of fear. For many, the risk of being targeted is so high that leaving Venezuela becomes the only way to protect themselves and their loved ones.

What’s Being Done To Help?

A combination of international agencies, humanitarian organizations and regional governments is leading efforts to address Venezuela’s displacement crisis. Indeed, the U.N. Refugee Agency and IOM coordinate large-scale assistance through regional refugee and migrant response plans. These organizations deliver emergency shelter, food, health care and documentation support to Venezuelans across Latin America and the Caribbean.

Nongovernmental organizations like World Vision and Amnesty International are working to protect vulnerable groups, provide psychological support and ensure displaced children can continue their education. Additionally, the Quito Process, a regional initiative involving more than a dozen countries, is helping harmonize policies on temporary protection status, enabling migrants to work legally and access public services.

With sustained global attention, coordinated aid and fair treatment for those displaced, there is hope to ease the suffering and help millions rebuild their lives beyond the borders of Venezuela.

– Charlie Wood

Charlie is based in West Yorkshire, UK and focuses on Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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Fragility and the Rule of Law in New Caledonia

Fragility and the Rule of Law in New CaledoniaThe French Overseas Territory of New Caledonia is undergoing a political transformation, driven by recent violence in the capital, Noumea. In response, French President Emmanuel Macron has announced plans to grant the territory statehood. This unprecedented move would alter the Pacific island’s constitutional status and mark a first in French history.

Recent Tensions

Last year, the pro-independence Kanak population rioted across New Caledonia, particularly in Noumea. The riot was in response to proposed legislation granting voting rights to expatriates who had lived there for more than 10 years. Under the 1988 Noumea Accord, signed in response to similar riots and tensions in the ’80s, only native New Caledonians have been eligible to vote in elections.

Specifically, expats (many pro-French, anti-independence) were not allowed to vote in referendums on New Caledonian independence. To many Kanaks, this new legislation threatened the momentum of the pro-independence movement against French rule. Riots broke out and the French government sent military troops and police officers to reestablish the rule of law. Macron himself visited in an attempt toward peace; however, this seemed to inflame tensions, with statements of “not my president” from protestors.

The disagreement and subsequent violence go beyond political tensions, with young Kanaks speaking to the levels of disenfranchisement they feel as they struggle to make ends meet. At the same time, French expats use New Caledonia as a wealthy paradise. Europeans, in turn, report a rise in anti-white racism from Kanaks, who have targeted expat communities on the island. Sonia Backes, a pro-French politician in the New Caledonian Congress, has reportedly received death threats for her political stance.

Demographics and Social Groups

New Caledonia hosts a combination of indigenous Kanaks and White-French expats, with a population of more than 300,000. Approximately 39% are Kanaks and 27% are Europeans, with the remaining population comprising various Pacific and Asian ethnicities. Most Kanaks live in Noumea, particularly in the city’s underserved areas. In contrast, French expats tend to live in smaller communities in the south.

The poverty rate in New Caledonia is around 19%; however, in the majority-Kanak Loyalty Islands Province, this rises to around 45%. Amid this inequality, more than 26% of young people in New Caledonia are unemployed, with only 8% of Kanaks holding a university degree. Additionally, 46% have no high school diploma, whereas 54% of Expats completed higher education.

The educational and economic disparity between the two groups is stark and many have argued that this motivates tensions. The history of violence in New Caledonia is multifaceted. Historically, Kanaks have risen against the government for political reasons, which has been successful in the eyes of Kanak independence groups.

The result of the 1988 riots was three independence referendums, with the last occurring in 2021 during the coronavirus pandemic. The vote resulted in opposition to independence. However, key pro-independence figures, such as Roch Wamytan, argued that the referendum occurred under abnormal circumstances. They claimed the results should be ignored and another vote held. Many Kanaks boycotted the referendum, following local mourning rituals and fearing the virus. Pro-French loyalists therefore won with 96.5% of the vote.

Foreign Interference

An interesting aspect amid this fragile situation is the role of Azerbaijan in supporting independence. Kanak independence figures dispute claims of economic support from the Azerbaijani government. However, pro-Azerbaijani social media accounts have been linked to widespread misinformation concerning the role of French police in the 2024 riots.

This stems from the French government’s historic support for Armenia, one of Azerbaijan’s rivals. Azerbaijan has responded by supporting independence movements of French colonial territories, with the Baku Initiative Group formed as a collection of anti-colonial groups in European overseas territories.

While Kanaks have historic reasons for supporting independence, foreign governments that oppose the French state see New Caledonian independence as something to weaken French influence abroad. New Caledonia has remained French due to its impact in the Pacific, not to mention the extensive nickel reserves available in New Caledonia, which are key for chip manufacturing and electric vehicles.

The Future of New Caledonia

While tensions have been high, the recent agreement to establish a New Caledonian state has been received mostly positively. Independence groups have agreed that this is the best they could hope for. However, this only calms tensions for now. Pro-independence Kanaks have vowed to continue to fight for their independence and that fervour will not subside anytime soon.

– Lee Stonehouse

Lee is based in Newcastle upon Tyne, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Fragility and Rule of Law in Russia

Rule of Law in RussiaThe rule of law is central to any functioning democracy, ensuring the exercise of power within legal limits. However, the rule of law in Russia has become fragile under the leadership of President Vladimir Putin. Since first taking office in 2000, he has consolidated power through the suppression of opposition, constitutional manipulation and influence over the judiciary and legislature, eroding the independence of legal institutions. As legal checks disappear, rising inequality and poverty become characteristic of the Russian state, with the burden falling on those with the least protection. This article explores how Russia’s legal system prioritizes loyalty over justice, reinforcing structural exclusion.

Separation of Powers in Russia

Russia is an authoritarian political system led by President Putin, who has remained among the highest authority ranks since his first election in May 2000. Throughout his years in government, he has reshaped the balance of power to secure his dominance and weaken institutional checks. In 2004, he announced a stage of recentralization, dismantling many regional powers and bringing political authority under tighter Kremlin control. According to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, this shift entrenched centralized, top-down governance rooted in loyalty to the president and dominated by Kremlin-aligned political parties. With control over the courts, most of the media and the legislative branch, the Kremlin continues to repress citizens’ rights domestically while adopting foreign policy decisions that defy international norms, further eroding the rule of law.

The emergence of informal mechanisms has allowed state ideology to shape legal interpretations and enforcement, with unofficial directives treated as binding by the political system. As government transparency declines, informal rules overshadow international law and constitutional provisions, weakening the principle of equality before the law. This undermines the impartiality needed to combat corruption, ensure fair resource distribution, or secure fundamental rights. The breakdown of judicial independence leaves marginalized groups without meaningful legal recourse and institutionalizes exclusion.

The Legislative Branch: The Duma and the Federation Council

Composed of the Duma (lower house) and the Federation Council (upper house), the Russian Federation’s legislative branch should be independent, but the President controls many of its decisions. The Duma confirms that the President nominates the Prime Minister and other state ministers and passes laws that the executive proposes.

Regional governments and parliaments select 85 of the 170 Federation Council members, while the president directly appoints 30. Notably, the president has considerable influence over regional governors through recentralization. The president nominates governors instead of allowing public elections, and regional legislatures, that pro-Kremlin parties dominate, confirm them.

The result is the political sidelining of regional voices and minority populations. Areas marked by inequality have no formal channel to advocate for social support or investment. The lack of regional autonomy or accountability leads to disparities between Moscow’s political elite and the rest of the population, weakening public trust in the rule of law. 

The Constitution and the President

It should be no secret that the Russian Constitution has granted President Putin significant power, raising serious concerns about how far that power has extended and how this shift impacts the rule of law. According to the document, the president is the head of state and the guarantor of the constitution, giving him control over most foreign and domestic policy decisions. Endowing him with sweeping legislative powers, the Constitution allows Putin to appoint security ministers, making these issues almost exclusive to the president’s competence.

In 2020, Putin introduced constitutional amendments that further reduced citizens’ rights while expanding executive power. These changes extended presidential terms, enhanced control over the judiciary and granted former presidents lifelong immunity and a permanent seat in the Federation Council. Legal accountability is virtually absent in a system with no meaningful electoral competition or judicial independence. This structure allows the state to ignore inequality while preserving elite privilege and those outside the core political apparatus face systemic neglect.

Russia and the Rule of Law Today

One of the most significant legal tools for controlling dissent is the 2012 “foreign agents law.” Initially applied to NGOs receiving international funding, it has since expanded to target media outlets, advocacy groups and individuals. The 2022 revisions added the broad and ambiguous “foreign influence” category, allowing the state to label critics as national security threats. As a result, the government has cracked down on civil society groups, especially those advocating for human rights, ethnic minorities and the economically vulnerable, forcing them to operate underground.

Poverty in Russia remains a pressing issue, particularly in rural areas and among minority populations. According to the World Bank, around 12.1% of Russians lived below the national poverty line in 2022, with the rate disproportionately affecting families and those in underdeveloped regions. Weak rule of law exacerbates this problem by limiting access to fair legal recourse, reinforcing corruption and enabling the misuse of public funds intended for social welfare.

Following the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Russia’s courts became even more visibly biased, enforcing laws that serve state narratives. The state now regularly carries out political trials, arbitrary detentions and harsh sentencing. With growing restrictions on freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, the Kremlin reasserts dominance and undermines the rights of its citizens.

In response to these challenges, some initiatives continue to push for reform. The EU-Russia Civil Society Forum and its “Legal Discourse” program seek to enhance the potential of the participation of NGOs in the discussion of legal matters between the European Union and Russia. This platform emphasizes the importance of promoting and protecting values like human rights, the rule of law, separation of powers, government accountability, administrative compliance and judicial independence.

Resistance and Civil Society

Despite growing repression, Russian civil society continues to resist. Journalists, activists and ordinary citizens risk their freedom to challenge state abuse. Though weakened since the 1990s, moments like the 2011–2012 electoral protests and quiet acts of defiance in response to the invasion of Ukraine reflect a resilient spirit. Individual resistance now outweighs mass movements, with citizens using subtle, creative means to oppose the regime.

Organizations such as Global Call to Action Against Poverty and Caritas of Mother of God Archdiocese have been working to fight poverty within the federation. Making information about patient rights more available to citizens, GCAP’s Russia program aims to improve healthcare in impoverished communities. Caritas of Mother of God Archdiocese, formerly known as Caritas Russia, is a national agency operating under the Catholic Church that focuses on providing the poor and victims of disasters, accidents and armed conflicts with medical and social support. Recently, the organization has been supporting families that have fled Ukraine into Russia, supplying them with food, hygiene materials, medicine and bedding.

Looking Ahead

Authoritarian control has severely damaged Russia’s legal institutions, leaving its citizens with a system that silences opposition and allows inequality to grow unchecked. Under Putin, the rule of law in Russia has withered, concentrating power in the hands of the elite while marginalizing large segments of the population. Through constitutional manipulation, centralized political appointments and laws targeting dissent, the state has built a framework that prioritizes loyalty over fairness. 

Yet, resistance endures. Programs such as the EU-Russia Civil Society Forum and grassroots initiatives such as Caritas and GCAP demonstrate that, despite repression and challenges with the rule of law in Russia, the fight for the protection of the vulnerable and the promotion of justice continues. In the face of adversity, quiet resistance remains a tool for fighting for a more inclusive, equitable, and lawful future.

– Rafaela Paquet

Rafaela is based in Montreal, Canada and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Ways Ethical Refugee Policy in Europe Is Resisting Politicization

Ethical Refugee PolicyIn recent years, the link between migration and political agendas has intensified across the European Union (EU). However, humanitarian organizations and public institutions are increasingly defending ethical refugee policy in Europe. While several political parties frame migration as a security threat or economic burden, a growing coalition of NGOs, civil society actors and EU bodies are working to ensure that refugee protection and global development remain grounded in human rights and solidarity. Their efforts challenge the politicization of asylum and reinforce Europe’s longstanding commitment to ethical international cooperation.

NGOs Defending Asylum Rights

Organizations like Sea-Watch have taken a frontline role in rescuing migrants at sea and advocating for their rights. Based in Germany, Sea-Watch conducts search-and-rescue operations in the Mediterranean and has consistently opposed efforts to criminalize such missions. The organization has also filed legal actions and partnered with legal advocacy groups to challenge EU migration policies undermining asylum rights. Its operations saved more than 1,400 people in 2023 alone, underlining the continuing need for humanitarian intervention at sea. Sea-Watch’s operations exemplify how ethical refugee policy in Europe is practiced on the ground.

Another prominent group, Caritas Europa, represents a wide network of Catholic charities and operates in 46 European countries. Caritas advocates for fair and well-funded asylum systems and recently launched campaigns urging the EU to safeguard refugee services amid budget reallocations. In its 2024 statement, Caritas emphasized the need for migration policies that are “humane, sustainable and based on solidarity.” The organization also directly serves, offering shelter, education and mental health support to asylum seekers across Europe.

The European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE) also plays a key advocacy role at the institutional level. The organization releases policy papers and legal analyses to influence EU asylum directives and budget allocations. ECRE’s 2023–25 Strategic Plan openly criticizes EU externalization policies, which aim to outsource asylum responsibilities. It argues that these efforts are attempts to evade legal obligations under EU and international law. This position is reaffirmed in its 2024 Annual Report, which urges full compliance with the new Asylum Pact while firmly rejecting externalization schemes.

Parliamentary Oversight and Ethical Review

Beyond civil society, EU institutions have played a growing role in reviewing the ethical use of aid in migration deals. In late 2023, the European Ombudsman opened an inquiry into the European Commission’s agreement with Tunisia, which allocated more than $1 billion to limit departures from North Africa. The investigation was launched in response to concerns raised by rights groups about the treatment of sub-Saharan migrants under this deal.

Human Rights Watch and Médecins Sans Frontières reported widespread abuse at Tunisia’s southern borders, including forced expulsions and denial of humanitarian assistance. The Ombudsman called for greater transparency in how development funds are used. It emphasized that EU values must be upheld even in external partnerships. The European Parliament has also debated the appropriateness of tying foreign aid to migration control. Several Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have called for preserving aid’s primary purpose: supporting health, education and poverty reduction in developing nations.

This debate intensified after reports from organizations like Statewatch and ECRE raised alarms about the growing share of development funding being diverted toward border control efforts. Although no formal resolution has been adopted recently, parliamentary discussions have increasingly highlighted the need for aid transparency, ethical oversight and alignment with the EU’s human rights obligations. Such institutional pushback reflects the importance of maintaining ethical refugee policy in Europe amid rising populism.

National Models for Ethical Refugee Policy

Some EU member states have adopted policy approaches that maintain a humanitarian lens on refugee issues. These country-specific efforts highlight how ethical refugee policy in Europe can be implemented at the national level despite broader EU political tensions. Portugal, for example, significantly increased its resettlement quota under the EU Resettlement Program, welcoming more than 1,000 refugees in 2019 alone.

Unlike other member states, Portugal has not made refugee intake conditional on repatriation agreements or aid cuts. The government has invested in long-term integration, offering language training, job placement services and access to public education for all registered asylum seekers. Sweden and Finland have also introduced digital literacy and mental health support into their refugee resettlement programs, recognizing the importance of holistic approaches to integration.

In Sweden, asylum seekers are granted early access to psychological services and school enrollment even while awaiting case decisions, a model praised by the UNHCR for reducing long-term dependency.

Restoring the Purpose of Development Aid

Critics of the politicization of aid argue that diverting funds from poverty alleviation to border enforcement undermines long-term global development goals. According to the Statewatch NGO, as of 2025, 14% of the EU’s NDICI-Global Europe budget (worth more than $80 billion) is allocated to migration and border management, well above the initial 10% target. This shift risks deprioritizing sectors like health care, climate resilience and education, foundational to reducing poverty.

In contrast, organizations like Oxfam and the International Rescue Committee (IRC) have advocated for aid that addresses the root causes of displacement, such as conflict and inequality. In its 2024 position paper, IRC recommended rechanneling funds toward early warning systems, peace-building initiatives and local economic development programs.

The Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) also warned that conditioning aid on migration cooperation could erode donor credibility and weaken global solidarity. In a 2025 advisory, the DAC urged donor countries to recommit to aid effectiveness principles that prioritize need over negotiation.

Maintaining a Humanitarian Vision

As debates around refugees and European politics continue, the work of NGOs, oversight institutions and reform-minded governments illustrates a counter-current to the politicization of aid. Their efforts demonstrate that development funds can remain focused on poverty alleviation, rather than becoming bargaining chips in migration negotiations.

Challenges persist, including rising anti-immigrant sentiment and electoral pressures. Nonetheless, defenders of ethical refugee policy in Europe continue to offer a roadmap for preserving the integrity of refugee protection and sustainable development. In doing so, they reinforce the principle that support for displaced people should not be dictated by political cycles, but by shared commitments to human dignity and international solidarity.

Continued advocacy, public education and cross-border collaboration will ensure that European policies align with the continent’s humanitarian values.

– Ray Bechara

Ray is based in Glasgow, Scotland and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Vietnam’s Two-Child Policy Repealed: Here’s What That Means

Vietnam’s Two-Child Policy
Vietnam is in trouble. The country, in recent years, has become one of South-East Asia’s most talked about and exciting economies. The capital, Ho Chi Minh City, has become a thriving powerhouse of investment. However, demographics tell a different story. In 2015, Vietnam was declared an ‘aging’ country. Meanwhile, by 2035, it could become an ‘aged’ country. With a significant percentage of the population over 65, the momentum of the Vietnamese economy is coming to a gradual halt. When the birth rate dropped to 1.91, lower than the recommended replacement rate of 2.1, the government quickly acted and repealed Vietnam’s two-child policy.

Vietnam’s Two-Child Policy

Since 1988, the Vietnamese government has kept a rule of no more than two children per mother – this was in response to an extremely high birth rate of more than four babies in the 1980s. Given Vietnam’s struggling post-war economic state, it introduced the policy to control overpopulation. Demographics could, however, quickly stagnate the emerging Vietnamese economy in the 2030s, primarily hurting the poor the most, with rural and underdeveloped areas struggling to grow economically.

Challenges for the Elderly

Elderly Vietnamese often move from thriving cities, with developed infrastructure, to rural areas after retirement. With only two children to care for elderly relatives, many Vietnamese struggle in their old age, coupled with the lack of infrastructure in certain peripheral provinces. Younger Vietnamese workers are reluctant to move to these rural areas, with a lack of work opportunities and limited access to services. This disconnects retirees from their family, keeping young people in cities such as Hanoi.

The Vietnamese government spends a significant amount on health and social care. In the late ‘80s and early ‘90s, the percentage of state budgets spent on health, population and family-planning was around 30%. The rising elderly population would only continue the burden on government services, should the situation worsen. Many wonder what effect this rise will have on the existing poor in Vietnam; will the burden increase if poor families are having more babies? It is unclear that those in poverty will have more children as a result of these reforms.

Boosting Birth Rates

Vietnam already spends 5% of the state budget on health, population, and family planning. If these birth-rate boosting measures were not put in place, social programs for the elderly are expected to cost 0.4% of GDP by 2050. The long-term costs clearly outweigh the risk.

The Vietnamese government also seems to be specifically targeting population centers such as Ho Chi Minh City, for increased fertility. Compared with the overall birth rate of 1.91, Ho Chi Minh City saw levels as low as 1.39. The government, in response to this, instituted a ‘baby bonus’ – a grant of around $120 for those having two children before 35.

By encouraging wealthier areas to have more children, alongside a robust family planning safety net, Vietnam can increase its birth rate whilst taking the burden away from poorer families. This allows the long term economic development and diversification necessary for Vietnam to continue its economic growth, further providing for the poorest in the country.

Why This Was Necessary

The window of opportunity was shortening. Vietnam has been clearly moving towards a situation all too common in Asian countries with strong or developing economies. An aging population, rapidly turning into an aged one, and not enough working-age adults to combat this. 

Short-term fixes have been put in place, such as a raise in the retirement age from 55 to 60 for women, and 60 to 62 for men. The Prime Minister has even made personal pleas, asking women to marry before 30 and have two children before 35. These efforts, however, are only small aspects of a larger story.

Repealing Vietnam’s two-child policy demonstrates a structural shift in the Vietnamese government’s approach to combating the aging population. This move will not only help the poor in the long-term, but future-proof the Vietnamese economy against imminent stagnation.

– Lee Stonehouse

Lee is based in Newcastle upon Tyne, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Fragility and the Rule of Law in Venezuela

The Rule of Law in VenezuelaAt the heart of the crisis in Venezuela lies a deeper catastrophe: the collapse of the rule of law. Once a country of relative prosperity, Venezuela is now a fragile state where institutions no longer serve citizens, particularly people experiencing poverty. In 2024, Venezuela’s gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was $4,000, one of the lowest in Latin America.

The country also experienced one of the world’s highest inflation rates, rising consumer prices significantly. The consequences are not confined to its borders. From mass migration to regional instability, Venezuela’s collapse is a global poverty issue that cannot be ignored.

A Broken Justice System

Venezuela currently ranks last in the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index. According to the index, courts are politicized, the judiciary lacks independence and fundamental rights are routinely violated. Dissent is punished with arbitrary detention and torture and legal protections for the vulnerable have all but disappeared.

For those already living in poverty, this legal collapse is devastating. Without functioning institutions, workers can be exploited without recourse, communities lack public services and corruption goes unchecked. When the rule of law fails, poverty becomes entrenched.

A Regime That Fuels Poverty

The regime of President Nicolás Maduro has overseen the dismantling of democratic institutions and the collapse of the economy. Transparency International consistently ranks Venezuela among the most corrupt nations globally. Public resources are diverted to elites while health care, education and infrastructure are neglected.

Inflation reached 400% in 2023 and more than 80% of Venezuelans now live below the poverty line, according to the World Bank. The most impoverished households struggle to obtain food, medicine and clean water. This crisis is not just economic; it is political. The government’s refusal to allow reform or accountability sustains the systems that keep people poor. Aid efforts are often obstructed and humanitarian organizations face restrictions on their work.

The fallout from Venezuela’s collapse has sparked the second-largest migration crisis in the world after Syria. As of 2024, more than 7.7 million Venezuelans have left the country for safety and opportunity. Many have settled in neighboring countries like Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, where strained public systems struggle to accommodate them. This mass migration creates new poverty challenges in host communities, from overburdened schools to job market competition.

Migrants face their own vulnerabilities: exploitation, xenophobia and legal uncertainty. The crisis extends beyond borders, affecting the whole region and highlighting how fragile governance contributes to global poverty. Venezuela’s case reveals a broader truth: poverty thrives where the rule of law fails. Without functioning legal systems, enforcing labor rights, distributing aid effectively or combating corruption is impossible.

Final Remarks

Despite the repression, civil society organizations inside and outside Venezuela continue to document abuses, offer legal aid and support democratic movements. International watchdogs like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International advocate for accountability. At the same time, diaspora-led groups aid migrants and lobby for policy change. These efforts are limited but vital. They keep the possibility of reform alive and help protect the rights of the most vulnerable.

– Charlie Baker

Charlie is based in London, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr