Archive for category: Politics

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Gender-Balanced Politics: Women in Power Reduce Poverty

Gender-Balanced PoliticsIn Rwanda, women hold almost two-thirds of the seats in parliament, the highest proportion in the world. When women entered politics in large numbers after the 1994 genocide, the government began prioritizing laws that improved daily life for families. Since then, Rwanda has expanded access to education, strengthened health care systems and reduced poverty among female-headed households.

Similar progress is visible elsewhere. In Nepal, thousands of women now serve on local councils, shaping budgets and school programs. In Finland, women have long led policies that make childcare affordable and education universal. Across the world, gender-balanced politics has shown that when women share power, communities thrive and poverty is reduced.

Why Representation Matters

Globally, women hold just 27.2% of parliamentary seats. Although this figure has risen from 11.3% in 1995, progress remains uneven. Research shows that gender-balanced politics has measurable economic benefits. Countries with more women in parliament tend to invest more in education, health care and family welfare, policies that reduce poverty in the long term. One study found that a 10-percentage-point increase in women’s representation is linked to a 0.74-point rise in GDP growth

Rwanda continues to lead the world, with women holding about 63.8% of parliamentary seats. Following the genocide, reforms ensured that women played a central role in rebuilding national institutions. Between 2001 and 2014, “the poverty rate declined by almost 18 percentage points.”

Across Europe and the Americas, countries with higher shares of women in parliament also rank high in education, universal health care and family support policies. The Americas average 34.5% women MPs — well above the global mean — showing how gender-balanced politics can translate into social progress.

Pathways to Gender Balance

Countries use quotas, mentoring and civic education to achieve gender-balanced politics. The IPU reports that nations with gender quotas average 31.2% women in parliament, compared with 16.8% in countries without quotas.

Mentorship and training help women access campaign networks, while civic education shifts public attitudes toward equality. Yet challenges persist: cultural norms, unequal campaign funding and harassment continue to hold women back.

When women share power in parliament and cabinet, policy priorities change. Investments in early education, maternal health and social protection rise. Countries with more women leaders tend to pass laws that expand women’s economic rights, boosting labour participation and reducing gender disparities.

Inclusive governance also strengthens accountability. Governments that reflect their populations’ diversity allocate resources more equitably, reducing poverty for all.

The Road Ahead

Gender-balanced politics is not just about equality, it’s about building fairer, stronger societies. Countries that include women in decision-making tend to achieve lower poverty rates, better health outcomes and faster development.

Rwanda and Nepal show what’s possible when women shape national policy. As more nations follow, gender balance in governance can evolve from an aspiration into a proven strategy for poverty reduction.

– Lucy Williams

Lucy is based in Wrexham, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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The Politics Behind Being Poor in Tanzania

Being Poor in TanzaniaHome to around 60 million people, poverty rates have seen a steady decline in Tanzania since the year 2000, particularly in the last two decades. For example, the national basic needs poverty rate fell from approximately 35.7% in 2001 to 26.4% in 2018. However, poverty is still a fundamental concern across Tanzania, with 51.53% of its population experiencing multidimensional poverty and living off $3 a day.

Rural vs Urban 

Being poor in Tanzania and the alarming poverty rates have strong links to the political struggle in addressing the rural-urban divide. Particularly, policies and strategies have historically favorably sided with urban areas, leaving rural regions with low agricultural productivity due to obsolete and inadequate infrastructure, limit access to credit and poor market integration. Conversely, in the urban areas of Tanzania, the evident benefit of acquiring government support is notable in the display of infrastructure and social investments. Essentially, such a stark contrast has led to both social and political unrest and tackling these issues is imperative to reduce extreme poverty.

Weak Policy Implementation

Despite relatively rapid economic growth and an investment to human development, poverty across Tanzania remains a concern, elucidating that the benefits that the wealthier of the population reap are not equally accessible to the poorest. The Tanzanian government’s focus on reducing poverty and inequality, namely in their commitments to the United Nations Sustainable Goals (SDG 1 and SDG 10) has indeed stabilized in past years and the government has received criticism for setting ill-informed and unrealistic goals for the country. In summary, exacerbated income inequality directly opposes the potential to reach economic growth to tackle extreme poverty and undermines Tanzanians’ ability to fully access their rights and to prosper with greater educational and health outcomes.

Government Corruption

One can directly associate being poor in Tanzania with government corruption and it is one of the greatest opponents to Tanzania achieving its development goals. Corruption has led to unsustainable exploitation of natural resources for the “benefit” of the country without consideration for human safety or the fundamental rights of the Tanzanian people. Similarly, many Tanzanian leaders have neglected the country’s developmental goal to eradicate extreme poverty and instead have acquired royalties from foreign investments, mineral companies and polluting industries.

Policy and Legal Framework Failure

The Tanzanian government has implemented a variety of policies to provide support for the local communities to manage and develop the available natural resources in the country. A pivotal example is evident in Tanzania’s Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), which outline the macroeconomic, structural, and social policies to achieve growth and reduce poverty. Having notable success, the PRSPs work to maintain low inflation and and improve tax collection, invest in land reforms and ensure improvements in farmer support services and targeting low income households and offer aid in education, health care and livelihoods. For example, within Tanzania’s Productive Social Safety Net (PSSN), a key attribute of the PRSPs, it has been evidenced that the PSSN had reduced household vulnerability to poverty by 13.4% highlighting its worth in policy contributions for reducing poverty in Tanzania.

Tanzania’s Fight Against Poverty

Despite the notable struggles that Tanzania faces in its journey to reduce poverty across the country, one cannot forget that much dedicated and inspiring work is continuously occurring to ensure the safety and well-being of all. For example, in 2006, the U.K. organization Village Africa embarked on a mission to fund partner organizations in Tanzania to improve health, education and environmental projects to work to alleviate poverty across the country. Thus far, Village Africa has established an emergency ambulance service that has reduced death rates in support communities, funded various student sponsorships and school building infrastructures and provided employment to local citizens through local building projects. In its most recent report, Village Africa has provided 125 students access to education through their Simba Club scheme, started a construction in a library for Yamba and been able to transport 79 people via the ambulance to receive emergency health care.

Conclusion

In summary, the government’s implementation (and lack of) of human development are largely impacting being poor in Tanzania and the fundamental concern of poverty. However, it is the tireless work of such dedicated organizations like Village Africa that make a true difference to the lives of many Tanzanians.

– Reece Robertshaw

Reece is based in Doncaster, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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First Elections in BARMM: A Test of Peace in the Philippines

BARMMIn the Philippines, the southern region of Bangsamoro, also known as the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), is holding its first official elections under a parliamentary setup on Oct. 13, 2025. These elections are important for the peace and prosperity of the Philippines and its southern region. However, the region has a history of volatility and the May 2025 general midterm elections were marked by significant violent political activity.

As reported by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP), the once-militant faction, Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which formerly clashed with the Philippines’ other governing authorities, has been making efforts to uphold a ceasefire. The group is also working to maintain peace in the region.

Election Violence and Security Concerns

While election violence almost doubled this year, the conditions for a ceasefire in BARMM have still technically been upheld. This gives hope for the upcoming elections, thanks largely to MILF and BARMM working toward peace. Both the government and MILF combatants formed the Joint Quick Response Team and have worked together to disarm and de-escalate violence in the region.

According to the University of the Philippines, while the country is striving toward a more integrated democratic nation, different forces have been attempting to coerce communities to vote a certain way through gun violence. Although official checkpoints have been established to confiscate firearms, rogue groups have set up their own checkpoints and even government officials are suspected of favoritism in how they follow through on checkpoints.

Global Implications and the Road Ahead

American organizations, such as the USIP, have been assisting in these areas. They credit MILF with striving to uphold peace and serving as an example of once-hostile forces working together toward a common goal. While the May midterms did not go as well as expected, there is hope that the October primaries will be both successful and less bloody. The fight for peace in the Philippines has been tenuous and how things will fare remains to be seen.

MILF created an agreement with the government in the late ’90s and early 2000s. The group has faithfully upheld its agreement and acted as an agent for peace in an otherwise volatile region. The Philippines could use more aid from countries like the U.S. and Japan, but the security of the whole Pacific region relies on the success of these upcoming elections.

Final Remarks

If this election is successful, it will be a step in the right direction for the Philippines as a democratic nation. It is of particular interest to countries like the U.S. and Japan in the fight against China’s push for control in Asia. As the Philippines becomes more secure, its economy is bound to thrive, poverty will decrease and it will become a more active member of the international political community. This hoped-for “unification” in the Philippines, while still showing signs of resistance in the area, promises to make the Philippines an “investment destination.”

The commitment of groups like MILF and USIP reflects optimism that maintaining peace in these volatile regions will lead to a better life for everyone involved. However, the history of the BARMM region casts considerable doubt on the future of the southern Philippines and its ability to move forward peacefully. Still, BARMM is working toward peace and the region’s future may be studied in textbooks for years to come.

– Gregory Walker

Gregory is based in York, PA, USA and focuses on Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Syria’s Infrastructure Crisis: Health, Education, Jobs and Energy

Syria's infrastructure crisisSyria slumped into a period of turmoil far before the fall of Assad. However, it continues to struggle despite the inception of the interim regime. Health care infrastructure, education, general employment and the energy sector have been downtrodden for years. The long-term effects of such a catastrophe have begun to compound. While significant efforts have been made to revive Syria’s infrastructure crisis, the consequence of their existence remains a consistent conflict.

Health Care

According to UNICEF, “Half of the primary health care system in Syria remains offline. Two out of five sub-districts do not have functional primary health care facilities.” As of February 2025, more than 40% of Syria’s hospitals and more than 60% of primary health care facilities are offline. According to the U.N., as of December 2024, two million people live in Aleppo, yet fewer than eight hospitals remain operable.

On top of that, only around 20,000 medical staff are left in Syria. This leaves the ratio of health care workers to patients at 2.4 per 1,000, as opposed to the international standard of 4.5 per 1,000. Moreover, Al Jazeera has reported that there are currently more than five million people in Syria living with cancer. However, there are only three oncologists throughout the entire nation.

The hospitals remaining in operation are consistently full and hundreds of names are withering on waitlists waiting to receive prosthetics. Most health care facilities in northern Syria do not possess the equipment necessary to perform intensive surgeries, let alone have access to cancer and heart disease medication.

As of April, the Aid Fund for Syria reported distributing more than $18 million to support health care projects in northern Syria. The funding has assisted more than 65 medical facilities serving 1.9 million people, trained about 2,000 health care workers and contributed to more than 863,000 consultations.

Education and Employment

UNICEF stated that one in three schools in Syria has either been damaged, decimated, converted to military installations or repurposed into civilian shelters. Thousands of educators have fled the country and nearly half of all children ages 5-17 do not attend school. Despite these figures, UNICEF reported in June that 365,000 children had received educational support and 27,000 teachers were trained across all 14 governorates.

Regardless, many of these children may still join the ranks of their compatriots, 37% of whom were unemployed as of June 2024, with 85% facing disguised unemployment, according to the BBC. However, that number may rise as the new regime announced the public sector will require only 550,000–600,000 employees, less than half its previous size. While mass layoffs have not yet occurred, many workers have already been placed on leave.

According to the Tahir Institute, the remaining employees will receive a 200% salary rise, bringing the average monthly wage to $68, just above the poverty line. In March, it was estimated that a family of five living in Damascus would require monthly earnings totaling $666. Of course, this also relates to the depreciation of the Syrian pound. From 2019 to 2024, the currency fell by more than 3,680% against the U.S. dollar, coupled with a rise in inflation. However, it also rose when Assad’s regime collapsed. However, it’s feared that this boost will be temporary.

While progress is made in small amounts, it is still made. In May, the International Labor Organization (ILO) reported implementing the Employment-Intensive Investment Program, which has created short-term jobs in infrastructure rehabilitation; in Aleppo, 140 jobs were generated through this system.

Energy

According to the Tahir Institute, overall infrastructure repair for Syria is estimated to cost between $250 billion and $400 billion. However, Reuters reports that the electrical grid will only cost the nation around $11 billion. Since the start of the civil war, energy production has reduced by 80%, partly because 70% of power plants and electrical lines are damaged. As of October 2024, more than 50% of Syria’s electrical grid is offline.

Power has long been rationed to less than four hours per day for those still connected. Setting aside structural damage, the main factor in this equation is a lack of oil and gas. Syrian Minister of Electricity Ghassan al-Zamel reported that while the ministry requires 23 million cubic meters of gas daily, it receives only 6.5 million. Similarly, only 4,500 of the 10,000 tons of fuel required per day are available.

Moreover, under Assad, the regime had developed plans to install 2,500 megawatts of solar energy, 1,500 megawatts of wind power and 1.2 million solar water heaters. However, it’s uncertain whether or not these projects will ever come to fruition under the new interim government. Regardless, as of June 30, President Trump has lifted sanctions on Syria. While oil and gas may still be inexplicably expensive, it’s a step in the direction of being able to rebuild and reduce Syria’s infrastructure crisis.

In addition, Syria has committed to a deal with Qatar for $7 billion to construct four gas-fueled power plants and a single solar plant. According to Reuters, the energy generated from these facilities is expected to produce 50% of Syria’s electricity and create 50,000-250,000 jobs. However, the deal states that Qatar will own and operate these facilities once completed.

Final Remarks

Perhaps once elections occur, Syria’s infrastructure crisis can be improved and the country can focus on areas that increase its GDP, creating more opportunities for its overwhelmingly impoverished. However, the future remains unclear.

– Owen Armentrout

Owen is based in Detroit, MI, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Thailand and Cambodia Ceasefire: How Their Civilians Are Affected

Thailand and CambodiaSince May 2025, Thailand and Cambodia have been embroiled in a conflict over their disputed border, however, on July 28, a ceasefire was declared. Although tensions are still high, a truce is still a good sign for peace in the future. As the ceasefire continues to be negotiated, one of the most important questions is how the civilian population of both countries will recover from the damage of the conflict. Here’s an overview of the effects on the civilians and what Thailand and Cambodia can do to ensure their welfare going forward.

Thailand and Cambodia’s Border Dispute: An Overview

The war between Thailand and Cambodia flared up in May after decades of tensions over their border. The dispute dates back to the ’50s, when Cambodia gained independence from France and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) awarded it part of the contested territory. This is not the first time the conflict has turned violent; the first open clashes occurred in 2008. Fighting subsided after the ICJ intervention in 2013, but flared again in May of this year.

The specific area being fought over lies in northwestern Cambodia’s Preah Vihear province and the adjacent northeastern region of Thailand. The current conflict has mostly been fought over a distance, with strategic bombing campaigns rather than ground invasions. The first shots in this particular conflict were fired on May 28, 2025. Official military conflict lasted five days in July 2025 and a ceasefire was announced shortly afterward.

The Civilian Toll

Given the brief nature of this conflict, civilian deaths have been relatively low. However, it is estimated that around 175,000 civilians have been displaced due to bombing campaigns from both parties. The civilians have been able to remain in their home countries, but still have to deal with large-scale property destruction.

Civilian displacement is one of the most common sources of quality-of-life reduction in war. It typically occurs as a result of large-scale property destruction. This property destruction can accelerate poverty due to worsened living conditions. It can also lead to overcrowding issues in the areas where they are being relocated, making supplies more scarce. With such a large number of displaced persons, Thailand and Cambodia’s ceasefire arriving as soon as it did was vital.

Moving Forward

To prevent civilians from falling into impoverished conditions, rebuilding in Thailand and Cambodia will be needed. The process of moving displaced civilians back to their homes has not begun yet. Logistically speaking, this rebuilding and relocating process will be expensive. However, this rebuilding process is vital to the health and well-being of both countries.

Both countries have a long way to go before establishing lasting peace. Even after this ceasefire was declared, both Thailand and Cambodia have accused each other of breaking the ceasefire. Even still, this ceasefire is a step in the right direction. Hopefully, this can lead to a more lasting peace between the two nations.

– Thaddeus Konieczny

Thaddeus is based in Williamston, MI, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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How Political Turmoil Deepens Poverty in Thailand

Political Turmoil in ThailandThailand is facing one of its toughest years in recent memory, as political crisis and economic stagnation combine to hurt the most vulnerable. The dismissal of Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra in August 2025 has left the country in political limbo, disrupting budget plans and stalling welfare programs. As political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, low-income households are being forced to shoulder the brunt of rising costs, job insecurity and weakened safety nets.

Poverty on the Rise

The World Bank has cut Thailand’s 2025 growth forecast from 2.9% to just 1.8%, citing instability as a key reason behind slowing investment and policy delays. This translates into fewer jobs, weaker income growth and rising debt for poorer households. Thailand’s household debt already stands at nearly 91% of GDP, one of the highest rates in Asia, leaving families little room to absorb economic shocks.

Tourism, once a major employer of low-wage workers, has suffered repeated disruptions from political unrest. Manufacturing, another crucial source of jobs for people experiencing poverty, has also slowed as investors grow wary of instability and tariff disputes.

Informal workers who comprise more than half of Thailand’s labor force are especially vulnerable, as they lack access to unemployment benefits or other protections. As political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, many of these workers are forced to rely on debt to meet daily expenses.

Welfare and Budget Delays

The fallout from the political crisis is most visible in stalled welfare programs. The budget of more than $117 billion in 2026, which funds subsidies, social assistance and infrastructure projects, has been delayed by parliamentary gridlock. Without these funds, government schemes designed to ease living costs for low-income people, such as transport subsidies and cash transfers, are left in limbo.

This uncertainty is particularly damaging for Thailand’s rural and urban poor, who depend on these subsidies to cope with inflation and high debt. Political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, not only by driving up living costs but also by undermining the very policies meant to protect the vulnerable.

Relief Efforts Amid Crisis

While national politics stall, other actors have stepped in to provide support. The Bank of Thailand has cut interest rates to 1.50%, seeking to reduce debt burdens and encourage borrowing. However, economists warn that this measure alone is insufficient.

Civil society groups are playing a vital role in bridging the gap. Tearfund works with rural communities to improve incomes and build resilience. At the same time, CARE International focuses on food security and women’s livelihoods programs, which have become more urgent as families face mounting hardship.

In Bangkok, grassroots groups like the Bangkok Community Help Foundation run food banks and the “Center of Dreams” initiative. It offers education and skills training to children from low-income families. These efforts ensure that vulnerable communities still receive some support even when the state falters.

Housing insecurity has also been partially addressed through the Baan Mankong program, run by Thailand’s Community Organizations Development Institute (CODI). The initiative helps low-income families improve housing and living conditions through collective financing. While not a cure-all, such community-led projects provide stability in uncertain times.

Conclusion

Thailand’s ongoing crisis shows how deeply politics and poverty are intertwined. The removal of a prime minister, the delay of a national budget and the weakening of investor confidence may sound like abstract political issues. However, they carry direct consequences for ordinary people.

As political turmoil deepens poverty in Thailand, the needy face higher prices, rising debt and fewer opportunities. Relief efforts by NGOs, local organizations and some government institutions are helping to soften the blow.

Yet these measures remain small compared to the scale of the problem. Until political stability is restored, Thailand’s most impoverished citizens will remain caught in a cycle of uncertainty, bearing the heaviest burden of a crisis far beyond their control.

– Charlie Wood

Charlie is based in West Yorkshire, UK and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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The 1995 Global Summit Became a Blueprint for Ending Poverty

The World Summit for Social Development (WSSD) took place in 1995 in Copenhagen, Denmark. Many considered this event a catalyst for international cooperation in reducing global poverty. The 1995 Global Summit was, at its time, the largest convention of world leaders to ever meet; more than 14,000 people attended, including delegates from 186 countries, with heads of state or government representing 117 of them.

Copenhagen Declaration on Social Development

The Copenhagen Declaration on Social Development was the main political declaration that summit participants adopted in 1995. It outlines the global commitment to social development, focusing on reducing poverty.

The Copenhagen Declaration outlines ten key commitments. A summary of these commitments includes:

  1. Creating an environment to achieve social development.
  2. Eradicate poverty through national and international actions.
  3. Full employment, productive and freely chosen.
  4. Promoting social integration in society.
  5. Equality between men and women.
  6. Equitable access to quality education and health care, both physical and mental.
  7. Speeding up development in Africa and other developing countries.
  8. Strengthening civil society with structural adjustment programmes.
  9. Mobilizing resources allocated to social development.
  10. Strengthening framework for international, regional and subregional cooperation for social development.

Declaration and Program of Action

Many governments adopted a “Declaration and Program of Action” in conjunction with the Copenhagen Declaration. This meant that they agreed to put people at the center of development, to advance social development by improving 10 core areas mentioned in the Copenhagen declaration. In the declaration of action, member states made a practical implementation plan to improve and promote social development and accelerate development in Africa and other developing countries across the world.

Furthermore, this declaration aimed to achieve its goals by addressing several key issues. These included debt elimination, reorientation of agricultural policies and increased Official Development Assistance (ODA). It also addressed collective bargaining rights, poverty vulnerability indicators, traditional rights to resources and health care access for low-income families.

How Did It Become a Blueprint for Ending Poverty?

  1. Global unanimity on poverty being a political and moral priority. Additionally, poverty can be addressed through coordinated policies.
  2. It became a catalyst for national anti-poverty strategies, as the 1995 Global Summit encouraged countries to create their own poverty reduction plans.
  3. Acknowledgement of the importance of a civil society. This event gave a platform to charities, NGOs and marginalized communities.
  4. Transition toward people-centered development, rather than economic development being a priority. The 1995 Global Summit made clear the importance of poverty being a multidimensional issue, comprising access to health care, education and social participation.

30-Year Anniversary of the WSSD

In 2025, 30 years after the 1995 Global Summit, the United Nations (U.N.) will meet for the second WSSD, this time in Doha, Qatar, in November 2025. This summit will give global leaders the opportunity to rethink their position on social development and realign poverty as a political priority. The 2025 summit will also create an opening to discuss crucial issues that weren’t a priority 30 years ago, while also rebuilding trust between institutions and multilateralism.

– Emma Dornan

Emma is based in Fife, Scotland and focuses on Technology and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Reasons For Venezuela’s Displacement Crisis

Venezuela’s Displacement CrisisSince 2014, Venezuela has faced a major displacement crisis. With limited access to basic rights, food, medicine and other essentials, many Venezuelans have turned to extreme survival strategies, the most common being to flee the country.

Around 8 million people have left Venezuela, making it the world’s second-largest displacement crisis. Of these, about 6.7 million migrants and refugees remain in Latin American and Caribbean countries, with Colombia hosting the largest share at 2.8 million. 

Economic Collapse

Venezuela’s displacement crisis is fundamentally rooted in a devastating economic collapse. Triggered by a perfect storm of plummeting oil prices, mismanaged state policies and weakening sanctions. With oil accounting for 95% of Venezuela’s export earnings, the 2014 collapse in global oil prices wiped out the country’s main revenue stream.

As inflation soared to hyperinflationary heights, with annual rates exceeding 344,510%, Venezuela lost access to essential services. Around 90% of the population cannot afford food, which has led to widespread breakdowns in health and nutrition.

Analysts have described Venezuela’s economy as “free fall,” with GDP shrinking by roughly one-third between 2013 and the mid-2010s. Adding to these pressures, U.S.-led sanctions, described by Tricontinental as “Unilateral Coercive Measures,” have deepened Venezuela’s economic collapse. Between 2017 and December 2024, they wiped out oil revenues equal to 213% of GDP, a staggering loss of more than $200 billion.

This economic failure has forced millions into poverty and desperation. Unable to meet basic needs at home, Venezuelans were compelled to flee in search of security and subsistence, which makes the country’s economic collapse one of the main drivers of its displacement crisis.

Political Instability

Political instability in Venezuela has become a powerful catalyst for Venezuela’s displacement crisis, propelled by authoritarian repression, democratic erosion and systematic violence. Since the July 2024 election, state forces and pro-government colectivos have carried out pervasive abuses and killings. They have enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions and torture specifically targeting protesters, opposition members and innocent bystanders.

In 2025, Freedom House classified Venezuela as “not free,” citing the collapse of democratic structures and the elimination of dissent, while a recent U.N. Fact-Finding Mission confirmed ongoing crimes against humanity involving political persecution. This political violence has stripped Venezuelans of safety and legal recourse. When peaceful protest leads to detention or disappearance, families see exile as the only option.

The International Organization for Migration’s (IOM) 2025 crisis response cites political persecution alongside all the violence as core drivers of migration. Together, systematic repression and institutional collapse have made political instability a central force behind Venezuela’s displacement crisis.

Human Rights Violations

Human rights violations are another major force behind Venezuela’s displacement crisis, with thousands of people facing violence, mistreatment and fear for their safety. Reports from Amnesty International describe widespread arbitrary arrests, in which individuals are detained without explanation or access to legal support. Many detainees are held in overcrowded, unsanitary conditions, facing beatings, denial of medical care and psychological abuse.

The U.N. Fact-Finding Mission and other human rights groups have also documented enforced disappearances where individuals vanish, being taken away by security forces. This leaves families in a state of uncertainty for weeks or months. The U.K.’s June 2025 Statement to the U.N. Human Rights Council reports more than 900 individuals arbitrarily detained or forced to disappear. Legal safeguards have been gutted, with civil society stifled under “Anti-NGO” legislation.

Moreover, enforced disappearances have continued into mid-2025. Amnesty International reports at least 15 cases of forced disappearances, of which eight remain unsolved. Victims include children, Journalists and everyday citizens who have simply spoken out about shortages, poor services or safety concerns.

These abuses have caused deep emotional trauma, family disruption and a constant climate of fear. For many, the risk of being targeted is so high that leaving Venezuela becomes the only way to protect themselves and their loved ones.

What’s Being Done To Help?

A combination of international agencies, humanitarian organizations and regional governments is leading efforts to address Venezuela’s displacement crisis. Indeed, the U.N. Refugee Agency and IOM coordinate large-scale assistance through regional refugee and migrant response plans. These organizations deliver emergency shelter, food, health care and documentation support to Venezuelans across Latin America and the Caribbean.

Nongovernmental organizations like World Vision and Amnesty International are working to protect vulnerable groups, provide psychological support and ensure displaced children can continue their education. Additionally, the Quito Process, a regional initiative involving more than a dozen countries, is helping harmonize policies on temporary protection status, enabling migrants to work legally and access public services.

With sustained global attention, coordinated aid and fair treatment for those displaced, there is hope to ease the suffering and help millions rebuild their lives beyond the borders of Venezuela.

– Charlie Wood

Charlie is based in West Yorkshire, UK and focuses on Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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Fragility and the Rule of Law in New Caledonia

Fragility and the Rule of Law in New CaledoniaThe French Overseas Territory of New Caledonia is undergoing a political transformation, driven by recent violence in the capital, Noumea. In response, French President Emmanuel Macron has announced plans to grant the territory statehood. This unprecedented move would alter the Pacific island’s constitutional status and mark a first in French history.

Recent Tensions

Last year, the pro-independence Kanak population rioted across New Caledonia, particularly in Noumea. The riot was in response to proposed legislation granting voting rights to expatriates who had lived there for more than 10 years. Under the 1988 Noumea Accord, signed in response to similar riots and tensions in the ’80s, only native New Caledonians have been eligible to vote in elections.

Specifically, expats (many pro-French, anti-independence) were not allowed to vote in referendums on New Caledonian independence. To many Kanaks, this new legislation threatened the momentum of the pro-independence movement against French rule. Riots broke out and the French government sent military troops and police officers to reestablish the rule of law. Macron himself visited in an attempt toward peace; however, this seemed to inflame tensions, with statements of “not my president” from protestors.

The disagreement and subsequent violence go beyond political tensions, with young Kanaks speaking to the levels of disenfranchisement they feel as they struggle to make ends meet. At the same time, French expats use New Caledonia as a wealthy paradise. Europeans, in turn, report a rise in anti-white racism from Kanaks, who have targeted expat communities on the island. Sonia Backes, a pro-French politician in the New Caledonian Congress, has reportedly received death threats for her political stance.

Demographics and Social Groups

New Caledonia hosts a combination of indigenous Kanaks and White-French expats, with a population of more than 300,000. Approximately 39% are Kanaks and 27% are Europeans, with the remaining population comprising various Pacific and Asian ethnicities. Most Kanaks live in Noumea, particularly in the city’s underserved areas. In contrast, French expats tend to live in smaller communities in the south.

The poverty rate in New Caledonia is around 19%; however, in the majority-Kanak Loyalty Islands Province, this rises to around 45%. Amid this inequality, more than 26% of young people in New Caledonia are unemployed, with only 8% of Kanaks holding a university degree. Additionally, 46% have no high school diploma, whereas 54% of Expats completed higher education.

The educational and economic disparity between the two groups is stark and many have argued that this motivates tensions. The history of violence in New Caledonia is multifaceted. Historically, Kanaks have risen against the government for political reasons, which has been successful in the eyes of Kanak independence groups.

The result of the 1988 riots was three independence referendums, with the last occurring in 2021 during the coronavirus pandemic. The vote resulted in opposition to independence. However, key pro-independence figures, such as Roch Wamytan, argued that the referendum occurred under abnormal circumstances. They claimed the results should be ignored and another vote held. Many Kanaks boycotted the referendum, following local mourning rituals and fearing the virus. Pro-French loyalists therefore won with 96.5% of the vote.

Foreign Interference

An interesting aspect amid this fragile situation is the role of Azerbaijan in supporting independence. Kanak independence figures dispute claims of economic support from the Azerbaijani government. However, pro-Azerbaijani social media accounts have been linked to widespread misinformation concerning the role of French police in the 2024 riots.

This stems from the French government’s historic support for Armenia, one of Azerbaijan’s rivals. Azerbaijan has responded by supporting independence movements of French colonial territories, with the Baku Initiative Group formed as a collection of anti-colonial groups in European overseas territories.

While Kanaks have historic reasons for supporting independence, foreign governments that oppose the French state see New Caledonian independence as something to weaken French influence abroad. New Caledonia has remained French due to its impact in the Pacific, not to mention the extensive nickel reserves available in New Caledonia, which are key for chip manufacturing and electric vehicles.

The Future of New Caledonia

While tensions have been high, the recent agreement to establish a New Caledonian state has been received mostly positively. Independence groups have agreed that this is the best they could hope for. However, this only calms tensions for now. Pro-independence Kanaks have vowed to continue to fight for their independence and that fervour will not subside anytime soon.

– Lee Stonehouse

Lee is based in Newcastle upon Tyne, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Fragility and Rule of Law in Russia

Rule of Law in RussiaThe rule of law is central to any functioning democracy, ensuring the exercise of power within legal limits. However, the rule of law in Russia has become fragile under the leadership of President Vladimir Putin. Since first taking office in 2000, he has consolidated power through the suppression of opposition, constitutional manipulation and influence over the judiciary and legislature, eroding the independence of legal institutions. As legal checks disappear, rising inequality and poverty become characteristic of the Russian state, with the burden falling on those with the least protection. This article explores how Russia’s legal system prioritizes loyalty over justice, reinforcing structural exclusion.

Separation of Powers in Russia

Russia is an authoritarian political system led by President Putin, who has remained among the highest authority ranks since his first election in May 2000. Throughout his years in government, he has reshaped the balance of power to secure his dominance and weaken institutional checks. In 2004, he announced a stage of recentralization, dismantling many regional powers and bringing political authority under tighter Kremlin control. According to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, this shift entrenched centralized, top-down governance rooted in loyalty to the president and dominated by Kremlin-aligned political parties. With control over the courts, most of the media and the legislative branch, the Kremlin continues to repress citizens’ rights domestically while adopting foreign policy decisions that defy international norms, further eroding the rule of law.

The emergence of informal mechanisms has allowed state ideology to shape legal interpretations and enforcement, with unofficial directives treated as binding by the political system. As government transparency declines, informal rules overshadow international law and constitutional provisions, weakening the principle of equality before the law. This undermines the impartiality needed to combat corruption, ensure fair resource distribution, or secure fundamental rights. The breakdown of judicial independence leaves marginalized groups without meaningful legal recourse and institutionalizes exclusion.

The Legislative Branch: The Duma and the Federation Council

Composed of the Duma (lower house) and the Federation Council (upper house), the Russian Federation’s legislative branch should be independent, but the President controls many of its decisions. The Duma confirms that the President nominates the Prime Minister and other state ministers and passes laws that the executive proposes.

Regional governments and parliaments select 85 of the 170 Federation Council members, while the president directly appoints 30. Notably, the president has considerable influence over regional governors through recentralization. The president nominates governors instead of allowing public elections, and regional legislatures, that pro-Kremlin parties dominate, confirm them.

The result is the political sidelining of regional voices and minority populations. Areas marked by inequality have no formal channel to advocate for social support or investment. The lack of regional autonomy or accountability leads to disparities between Moscow’s political elite and the rest of the population, weakening public trust in the rule of law. 

The Constitution and the President

It should be no secret that the Russian Constitution has granted President Putin significant power, raising serious concerns about how far that power has extended and how this shift impacts the rule of law. According to the document, the president is the head of state and the guarantor of the constitution, giving him control over most foreign and domestic policy decisions. Endowing him with sweeping legislative powers, the Constitution allows Putin to appoint security ministers, making these issues almost exclusive to the president’s competence.

In 2020, Putin introduced constitutional amendments that further reduced citizens’ rights while expanding executive power. These changes extended presidential terms, enhanced control over the judiciary and granted former presidents lifelong immunity and a permanent seat in the Federation Council. Legal accountability is virtually absent in a system with no meaningful electoral competition or judicial independence. This structure allows the state to ignore inequality while preserving elite privilege and those outside the core political apparatus face systemic neglect.

Russia and the Rule of Law Today

One of the most significant legal tools for controlling dissent is the 2012 “foreign agents law.” Initially applied to NGOs receiving international funding, it has since expanded to target media outlets, advocacy groups and individuals. The 2022 revisions added the broad and ambiguous “foreign influence” category, allowing the state to label critics as national security threats. As a result, the government has cracked down on civil society groups, especially those advocating for human rights, ethnic minorities and the economically vulnerable, forcing them to operate underground.

Poverty in Russia remains a pressing issue, particularly in rural areas and among minority populations. According to the World Bank, around 12.1% of Russians lived below the national poverty line in 2022, with the rate disproportionately affecting families and those in underdeveloped regions. Weak rule of law exacerbates this problem by limiting access to fair legal recourse, reinforcing corruption and enabling the misuse of public funds intended for social welfare.

Following the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Russia’s courts became even more visibly biased, enforcing laws that serve state narratives. The state now regularly carries out political trials, arbitrary detentions and harsh sentencing. With growing restrictions on freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, the Kremlin reasserts dominance and undermines the rights of its citizens.

In response to these challenges, some initiatives continue to push for reform. The EU-Russia Civil Society Forum and its “Legal Discourse” program seek to enhance the potential of the participation of NGOs in the discussion of legal matters between the European Union and Russia. This platform emphasizes the importance of promoting and protecting values like human rights, the rule of law, separation of powers, government accountability, administrative compliance and judicial independence.

Resistance and Civil Society

Despite growing repression, Russian civil society continues to resist. Journalists, activists and ordinary citizens risk their freedom to challenge state abuse. Though weakened since the 1990s, moments like the 2011–2012 electoral protests and quiet acts of defiance in response to the invasion of Ukraine reflect a resilient spirit. Individual resistance now outweighs mass movements, with citizens using subtle, creative means to oppose the regime.

Organizations such as Global Call to Action Against Poverty and Caritas of Mother of God Archdiocese have been working to fight poverty within the federation. Making information about patient rights more available to citizens, GCAP’s Russia program aims to improve healthcare in impoverished communities. Caritas of Mother of God Archdiocese, formerly known as Caritas Russia, is a national agency operating under the Catholic Church that focuses on providing the poor and victims of disasters, accidents and armed conflicts with medical and social support. Recently, the organization has been supporting families that have fled Ukraine into Russia, supplying them with food, hygiene materials, medicine and bedding.

Looking Ahead

Authoritarian control has severely damaged Russia’s legal institutions, leaving its citizens with a system that silences opposition and allows inequality to grow unchecked. Under Putin, the rule of law in Russia has withered, concentrating power in the hands of the elite while marginalizing large segments of the population. Through constitutional manipulation, centralized political appointments and laws targeting dissent, the state has built a framework that prioritizes loyalty over fairness. 

Yet, resistance endures. Programs such as the EU-Russia Civil Society Forum and grassroots initiatives such as Caritas and GCAP demonstrate that, despite repression and challenges with the rule of law in Russia, the fight for the protection of the vulnerable and the promotion of justice continues. In the face of adversity, quiet resistance remains a tool for fighting for a more inclusive, equitable, and lawful future.

– Rafaela Paquet

Rafaela is based in Montreal, Canada and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr