Archive for category: Politics

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Parliamentary Quotas Increase Women’s Political Representation

Parliamentary QuotasWomen across the Western Balkans have faced historical barriers to political participation, despite the increasing implementation of democratic reforms and efforts to integrate with the European Union (EU). However, parliamentary quotas in the Western Balkans have emerged as a central policy tool, increasing women’s presence and representation in inclusive decision-making. Such reforms demonstrate how prioritized political measures can reshape government structures and contribute to poverty reduction within the region.

Parliamentary Quotas Aim To Correct Political Imbalances

Multiple nations in the Western Balkans have now adopted quota systems to address the existing gender disparities within their political institutions, including Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia. Parliamentary gender quotas require a political party to include a minimum percentage of women on candidate lists during elections. Legislators design these measures to tackle the persistent structural barriers.

Unequal access to party networks, campaign financing and political mentorship are all consequences of the absence of gender quotas. By incorporating gender quotas into electoral law, women’s visibility in politics can increase and governments can expand opportunities for female politicians to compete for office on an equal footing with men.

Women’s Representation Has Increased Following Quota Laws

The implementation of quota legislation resulted in countries in the Western Balkans achieving measurable gains in women’s parliamentary representation. Serbia is now ranked among the top nations in Europe for women’s representation in the national parliament, with women holding 37.2% of parliamentary seats. Additionally, steady increases were reported in Montenegro and North Macedonia.

This reflects the effectiveness and positive impact of quota requirements on election eligibility, as well as how they can rapidly change the gender composition of political institutions when properly enforced.

Effective quota systems rely on enforcement and in Montenegro and Serbia, electoral commissions require parties to comply with quota laws; failure to do so may result in disqualification from elections. These stringent enforcement mechanisms have prompted political parties to recruit and train female candidates, rather than placing them in symbolic or noncompetitive positions. As a result, parties have expanded leadership pipelines for women, increasing long-term political participation beyond a single election cycle.

Why Women’s Political Representation Matters for Poverty Reduction

Women’s political participation plays a crucial role in poverty reduction. Research indicates that women legislators are more likely to prioritize policies related to education, health care, social protection and labor rights compared to men. Effectively, these policy areas disproportionately benefit low-income households, including children and marginalized communities.

In the Western Balkans, inclusive governments have supported the expansion of social assistance programs, gender-responsive budgeting and family benefits. All these reforms play a massive role in reducing poverty risk, especially for single mothers and rural populations.

Despite notable gains, challenges remain as cultural resistance, unequal access to campaign financing and uneven enforcement continue to limit women’s political advancement in parts of the Western Balkans. Women from rural areas, ethnic minorities and low-income backgrounds remain underrepresented. This highlights the need for complementary reforms. Without continued political persistence, quota systems risk stagnation or symbolic compliance.

Looking Ahead

The effectiveness of parliamentary gender quotas in the Western Balkans has proven to be an impactful strategy for increasing women’s political representation in the region. With continued international support and legal reform, women’s leadership can further expand and reduce poverty by promoting an inclusive and responsive government system. As the region advances toward greater political and economic integration, women’s representation remains essential to maintaining long-term stability and equitable growth.

– Hana Abulkheir

Hana is based in London, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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How Democracy in Ghana is the Recipe for Economic Growth

Democracy in GhanaGhana is demonstrating that stable democratic institutions provide the foundation for sustained economic expansion. The West African nation achieved 7.2% GDP growth in the third quarter of 2024, the highest quarterly expansion in five years, while maintaining its status as one of Africa’s most enduring democracies with over 30 years of uninterrupted democratic governance since 1992.

Democratic Stability Attracts Investment

Ghana’s consistent democratic transitions have created an environment where businesses can plan long-term investments with confidence. The country maintained its 6.30 point democracy score in 2023, ranking sixth regionally and 65th worldwide on the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index, significantly outperforming the regional average. This political stability enabled Ghana to attract $331 million in tech sector investment in 2023, with the industry now valued at $2.6 billion.

Freedom House continues to rate Ghana as “Free” with one of the highest scores in sub-Saharan Africa. This strong governance framework has proven crucial for economic recovery, as Ghana successfully completed a $13 billion Eurobond exchange in 2024 and secured an IMF-supported program that helped stabilize the economy after a 2022 crisis.

Agriculture Sector Powers Job Creation

Transparent governance enabled the effective implementation of agricultural programs that are transforming rural economies. The Planting for Food and Jobs Phase Two program, launched in August 2023, represents a comprehensive approach to agricultural modernization across 11 commodity value chains including grains, starchy staples and vegetables.

The agriculture sector expanded by 5.0% in the first half of 2024, employing roughly 75% of the rural population and accounting for 21% of GDP. The Ministry of Food and Agriculture’s 2024 budget exceeded 3.3 billion Ghana cedis, with the government contributing 82% of total budgetary allocation. Between 2017 and 2022, fertilizer application rates increased from eight kilograms per hectare to 25 kilograms per hectare, while certified seed distribution rose from 2,000 metric tons to 36,000 metric tons.

The Ghana Economic Transformation Project has generated 2,438 direct jobs, more than double its 1,000 job target, with 1,071 jobs created for women. Firms supported by this World Bank initiative reported an average 18% increase in gross sales, while women-owned businesses achieved a 12.68% increase.

Technology Sector Drives Innovation

Democratic freedoms and independent judiciary systems have fostered a thriving technology ecosystem. Ghana ranks 15th out of 47 African countries for ICT use in the 2024 ICT Development Index. The digital economy is currently valued at approximately $1 billion and could reach $5 billion by 2030.

The Information and Communication subsector grew 17.9% in the first quarter of 2024, demonstrating the rapid expansion of digital services. Furthermore, Ghana’s tech ecosystem raised an estimated $66 million by the third quarter of 2024, with Fido securing a $30 million Series B funding round. The recently concluded eTransform project established operational infrastructure for the Cyber Security Authority, contributing to Ghana ranking second in Africa in the 2024 Global Cybersecurity Index.

Energy Sector Embraces Renewable Transition

Good governance structures enabled the government to address energy sector challenges while advancing renewable energy goals. In 2024, the Rural Electrification Program connected 276 rural communities to the National Grid, increasing the access rate from 88.95% to 89.03%. Ghana targets reaching 90% electrification by the end of 2025.

The government’s Renewable Energy Master Plan sets a target of 1,363.63 MW of grid connected renewable energy by 2030. Renewable energy capacity stood at close to 1,700 megawatts in 2022, following an increasing trend since 2012. The Energy Transition and Investment Plan announced in September 2023 estimates that Ghana will need more than $550 billion in capital investment to achieve net zero by 2060, with the majority of spending directed to the transport and power sectors.

Democracy and Economic Growth in Ghana

The situation in Ghana illustrates how democracy and democratic institutions create conditions for sustainable economic development. Despite facing a severe macroeconomic crisis in 2022, with debt reaching 92.6% of GDP, Ghana’s democratic framework enabled peaceful implementation of necessary reforms. Indeed, by 2024, growth rebounded to 5.7%, and second quarter 2025 real GDP increased 6.3% year on year, led by services and agriculture sectors.

The December 2024 elections demonstrated democratic resilience, with former President John Dramani Mahama winning 56.4% of the vote in a peaceful transition. This political stability continues to position Ghana as a model for how democracy serves as a recipe for economic growth across West Africa.

– Jawad Noori

Jawad is based in London, UK and focuses on Technology and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Fragility of Rule of Law in Portugal

Rule of Law in PortugalPortugal’s journey since the turn of the millennium presents a paradox: a nation celebrated for progressive social policies that simultaneously grapples with deep-seated fragilities in the rule of law in Portugal. While landmark reforms have advanced human rights, systemic issues like corruption, entrenched social inequality and political instability continue to challenge public trust and the very foundations of its democratic institutions. This delicate balance between progress and peril defines the current state of the rule of law in Portugal.

The Reasons for Challenges With Fragility and the Rule of Law in Portugal

  • High-profile Corruption Cases and Political Polarization: Over the past decade, former officials, bankers and public figures have featured in corruption cases that shook Portuguese politics and finance. These prosecutions show that institutions can and do act — but they also erode public trust and fuel political polarization when citizens see accountability as uneven. According to Statista, 91%of Portuguese in 2025 believe corruption remains widespread in the country, up slightly from 90% in 2013. Moreover, Transparency International gave Portugal a score of 57 out of 100 in its 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index, marking the lowest score in recent years and ranking Portugal 43rd among 180 countries.
  • Institutional Obstacles, Sluggish Justice and Capacity Constraints: Portuguese judicial institutions confront chronic delays, particularly in administrative and tax courts, which undermines the rule of law in Portugal. Long delays reduce the law’s deterrent effect and deepen public frustration with the timely delivery of justice.
  • Legal Reforms Under Political Pressure: Political pressure sometimes prompts rapid legal modifications such as proposals to broaden asset-confiscation powers without a criminal conviction. Although such moves aim to strengthen enforcement, critics argue they risk undermining the presumption of innocence and property rights. These proposals illustrate the tension between the need for effective anti-corruption enforcement and the protection of fundamental rights, which is central to any robust rule of law in Portugal.
  • Transparency, Oversight and Conflicts of Interest: Various international watchdogs, including GRECO, repeatedly call on Portugal to strengthen transparency and oversight mechanisms. They recommend robust asset-declaration systems for MPs, judges and prosecutors; enforceable conflict-of-interest rules; and independent oversight bodies. Without these preventive measures, corruption scandals can re-emerge, and the public may conclude that institutions lack integrity.

Poverty and Social Inequality

Poverty remains a serious challenge in Portugal, and weaknesses in the rule of law often deepen socioeconomic vulnerability. In 2023 (reflecting 2022 incomes), official data indicate that roughly 17% of Portugal’s population lived at risk of poverty or social exclusion after social transfers. Some regions, including the Azores, Madeira, the Algarve and northern areas, face especially high risk.

Corruption and weak rule of law undermine governmental capacity to combat poverty. When public resources leak, public procurement inflates and misallocation of funds becomes common, the state loses the ability to deliver fair social services, maintain public infrastructure and allocate welfare effectively. The phenomenon harms not only economic growth but also social equity, increasing income and wealth inequality in which poorly served communities suffer most.

A recent report underscores the link between corruption and social deprivation: corruption erodes health, education and social welfare outcomes in a way that disproportionately harms the poor. Thus, improving the rule of law in Portugal could serve as a structural lever to reduce poverty, foster social inclusion and rebuild citizens’ faith in institutions.

Addressing the Rule of Law in Portugal

Experts from OECD, GRECO and other international bodies recommend a consistent set of reforms, and several named contributors and authorities appear repeatedly in these reports. The OECD justice report lists lead contributors and managers — Elsa Pilichowski (OECD Director for Public Governance), Tatyana Teplova (Senior Counsellor), Chloé Lelièvre (Head of Unit for Access to Justice) and Barbara-Chiara Ubaldi (Head of Unit for Digital Government and Data) — and the report presents specific recommendations to modernize courts, speed procedures and invest in skills and digital case management. GRECO’s evaluation team similarly sets out measures to strengthen asset disclosure, conflict-of-interest rules, post-employment restrictions and lobbying transparency. Transparency International, the EU Commission and independent academics have echoed these proposals.

Portugal has already adopted or launched some of these measures. The government published the National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2020–2024 (ENAC) and created a National Anti-Corruption Mechanism (MENAC) under Decree-Law No. 109-E/2021. MENAC aims to coordinate prevention, monitoring and enforcement across the public administration, and to improve asset-declaration systems, conflict-of-interest rules and whistleblower protection. GRECO and the OECD acknowledge this framework but report partial implementation; follow-up reviews note that Portugal still needs to strengthen enforcement, improve transparency of asset declarations and fully adopt measures on lobbying and post-employment restrictions.

Specific Expert Recommendations and Implementation Status

The OECD recommended modernizing case management, digitizing courts, recruiting targeted personnel and creating specialized chambers for complex economic crime to reduce delays and strengthen enforcement. The OECD named its project leads and listed technical recommendations based on stakeholder interviews and data. Portugal has accepted many recommendations in principle and started pilot digital initiatives, but full roll-out and resourcing remain works in progress.

Meanwhile, GRECO recommended enforceable asset-declaration rules, independent oversight and stronger cooling-off rules for high officials. The 2025 compliance report records partial implementation of several recommendations and outstanding gaps.

Additionally, the EU Commission recommended speeding up administrative and civil procedures and strengthening judicial capacity; national progress reports link these recommendations to OECD technical assistance projects.

The National Anti-Corruption Strategy and MENAC

The National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2020–2024 (ENAC) entered the official agenda in 2020–2021, and the Decree-Law No. 109-E/2021 (December 2021) established the National Anti-Corruption Mechanism (MENAC).

MENAC’s mandate includes coordinating implementation of the National Strategy, monitoring and evaluating anti-corruption actions across public bodies, improving prevention measures such as asset and interest disclosures, and strengthening whistleblower protection. The overall strategy sets out an action plan with measures on prevention, enforcement, transparency and international cooperation.

MENAC has centralized coordination functions, launched monitoring mechanisms and supported revisions to disclosure and whistleblower rules. Observers and follow-up reports (GRECO, OECD, EU) record progress on institutional design and legal frameworks, while also noting gaps in enforcement, the need for stronger oversight and incomplete implementation of several recommendations. GRECO’s compliance reporting (2025) finds that Portugal partially implemented a number of recommendations but still needs to address asset-declaration enforcement, lobbying transparency and post-employment rules.

A Fragile but Reformable Rule of Law in Portugal

Portugal has not faced a collapse of democracy and many institutions are still functioning. Yet, the rule of law in Portugal remains fragile in critical respects. Institutional inefficiencies, public distrust and repeated crises of political and financial malfeasance undermine social equity and hinder the country’s ability to reduce poverty.

The future of Portugal’s rule of law will depend on transparent and effective reforms, faithful protection of civil and property rights and the capacity to restore public trust through tangible improvements. If implemented well, such reforms could yield not only stronger governance, but also meaningful progress in reducing poverty and social inequality in Portugal.

– Vagner Trindade

Vagner is based in Portsmouth, UK and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Grassroot Innovations Changing Poverty Politics in Madagascar

Poverty Politics in MadagascarPoverty politics in Madagascar is often told as a story of failure, corruption, and unrest. But beneath the surface, citizens are crafting their own solutions. From solar cooperatives powering rural clinics and schools to tech platforms promoting transparency, grassroot innovations in Madagascar are quietly reshaping the country’s poverty dynamic.

Madagascar At Glance

Madagascar is famous for its large biodiversity as well as diverse cultural influence. The nation is rich in natural resources such as coal, chromite, salt quartz, hydropower, semiprecious stones, shellfish etc.

Madagascar’s economy is heavily dependent on its agricultural exports. For instance, sugar, coffee and vanilla to name a few. These exports have contributed to more than 25% of the nation’s gross domestic product.

However, approximately 75% of the population is currently living below international poverty lines. Natural disasters have contributed to Magadascar’s state of poverty due to uncertainty in agricultural productions. Given that agricultural infrastructures make up 80% of the nation’s employment, many rural workers feel the impacts of fluctuations in production.

Politics and Instability

Civil conflict has also played a significant role in poverty politics in Madagascar. A 2009 coup takeover placed former president Rajoelina in power; however, there are little reported developments with only about a 22% increase in GDP during his reign.

Fed up with electricity and water outages, Gen-Z protests in the capital Antananarivo, in late September 2025, provoked yet another government takeover. Frustrated with the nation’s immense corruption, weak institutions and  lack of accountability from the government, many Malagasy’s lack job opportunities and are left to fend for themselves.

On the other hand, grassroots innovations such as Solar United Madagascar (SUM), Jirogasy and SAYNA have given hope to many Malagasy citizens.

Solar United Madagascar

Solar United Madagascar utilizes an environmentally friendly approach in providing electricity to rural areas in Madagascar by mobilizing their light libraries throughout communities. The company installs solar panels on school buildings and ultimately allows families to lend power banks. This provides light to schools and homes after dark by non-toxic light instead of kerosene and candles, which can be hazardous. It has also been beneficial to entrepreneurs and small business owners. Recent developments include a total of 243 solar panels, 80 school buildings benefiting and servicing more than 7,000 customers in Madagascar.

Jirogasy

Founded by Yann Kasy, Jirogasy is a Malagasy startup that provides solar kits and solar computers to consumers. A team of engineers designed it for e-health and e-education in areas where electricity is scarce. The solar computers have provided an affordable alternative for hundreds of students in Madagascar, providing access to digital education and have been a vital resource for hospitals.

Sayna

Founded by Franco-Malagasy entrepreneur Martina Razafimachefa, SAYNA provides a digital gamified platform where users can improve their computer literacy with micro tasks that also allow them to earn income. Tasks focus on missions that involve quizzes, videos and games. Orange Venture, Malagasy Investment Club and Launch Africa Ventures provided $600,000 in equity funding to support this initiative, which addresses both the education and employment crisis in Madagascar.

From the Bottom Up

These initiatives reveal a different story about Madagascar than the narratives that are perceived. They define a population that is actively engineering its own future. Whether it is through solar-powered classrooms, off-grid computers or digital platforms that transform skills to work, grassroots innovations are reshaping poverty politics in Madagascar. In a country defined by instability, these innovations show that sustainable development is not only possible but currently taking place.

– Gloria Bwenge

Gloria is based in New York, NY, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Gender-Balanced Politics: Women in Power Reduce Poverty

Gender-Balanced PoliticsIn Rwanda, women hold almost two-thirds of the seats in parliament, the highest proportion in the world. When women entered politics in large numbers after the 1994 genocide, the government began prioritizing laws that improved daily life for families. Since then, Rwanda has expanded access to education, strengthened health care systems and reduced poverty among female-headed households.

Similar progress is visible elsewhere. In Nepal, thousands of women now serve on local councils, shaping budgets and school programs. In Finland, women have long led policies that make childcare affordable and education universal. Across the world, gender-balanced politics has shown that when women share power, communities thrive and poverty is reduced.

Why Representation Matters

Globally, women hold just 27.2% of parliamentary seats. Although this figure has risen from 11.3% in 1995, progress remains uneven. Research shows that gender-balanced politics has measurable economic benefits. Countries with more women in parliament tend to invest more in education, health care and family welfare, policies that reduce poverty in the long term. One study found that a 10-percentage-point increase in women’s representation is linked to a 0.74-point rise in GDP growth

Rwanda continues to lead the world, with women holding about 63.8% of parliamentary seats. Following the genocide, reforms ensured that women played a central role in rebuilding national institutions. Between 2001 and 2014, “the poverty rate declined by almost 18 percentage points.”

Across Europe and the Americas, countries with higher shares of women in parliament also rank high in education, universal health care and family support policies. The Americas average 34.5% women MPs — well above the global mean — showing how gender-balanced politics can translate into social progress.

Pathways to Gender Balance

Countries use quotas, mentoring and civic education to achieve gender-balanced politics. The IPU reports that nations with gender quotas average 31.2% women in parliament, compared with 16.8% in countries without quotas.

Mentorship and training help women access campaign networks, while civic education shifts public attitudes toward equality. Yet challenges persist: cultural norms, unequal campaign funding and harassment continue to hold women back.

When women share power in parliament and cabinet, policy priorities change. Investments in early education, maternal health and social protection rise. Countries with more women leaders tend to pass laws that expand women’s economic rights, boosting labour participation and reducing gender disparities.

Inclusive governance also strengthens accountability. Governments that reflect their populations’ diversity allocate resources more equitably, reducing poverty for all.

The Road Ahead

Gender-balanced politics is not just about equality, it’s about building fairer, stronger societies. Countries that include women in decision-making tend to achieve lower poverty rates, better health outcomes and faster development.

Rwanda and Nepal show what’s possible when women shape national policy. As more nations follow, gender balance in governance can evolve from an aspiration into a proven strategy for poverty reduction.

– Lucy Williams

Lucy is based in Wrexham, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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The Politics Behind Being Poor in Tanzania

Being Poor in TanzaniaHome to around 60 million people, poverty rates have seen a steady decline in Tanzania since the year 2000, particularly in the last two decades. For example, the national basic needs poverty rate fell from approximately 35.7% in 2001 to 26.4% in 2018. However, poverty is still a fundamental concern across Tanzania, with 51.53% of its population experiencing multidimensional poverty and living off $3 a day.

Rural vs Urban 

Being poor in Tanzania and the alarming poverty rates have strong links to the political struggle in addressing the rural-urban divide. Particularly, policies and strategies have historically favorably sided with urban areas, leaving rural regions with low agricultural productivity due to obsolete and inadequate infrastructure, limit access to credit and poor market integration. Conversely, in the urban areas of Tanzania, the evident benefit of acquiring government support is notable in the display of infrastructure and social investments. Essentially, such a stark contrast has led to both social and political unrest and tackling these issues is imperative to reduce extreme poverty.

Weak Policy Implementation

Despite relatively rapid economic growth and an investment to human development, poverty across Tanzania remains a concern, elucidating that the benefits that the wealthier of the population reap are not equally accessible to the poorest. The Tanzanian government’s focus on reducing poverty and inequality, namely in their commitments to the United Nations Sustainable Goals (SDG 1 and SDG 10) has indeed stabilized in past years and the government has received criticism for setting ill-informed and unrealistic goals for the country. In summary, exacerbated income inequality directly opposes the potential to reach economic growth to tackle extreme poverty and undermines Tanzanians’ ability to fully access their rights and to prosper with greater educational and health outcomes.

Government Corruption

One can directly associate being poor in Tanzania with government corruption and it is one of the greatest opponents to Tanzania achieving its development goals. Corruption has led to unsustainable exploitation of natural resources for the “benefit” of the country without consideration for human safety or the fundamental rights of the Tanzanian people. Similarly, many Tanzanian leaders have neglected the country’s developmental goal to eradicate extreme poverty and instead have acquired royalties from foreign investments, mineral companies and polluting industries.

Policy and Legal Framework Failure

The Tanzanian government has implemented a variety of policies to provide support for the local communities to manage and develop the available natural resources in the country. A pivotal example is evident in Tanzania’s Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), which outline the macroeconomic, structural, and social policies to achieve growth and reduce poverty. Having notable success, the PRSPs work to maintain low inflation and and improve tax collection, invest in land reforms and ensure improvements in farmer support services and targeting low income households and offer aid in education, health care and livelihoods. For example, within Tanzania’s Productive Social Safety Net (PSSN), a key attribute of the PRSPs, it has been evidenced that the PSSN had reduced household vulnerability to poverty by 13.4% highlighting its worth in policy contributions for reducing poverty in Tanzania.

Tanzania’s Fight Against Poverty

Despite the notable struggles that Tanzania faces in its journey to reduce poverty across the country, one cannot forget that much dedicated and inspiring work is continuously occurring to ensure the safety and well-being of all. For example, in 2006, the U.K. organization Village Africa embarked on a mission to fund partner organizations in Tanzania to improve health, education and environmental projects to work to alleviate poverty across the country. Thus far, Village Africa has established an emergency ambulance service that has reduced death rates in support communities, funded various student sponsorships and school building infrastructures and provided employment to local citizens through local building projects. In its most recent report, Village Africa has provided 125 students access to education through their Simba Club scheme, started a construction in a library for Yamba and been able to transport 79 people via the ambulance to receive emergency health care.

Conclusion

In summary, the government’s implementation (and lack of) of human development are largely impacting being poor in Tanzania and the fundamental concern of poverty. However, it is the tireless work of such dedicated organizations like Village Africa that make a true difference to the lives of many Tanzanians.

– Reece Robertshaw

Reece is based in Doncaster, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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First Elections in BARMM: A Test of Peace in the Philippines

BARMMIn the Philippines, the southern region of Bangsamoro, also known as the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), is holding its first official elections under a parliamentary setup on Oct. 13, 2025. These elections are important for the peace and prosperity of the Philippines and its southern region. However, the region has a history of volatility and the May 2025 general midterm elections were marked by significant violent political activity.

As reported by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP), the once-militant faction, Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which formerly clashed with the Philippines’ other governing authorities, has been making efforts to uphold a ceasefire. The group is also working to maintain peace in the region.

Election Violence and Security Concerns

While election violence almost doubled this year, the conditions for a ceasefire in BARMM have still technically been upheld. This gives hope for the upcoming elections, thanks largely to MILF and BARMM working toward peace. Both the government and MILF combatants formed the Joint Quick Response Team and have worked together to disarm and de-escalate violence in the region.

According to the University of the Philippines, while the country is striving toward a more integrated democratic nation, different forces have been attempting to coerce communities to vote a certain way through gun violence. Although official checkpoints have been established to confiscate firearms, rogue groups have set up their own checkpoints and even government officials are suspected of favoritism in how they follow through on checkpoints.

Global Implications and the Road Ahead

American organizations, such as the USIP, have been assisting in these areas. They credit MILF with striving to uphold peace and serving as an example of once-hostile forces working together toward a common goal. While the May midterms did not go as well as expected, there is hope that the October primaries will be both successful and less bloody. The fight for peace in the Philippines has been tenuous and how things will fare remains to be seen.

MILF created an agreement with the government in the late ’90s and early 2000s. The group has faithfully upheld its agreement and acted as an agent for peace in an otherwise volatile region. The Philippines could use more aid from countries like the U.S. and Japan, but the security of the whole Pacific region relies on the success of these upcoming elections.

Final Remarks

If this election is successful, it will be a step in the right direction for the Philippines as a democratic nation. It is of particular interest to countries like the U.S. and Japan in the fight against China’s push for control in Asia. As the Philippines becomes more secure, its economy is bound to thrive, poverty will decrease and it will become a more active member of the international political community. This hoped-for “unification” in the Philippines, while still showing signs of resistance in the area, promises to make the Philippines an “investment destination.”

The commitment of groups like MILF and USIP reflects optimism that maintaining peace in these volatile regions will lead to a better life for everyone involved. However, the history of the BARMM region casts considerable doubt on the future of the southern Philippines and its ability to move forward peacefully. Still, BARMM is working toward peace and the region’s future may be studied in textbooks for years to come.

– Gregory Walker

Gregory is based in York, PA, USA and focuses on Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Syria’s Infrastructure Crisis: Health, Education, Jobs and Energy

Syria's infrastructure crisisSyria slumped into a period of turmoil far before the fall of Assad. However, it continues to struggle despite the inception of the interim regime. Health care infrastructure, education, general employment and the energy sector have been downtrodden for years. The long-term effects of such a catastrophe have begun to compound. While significant efforts have been made to revive Syria’s infrastructure crisis, the consequence of their existence remains a consistent conflict.

Health Care

According to UNICEF, “Half of the primary health care system in Syria remains offline. Two out of five sub-districts do not have functional primary health care facilities.” As of February 2025, more than 40% of Syria’s hospitals and more than 60% of primary health care facilities are offline. According to the U.N., as of December 2024, two million people live in Aleppo, yet fewer than eight hospitals remain operable.

On top of that, only around 20,000 medical staff are left in Syria. This leaves the ratio of health care workers to patients at 2.4 per 1,000, as opposed to the international standard of 4.5 per 1,000. Moreover, Al Jazeera has reported that there are currently more than five million people in Syria living with cancer. However, there are only three oncologists throughout the entire nation.

The hospitals remaining in operation are consistently full and hundreds of names are withering on waitlists waiting to receive prosthetics. Most health care facilities in northern Syria do not possess the equipment necessary to perform intensive surgeries, let alone have access to cancer and heart disease medication.

As of April, the Aid Fund for Syria reported distributing more than $18 million to support health care projects in northern Syria. The funding has assisted more than 65 medical facilities serving 1.9 million people, trained about 2,000 health care workers and contributed to more than 863,000 consultations.

Education and Employment

UNICEF stated that one in three schools in Syria has either been damaged, decimated, converted to military installations or repurposed into civilian shelters. Thousands of educators have fled the country and nearly half of all children ages 5-17 do not attend school. Despite these figures, UNICEF reported in June that 365,000 children had received educational support and 27,000 teachers were trained across all 14 governorates.

Regardless, many of these children may still join the ranks of their compatriots, 37% of whom were unemployed as of June 2024, with 85% facing disguised unemployment, according to the BBC. However, that number may rise as the new regime announced the public sector will require only 550,000–600,000 employees, less than half its previous size. While mass layoffs have not yet occurred, many workers have already been placed on leave.

According to the Tahir Institute, the remaining employees will receive a 200% salary rise, bringing the average monthly wage to $68, just above the poverty line. In March, it was estimated that a family of five living in Damascus would require monthly earnings totaling $666. Of course, this also relates to the depreciation of the Syrian pound. From 2019 to 2024, the currency fell by more than 3,680% against the U.S. dollar, coupled with a rise in inflation. However, it also rose when Assad’s regime collapsed. However, it’s feared that this boost will be temporary.

While progress is made in small amounts, it is still made. In May, the International Labor Organization (ILO) reported implementing the Employment-Intensive Investment Program, which has created short-term jobs in infrastructure rehabilitation; in Aleppo, 140 jobs were generated through this system.

Energy

According to the Tahir Institute, overall infrastructure repair for Syria is estimated to cost between $250 billion and $400 billion. However, Reuters reports that the electrical grid will only cost the nation around $11 billion. Since the start of the civil war, energy production has reduced by 80%, partly because 70% of power plants and electrical lines are damaged. As of October 2024, more than 50% of Syria’s electrical grid is offline.

Power has long been rationed to less than four hours per day for those still connected. Setting aside structural damage, the main factor in this equation is a lack of oil and gas. Syrian Minister of Electricity Ghassan al-Zamel reported that while the ministry requires 23 million cubic meters of gas daily, it receives only 6.5 million. Similarly, only 4,500 of the 10,000 tons of fuel required per day are available.

Moreover, under Assad, the regime had developed plans to install 2,500 megawatts of solar energy, 1,500 megawatts of wind power and 1.2 million solar water heaters. However, it’s uncertain whether or not these projects will ever come to fruition under the new interim government. Regardless, as of June 30, President Trump has lifted sanctions on Syria. While oil and gas may still be inexplicably expensive, it’s a step in the direction of being able to rebuild and reduce Syria’s infrastructure crisis.

In addition, Syria has committed to a deal with Qatar for $7 billion to construct four gas-fueled power plants and a single solar plant. According to Reuters, the energy generated from these facilities is expected to produce 50% of Syria’s electricity and create 50,000-250,000 jobs. However, the deal states that Qatar will own and operate these facilities once completed.

Final Remarks

Perhaps once elections occur, Syria’s infrastructure crisis can be improved and the country can focus on areas that increase its GDP, creating more opportunities for its overwhelmingly impoverished. However, the future remains unclear.

– Owen Armentrout

Owen is based in Detroit, MI, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Thailand and Cambodia Ceasefire: How Their Civilians Are Affected

Thailand and CambodiaSince May 2025, Thailand and Cambodia have been embroiled in a conflict over their disputed border, however, on July 28, a ceasefire was declared. Although tensions are still high, a truce is still a good sign for peace in the future. As the ceasefire continues to be negotiated, one of the most important questions is how the civilian population of both countries will recover from the damage of the conflict. Here’s an overview of the effects on the civilians and what Thailand and Cambodia can do to ensure their welfare going forward.

Thailand and Cambodia’s Border Dispute: An Overview

The war between Thailand and Cambodia flared up in May after decades of tensions over their border. The dispute dates back to the ’50s, when Cambodia gained independence from France and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) awarded it part of the contested territory. This is not the first time the conflict has turned violent; the first open clashes occurred in 2008. Fighting subsided after the ICJ intervention in 2013, but flared again in May of this year.

The specific area being fought over lies in northwestern Cambodia’s Preah Vihear province and the adjacent northeastern region of Thailand. The current conflict has mostly been fought over a distance, with strategic bombing campaigns rather than ground invasions. The first shots in this particular conflict were fired on May 28, 2025. Official military conflict lasted five days in July 2025 and a ceasefire was announced shortly afterward.

The Civilian Toll

Given the brief nature of this conflict, civilian deaths have been relatively low. However, it is estimated that around 175,000 civilians have been displaced due to bombing campaigns from both parties. The civilians have been able to remain in their home countries, but still have to deal with large-scale property destruction.

Civilian displacement is one of the most common sources of quality-of-life reduction in war. It typically occurs as a result of large-scale property destruction. This property destruction can accelerate poverty due to worsened living conditions. It can also lead to overcrowding issues in the areas where they are being relocated, making supplies more scarce. With such a large number of displaced persons, Thailand and Cambodia’s ceasefire arriving as soon as it did was vital.

Moving Forward

To prevent civilians from falling into impoverished conditions, rebuilding in Thailand and Cambodia will be needed. The process of moving displaced civilians back to their homes has not begun yet. Logistically speaking, this rebuilding and relocating process will be expensive. However, this rebuilding process is vital to the health and well-being of both countries.

Both countries have a long way to go before establishing lasting peace. Even after this ceasefire was declared, both Thailand and Cambodia have accused each other of breaking the ceasefire. Even still, this ceasefire is a step in the right direction. Hopefully, this can lead to a more lasting peace between the two nations.

– Thaddeus Konieczny

Thaddeus is based in Williamston, MI, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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How Political Turmoil Deepens Poverty in Thailand

Political Turmoil in ThailandThailand is facing one of its toughest years in recent memory, as political crisis and economic stagnation combine to hurt the most vulnerable. The dismissal of Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra in August 2025 has left the country in political limbo, disrupting budget plans and stalling welfare programs. As political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, low-income households are being forced to shoulder the brunt of rising costs, job insecurity and weakened safety nets.

Poverty on the Rise

The World Bank has cut Thailand’s 2025 growth forecast from 2.9% to just 1.8%, citing instability as a key reason behind slowing investment and policy delays. This translates into fewer jobs, weaker income growth and rising debt for poorer households. Thailand’s household debt already stands at nearly 91% of GDP, one of the highest rates in Asia, leaving families little room to absorb economic shocks.

Tourism, once a major employer of low-wage workers, has suffered repeated disruptions from political unrest. Manufacturing, another crucial source of jobs for people experiencing poverty, has also slowed as investors grow wary of instability and tariff disputes.

Informal workers who comprise more than half of Thailand’s labor force are especially vulnerable, as they lack access to unemployment benefits or other protections. As political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, many of these workers are forced to rely on debt to meet daily expenses.

Welfare and Budget Delays

The fallout from the political crisis is most visible in stalled welfare programs. The budget of more than $117 billion in 2026, which funds subsidies, social assistance and infrastructure projects, has been delayed by parliamentary gridlock. Without these funds, government schemes designed to ease living costs for low-income people, such as transport subsidies and cash transfers, are left in limbo.

This uncertainty is particularly damaging for Thailand’s rural and urban poor, who depend on these subsidies to cope with inflation and high debt. Political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, not only by driving up living costs but also by undermining the very policies meant to protect the vulnerable.

Relief Efforts Amid Crisis

While national politics stall, other actors have stepped in to provide support. The Bank of Thailand has cut interest rates to 1.50%, seeking to reduce debt burdens and encourage borrowing. However, economists warn that this measure alone is insufficient.

Civil society groups are playing a vital role in bridging the gap. Tearfund works with rural communities to improve incomes and build resilience. At the same time, CARE International focuses on food security and women’s livelihoods programs, which have become more urgent as families face mounting hardship.

In Bangkok, grassroots groups like the Bangkok Community Help Foundation run food banks and the “Center of Dreams” initiative. It offers education and skills training to children from low-income families. These efforts ensure that vulnerable communities still receive some support even when the state falters.

Housing insecurity has also been partially addressed through the Baan Mankong program, run by Thailand’s Community Organizations Development Institute (CODI). The initiative helps low-income families improve housing and living conditions through collective financing. While not a cure-all, such community-led projects provide stability in uncertain times.

Conclusion

Thailand’s ongoing crisis shows how deeply politics and poverty are intertwined. The removal of a prime minister, the delay of a national budget and the weakening of investor confidence may sound like abstract political issues. However, they carry direct consequences for ordinary people.

As political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, the needy face higher prices, rising debt and fewer opportunities. Relief efforts by NGOs, local organizations and some government institutions are helping to soften the blow.

Yet these measures remain small compared to the scale of the problem. Until political stability is restored, Thailand’s most impoverished citizens will remain caught in a cycle of uncertainty, bearing the heaviest burden of a crisis far beyond their control.

– Charlie Wood

Charlie is based in West Yorkshire, UK and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay