Archive for category: Humanitarian Aid

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What to Know About Poverty in Spain 

Poverty in Spain 

In spite of its position as one of the European Union’s biggest economies, poverty is still a significant issue in Spain. In 2023, there were 20.4% of people, according to data from the Spanish National Institute of Statistics (INE), who lived under the poverty line or were subject to social exclusion. Among these include low-income families; those with severe material deprivation or low work intensity, and so forth. This figure has fallen slightly in recent years but is still above the EU average. It shows that there is an unequal distribution of income and an undercurrent of economic vulnerability in this land.

The Impact of the 2008 Financial Crisis

The economic fallout from the 2008 financial crisis took its toll on Spain as well. As perforated holes with no dollar signs continued to emerge all over the country, her economy saw skyrocketing unemployment and an increase in poverty rates unparalleled in decades past. The economy has recovered steadily, but many of the cuts made during austerity measures—especially in social protection and public services—continue to affect vulnerable groups fiercely today. Although the unemployment rate in Spain soared to 26.1% in 2013 before finally passing, it has since dropped to around 12% (2024). Precarious employment and underemployment are still more common than full-time work among young people in particular.

Exposed Demographics

Women and children, immigrants and the elderly are particularly vulnerable groups in Spanish society who suffer frequently under poverty. The child poverty level, for instance, was nearly 28.9% in 2023. This makes it one of the highest child poverty levels among all EU member states. Single-parent families, often headed by women, face increased risks of poverty due to their lower income levels and restricted access to affordable childcare as well as housing. Moreover, Spain’s aging population has become difficult in the face of an inadequate pensions system, for many retired citizens find their pensions cannot keep up with inflation.

Regional Differences

In Spain, poverty levels vary widely from region to region. On average, the poverty rate in southern regions like Andalusia and Extremadura is higher than that of wealthier, more industrialized areas such as Madrid and the Basque Country. For example, in 2023, the AROPE rate (At Risk of Poverty or Social Exclusion) for Andalusia stood at 37.5%, while just across the border, an identical group was living on only 12.5% of what most others enjoyed as income.

Solutions and Efforts

In response to the high poverty levels in Spain, both government and non-governmental organizations introduced a variety of initiatives. One of the most important government projects is called ‘Ingreso Mínimo Vital’ or Minimum Livelihood Income, which was launched in June 2020. This national welfare program seeks to guarantee a minimum income for the most economically vulnerable households. With almost 700,000 households and more than 1.6 million people receiving support by February 2024, the project also built job-seeking services and social programs into one cohesive whole to promote sustainable social integration.

Another notable project is Cáritas Española, an NGO with a long history of battling poverty and marginalization in Spain. Direct humanitarian aid (such as food, housing and education services) is combined with pressure for structural policy change. In 2023, Cáritas helped more than 2.5 million people in Spain in a mixture of urgent assistance and social development schemes. At the same time as it makes these appeals for such reforms on behalf of marginalized groups, the organization also works politically to publicize and make public their plight.

Looking Ahead

Despite Spain’s economic achievements and social programs, poverty continues to be an issue. Among children, women, and the elderly, it is particularly problematic, and the level varies greatly by region. While unemployment has fallen (thanks to post-2008 recovery), the absence of rights-cabinet work and regional inequalities mean that the justice obstacle remains strong. Programs like Spain’s Ingreso Mínimo Vital or the activities of Cáritas Española indicate that if we fixate on supporting particular systems and making policies which embrace everyone, there will be progress. 

– Simone Sanchez

Simone is based in Huntington, NY, USA and focuses on Business and New Markets for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Helping Others Helps Us: The Domestic Case for UK Aid

U.K. AidThe primary motivation for giving aid should always be to help rescue the world’s poorest from the desperate clutch of poverty. However, in political discourse, people regularly frame the British government’s giving of aid as an entirely altruistic pursuit that has no tangible benefits for the people of Britain. 

This has led to a severely warped public perception of how the government was spending their money and its knock-on effects. The rise of political voices calling for reductions in U.K. aid, framed as an effortless money-saving measure, ignores the substantial economic returns that said aid generates for Britain. 

The Moral Case for Aid

Before considering the domestic benefits, it is important to remember that aid exists first and foremost to save lives and offer hope in communities where prosperity is scarce and scarcity is the norm. Estimates that the U.K. Department for International Development suggest that U.K. funding has helped to immunize 76 million children globally and thus saved about 1.4 million lives.

Between 2010 and 2015, U.K. aid supported 11 million children in primary and secondary education, 62.9 million people saw better sanitation and access to clean water and emergency food assistance reached more than 13 million people.

One may view these figures as just numbers but it is key to recognize the lived realities they represent. U.K. aid has transformed millions of lives across the globe. The scale of this impact is hard to ignore and should be central to the case for U.K. aid.

Impact on Trade

Aid can be viewed as a zero-sum game. However, trade is a key area that can grow domestically when aid supports and grows the economy of low-income countries. On an individual level, aid can improve people’s purchasing power, opening up communities as new markets for British products and services. More broadly, aid can stabilize national economies and promote competent economic governance.

Economic and political stability creates stronger trading partners and fosters long-term partnerships that can lead to trade agreements. The Aid for Trade initiative specifically promotes commerce between donor and recipient countries while supporting economic growth and development. 

A report from the National Institute of Economic and Social Research has reinforced such benefits. It found that cuts that the Johnson Ministry made to the Official Development Assistance budget cost between £322 million and £423 million in lost U.K. exports. This indicates that, rather than providing savings to the treasury, cuts to U.K. aid actually come at a cost to the U.K. economy.

The Independent Commission for Aid impact found that between 2015 and 2021, the U.K. spent more than $638 million on trade focused programs, with 44% directed to African countries and 20% to Asian countries. This funding has significant potential to open new markets for U.K. businesses. In the U.K., such exports also support around 6.5 million jobs which a government report found to be 21% more productive and 7% better paid than the national average. So, not only does international aid open new markets for businesses, it also provides better paying, more productive jobs that drive innovation, efficiency and long-term economic growth. 

Aid Keeps Us Safer

The use of aid as part of interventions to ensure political and economic stability abroad have much more nuanced outcomes and remain highly controversial. Such interventions usually consist of two components: capacity building, which involves building up the capabilities of a state so it can fulfill its primary functions and legitimacy building, which focuses more on ensuring the people view said government as a legitimate actor.

Such practices can form in the aftermath of military interventions or can be more effectively utilized before such a state failure can occur. The World Bank estimates that for every $1 invested in prevention, about $16 is saved in potential long-term costs. Investing aid before conflict arises can prevent costly military interventions and heavy-handed state-building that often ignores local sociopolitical dynamics. Strengthening pre-existing state structures saves donor countries money and helps prevent conflict, creating a safer, more stable world.

Final Thoughts

Before judging aid based on political convenience, it is important to consider the moral implications and assess where this money can do the most good. The case for increasing international aid must always be framed in these terms. Existing research highlights the inaccuracy of framing such issues in terms of an “us versus them” divide.

When the U.K. government gives aid, it is not wasting money, nor is that money lost to the U.K. forever; it has tangible economic and security benefits that too often go ignored. This reality is key to any political dialogue moving forward to ensure cutting aid is not used as a money-saving political football. 

– Adam Walsh

Adam is based in Burnley, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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Arukah Network: Uplifting Communities Through Collaboration

Arukah NetworkIn the Himalayan Mountains of India during the early 2000s, community members worked passionately in small groups to cultivate community health and humanitarian programs. Some of their efforts were successful, but there was a problem: the groups usually worked in isolation. After noticing the need for a solution to boost the effectiveness of organizations through partnerships, Dr. Ted Lankester co-founded Arukah Network in 2004.

The Arukah Network Model

Arukah Network aims to help establish and nurture independent local groups or “Clusters” that collaborate to serve their communities by improving health and well-being. Clusters are teams of people with diverse skills and backgrounds from a common geographical or themed interest. Arukah Network’s broader organization creates and supports Clusters by connecting with, supporting, mentoring, training and encouraging local community leaders to equip them with tools to be advocates for their communities.

In effect, Cluster leaders educate and support local members by building relationships, mobilizing resources, developing support networks, conducting training and hosting events. Some groups have improved sanitation and maternal health, provided emergency aid, reduced sexual violence, increased disability inclusion and promoted community reconciliation.

A Different Kind of Aid

When nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) come into communities, they often decide what the people need and fund those projects, said Brian Wainana, Arukah Network’s Communications & Network Engagement Lead, in an interview with The Borgen Project. Because that approach rarely leads to sustainable solutions, Arukah Network chose a different method.

The organization believes communities know more about their needs and possible solutions than most outsiders. Therefore, Arukah’s aid model emphasizes the need for people to identify their challenges and devise solutions as a community. Due to this framework, Clusters can be self-sufficient and sustain operations through entrepreneurship, fundraising and sourcing grants. For instance, after the Ekari Cluster in Malawi created a farmer co-operative to restore community confidence and cultivate resources, the Cluster received $85,000 from a U.S. government grant in 2024.

The Arukah Network uses the Support and Stimulate, Appreciate, Learn and Transfer (SALT) approach to help transformative community conversations occur. SALT visits, where a team of people visit a community to speak with local people about their experiences, lead to discussions about ways to address relevant challenges in that region. “So, it’s much more than a way of working: it’s a way of thinking and being that values the strengths hidden within a neighborhood,” said Wainana.

A benefit of this model is that it allows civilians to collaborate with local governments, Wainana said. Arukah believes that the government’s primary responsibility is to support its citizenry’s health systems and public health priorities, along with preventative and curative care. In resource-poor areas, where government services are under strain, Clusters have worked to cultivate partnerships with their governments to amplify social safety institutions.

Arukah Network’s Multinational Operations

Arukah Network has 15 Cluster organizations throughout Tanzania, Zambia, Kenya, Rwanda, Malawi, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and India. Each Cluster works in response to the health and humanitarian needs unique to that area.

Clusters in India work mainly to improve access to health care and advocate for disability inclusion. In contrast, the Cluster in Tanzania prioritizes human rights. Clusters in Kenya, Zambia, Malawi and Rwanda focus primarily on agriculture. Wainana said additional areas of interest to most Clusters include entrepreneurship, mental health, women’s empowerment and creative arts.

Arukah Network’s Crisis Response

A clear example of a Cluster group offering effective humanitarian support during times of need is the one operating in Goma, DRC. Although the Cluster in Goma was disempowered after the M23 rebel group captured the city in early 2025, Arukah Network members still stepped up. They supported 47 unaccompanied children in refugee camps each week and ran conflict awareness campaigns.

The Cluster in Goma is supporting child-led families who lost their parents in the war, training other groups on “the Arukah model of collaboration” and continuing a chicken-raising project that helps sustain the group, Wainana said. The group also raised funds to provide school supplies for orphans and food for older people. At one point, communication lines were cut and rebels were committing violence against civilians. “Despite safety concerns, the Cluster has kept going, seeking to help those around them,” said Wainana.

The Future of Arukah

After the Goma Cluster proved the impact of its training and community engagement, a new Cluster was launched more than 300 kilometers away in Uvira, DRC. The Uvira Cluster aims to support survivors of gender-based violence in the region. Arukah Network receives funding from yearly trust grants and monthly donations. However, due to decreased funding, Arukah Network’s ability to provide quick emergency relief funds to needy Clusters, such as the Goma Cluster, is affected.

“We think global priorities are shifting, hence the decrease in funding,” Wainana said. In addition, worldwide inflation results in higher bills and decreased people’s likelihood to donate to charity.

USAID officially ceased operations in July 2025, while the U.K. is reducing its aid output to focus on defense spending. These cuts are beginning to harm nonprofit humanitarian organizations like Arukah Network. Increased investments in global public health are necessary to sustain groups like Arukah Network and their ability to provide support to communities in need.

– Erin Hellhake

Erin is based in Old Bridge, NJ, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Latet and Aiding Holocaust Survivors in Poverty

Holocaust Survivors in PovertyAs of 2021, more than 2.5 million people in Israel are living in poverty, including 1.4 million adults. In addition, 36.1% of all Israeli households live in poverty and 22.1% of those households lack access to basic human needs, such as food, health care and proper education. This crisis affects not only the working-age population but also many Holocaust survivors who are among those experiencing poverty in Israel.

Efforts by Latet

As of April 2025, more than 220,000 Holocaust survivors worldwide are living below the poverty line and rely on outside aid or pension programs. Holocaust survivors reportedly face much worse living conditions than their fellow citizens of Israel. Lack of awareness regarding their plight leaves these individuals struggling for resources and help. 

Fortunately, one organization committed to protecting and serving Holocaust survivors and elderly Israeli citizens is Latet. Latet is a nonprofit that provides aid to more than 100,000 families and about 1,600 Holocaust survivors living in poverty. Its services include food banks and educational programs for those in need. Latet stated that one out of every three Holocaust survivors lives in poverty and that 30,000 Holocaust survivors in Israel live near the poverty line.

The Jewish United Fund

The Jewish United Fund, based in Chicago, is another organization supporting Holocaust survivors living in poverty. It provides funding and resources to Israel to assist those who need them most. This aid allows Holocaust survivors to meet their day-to-day living expenses, including medical bills. The Jewish United Fund also provides home furnishings for Holocaust survivors, helping improve their well-being and quality of life.

Looking Ahead

Organizations such as Latet and the Jewish United Fund play an important role in supporting vulnerable populations and Holocaust survivors in Israel. Continued funding, support and recognition from the media and public can potentially help these organizations expand their reach and effectiveness. Helping Holocaust survivors acknowledges their resilience and contributes to providing them with greater stability and opportunities. By supporting these initiatives, donors and advocates contribute to efforts aimed at improving the well-being of some of Israel’s most vulnerable citizens.

– John Menechino

John is based in Marietta, GA, USA and focuses on Technology and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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The Weaponization of Humanitarian Aid in Myanmar’s Civil War

Weaponization of Humanitarian AidSince the 2021 military overthrow of Myanmar’s democratically elected Aung San Suu Kyi government, the country has faced ongoing turmoil. Years of brutal fighting between the military junta, known as the Tatmadaw and a patchwork of regional resistance forces and ethnic armed groups have left Myanmar devastated.

According to the most recent U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) report on the humanitarian situation in embattled Myanmar, 19.9 million people are “estimated to need humanitarian assistance.” More than 15 million people face acute food insecurity, while almost 6.3 million children are counted among the individuals in need of assistance. This is out of a total population of roughly 54.8 million.

The Weaponization of Humanitarian Aid

“The junta has chosen to use aid as a weapon,” said U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation in Myanmar Tom Andrews in a June article posted to the U.N. News website. After the devastating 7.7-magnitude earthquake that struck central Myanmar this past March, the country was left reeling.

In the weeks that followed, aid groups and international reporting outlets raised an outcry over the junta’s blocking of international humanitarian assistance. John Quinley, director of the international nonprofit Fortify Rights, told the BBC, “They pick and choose when aid can go in and if they can’t monitor it and they can’t use it how they want, they restrict it.”

This has long been a tactic favored by the junta, with examples of such exploitation going back to the previous 49-year stretch of junta rule in Myanmar. Cyclone Nargis ripped through southern Myanmar in May 2008, killing more than 140,000 people, mostly in and around the Irrawaddy Delta. However, the junta delayed and obstructed international aid and relief from entering affected areas for weeks.

Everyone Is an Enemy

The regime feared that such widespread foreign involvement would undermine its authority and spark possible dissent. Thus, it chooses to prioritize its control of its population over its people’s urgent humanitarian needs. Al Jazeera, speaking on the regime’s attitude after the cyclone, stated that, “They see everyone as a potential enemy intent on overthrowing their rule.”

Still, it is not only the junta that has harmed aid delivery. Though on a far lesser scale, anti-junta factions have also impacted food delivery and humanitarian supplies. The New Humanitarian reported in 2023 that after a recent offensive by the Three Brotherhood Alliance, the town of Laukkai in Shan State experienced shortages of basic resources after anti-junta forces blocked parts of the state from junta forces. Crucial roads and bridges were also damaged or destroyed by anti-junta forces in their fight.

Who Is Fighting Back?

The junta, which now fully controls only around 21% of the nation’s territory, continues the weaponization of humanitarian aid. However, many local groups have worked hard to fill the gaps in governmental and international aid. Humanitarian Outcomes reported that most international humanitarian action, done by “formal” entities such as the U.N., is limited to junta-controlled areas. Still, the same report makes note of local, clandestine groups and networks that work to smuggle money and goods into contested areas. Many of these are Burmese diaspora members or other groups operating from the other side of the Thai border.

Aid and support also move across the Indian border and are conducted by several humanitarian and anti-coup groups. The Free Burma Rangers (FBR) is among the most prominent aid organizations formed during offensives by the junta in 1997. It has worked to train 250 “multi-ethnic relief teams,” 71 of which are active in a dozen regions across Myanmar. The FBR teams provide “emergency medical, educational, spiritual, material and general assistance” to civilians in conflict zones.

Another notable aid organization is the Back Pack Health Worker Team. It sends out “mobile back pack teams of three-five trained health workers [who] provide a range of curative and preventative health care services to their communities.” The organization currently operates 113 backpack teams, with 456 total workers. These workers, with a network of nearly 2,000 community-embedded health services, provide health services to more than 292,000 IDPs and war-affected residents across the country.

All of this goes to show that formal humanitarian services often fail to reach many civilians in Myanmar. In their absence, thousands of local organizations and groups are stepping up for their communities and finding ways to circumvent the weaponization of humanitarian aid.

– Alex Degterev

Alex is based in Boston, MA, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Who Am I?: The Influence of Mahmoud Darwish on Palestine

Mahmoud DarwishWhat will I do? What will I do without exile and a long night that stares at the water? Mahmoud Darwish asks in his poem “Who Am I, Without Exile?” The poem, published in 2008 in The Butterfly’s Burden, is a sentiment explored by Darwish throughout much of his work.

The master lyrical poet constantly asks for answers to who he is; however, Mahmoud Darwish never stood alone and never failed to call out to the Palestinian people he wrote for. Though Darwish sadly passed away in 2008, his work remains just as influential for the people of Palestine, who have always been the heart of his work.

The Healing Power of Poetry

Reading and writing poetry offers incredible mental benefits, even going so far as to decrease pain in the sick. In a study conducted in 2016, researchers observed how listening to or reading music and poetry could affect pain, depression and hope within adult cancer patients.

The findings were remarkable; the study directly identified “both music and poetry produced a similar improvement in the pain intensity. The two therapies also affected depression scores and only poetry increased hope scores.” The “hope score” mentioned in the study refers to a measurement of a patient’s optimism, which was solely increased by listening to poetry.

Writing for Palestinians

Born in 1941, Mahmoud Darwish published his first poetry collection at 22, titled “Leaves of Olives.” At this point, he had been put on house arrest and imprisoned by the Israeli government; Darwish’s back-and-forth with the Israeli government began when he was 14. Darwish’s influence on Palestinian voices has been an incredibly valuable tool and continues to be so today.

Being Palestinian himself, Darwish wrote to the people of Palestine, sharing their anxieties, suffering and love for their home. Darwish witnessed the beginning of it when he was a young boy. Born in al-Birwa before it became a part of Israel, Darwish watched the expansion of the Israeli army firsthand. Al Jazeera, an independent news organization operating out of Qatar, explains the unique significance of Darwish’s writing to his Palestinian audience: “For Palestinians, words are often the only weapon available to fight back, finding the power to shape perception.” Poetry’s power is not only one of healing, but one of hope. Darwish’s influence on Palestine reveals that.

Exile, Famine and Tragedy in Gaza

Since Darwish’s sad passing in Houston, Texas, his beloved homeland has become more dangerous as conditions worsen. The Israel-Gaza ceasefire expired in March 2025 and it remains unclear if any new progress has been made in peace talks between Hamas, Israel and the U.S.

Right now, starvation has become an incredibly pressing issue, with the BBC reporting that “almost one in three people in Gaza are going days without eating.” Malnutrition and famine are adding to an already immense body count. However, active humanitarian efforts are taking place across the globe.

Gaza’s Poets Today

This past July, a young Palestinian named Mohammed Moussa had his work posted on the Instagram account gazapoets, in which he writes, “How do you capture starvation in words? Hollow bowls, hollow promises, bellies aching like silent bombs…” Moussa mentions Darwish in another piece of writing, an article, telling the story of Moussa’s literary beginnings. In the same article, the other emerging poets Moussa interviewed named Darwish as one of their favorite poets. Darwish’s influence remains impressive, even among younger Palestinians.

It cannot be downplayed how much of an inspiration Darwish was during his life, even now as conditions continue worsening in Gaza. His name still holds significant power and hope. Darwish’s words remain as pertinent in 2025, still speaking to those struggling beneath war, famine and displacement. Currently, the #mahmouddarwish tag on TikTok contains 20,000 videos. The videos range from celebrating the work and language of the late poet to using his art to bring attention to the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.

– Peyton Worsham

Peyton is based in Jacksonville, FL, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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What Does the Israel-Iran War Mean for Iranians

Israel and Rural Iran: What Does the Israel-Iran War Mean for Iranians Early in the morning on June 22, 2025, the world received the news that the United States (U.S.) military had bombed three Iranian nuclear sites. In the days after, there were reports about what Iranian retaliation could look like against the U.S. and Israel. In the heat of the situation, many Iranians living in poverty and removed from the fighting, face additional hardships. Reports indicate that these vulnerable citizens have received limited attention compared to the broader coverage of the Israel-Iran War.

Economy Pre-Conflict

Iran’s economy, like the majority of the Middle East, depends upon access to power sources: natural gas and oil. These resources are invaluable for Iran and have become its most powerful bargaining chip throughout the Israel-Iran War. 

Oil and gas power the Iranian economy and make it an area of interest for the Western world. As of 2024, Iran’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was roughly $434.24 billion. While the overall GDP is significant, different units of measurement paint a different picture for the common people living in Iran. When examining Iran’s GDP per capita, the country ranks 117th out of nearly 200. Trade sanctions have worn Iran’s economy down. As a result, it cannot hold the weight of an all-out war. While oil makes up 17% of Iran’s exports and its energy sources bring in a great deal of money, the sanctions greatly limit the economic growth of Iran. Every plan to recover the Iranian economy involves improving relations with the Western world to get the sanctions lifted. 

Iran Focus, a nonprofit news outlet that reports on Iran, Iraq and the Middle East as a whole, reported as recently as June 9, 2025, that “in Tehran, 55% of individuals’ income is spent on housing” as inflation batters and bruises civilians. Nearly 75% of Iranians live below the poverty line and as the Israel-Iran War progresses, the percentage could rise. 

Impact of the War

Already, the people of Iran are struggling to provide for themselves and their families. The ongoing conflict means even their lives are at risk. On June 15, 2025, the number of deceased Iranians was roughly 224. Civilians have fled from Tehran in droves and Iran’s retaliation could worsen financial hardship. According to The National, another news source that is also reporting on Iran, state collapse could be imminent for the nation. The rial, the currency of Iran, could lose more value. The Israel-Iran war has driven Iran to a tipping point. 

Humanitarian Aid in Iran

The most immediate danger to the Iranian people is the Israel-Iran War. In the days after the U.S. allied itself with Israel, global headlines focused on the potential for escalating violence. Thankfully, de-escalation has been orchestrated and the back-and-forth bombing has come to a rest. 

Nonprofit organizations are working hard to help the struggling people of Iran. The Center for Human Rights in Iran offers consistent coverage of the ongoing events while focusing on civilians and those who are directly in the line of fire. Its focus is on documenting all human rights issues in Iran and it has been in action since 2008. 

Another organization that has global reach but still operates within Iran is Relief International. Relief International targets the damage caused by natural disasters while also building schools and offering financial assistance to struggling citizens. Relief International has a collection of testimonies from people the organization has directly helped; such reminders of good news can serve as a resource for motivation.

Looking Ahead

The Israel-Iran ceasefire remains fragile and recent events show how quickly tensions can escalate. Yet, there is still reason for hope. Humanitarian organizations working in Iran continue to prioritize the needs of civilians, many of whom have little influence over the conflict but bear its heaviest burdens. Their efforts highlight the importance of international attention and support in creating a path toward stability.

– Peyton Worsham

Peyton is based in Jacksonville, FL, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Migration to Côte d’Ivoire

Migration to Côte d'IvoireTo many people’s surprise, migration in Africa generally consists of people staying within the continent, opting to move across regions instead of across oceans. Located on the Western coast of Africa, Côte d’Ivoire has long been a popular destination for migrants with its lush rainforests and urban center, attracting large groups of people throughout history for various reasons. When looking at the reasons why people are migrating to Côte d’Ivoire today, poverty has become a central factor behind migration to Côte d’Ivoire.

Historically 

Côte d’Ivoire was a French Colony until 1960, when the country gained independence and joined the United Nations (UN) in the same year. Since its independence, the country has experienced periods of political instability, however, despite its challenges the country remains resilient, fostering a strong sense of national identity that continually makes it an attractive destination for migrants in Western Africa.

Since gaining independence, Côte d’Ivoire experienced an economic boom encouraging migrants to come from the sub-region, representing the first migration country in the region. This allowed migrants to come in and contribute to the labor force, helping fuel the economic boom. 

Côte d’Ivoire is the main migration destination in West Africa and is the second most popular destination on the continent after South Africa, with the country taking in roughly 2.5 million migrants annually constituting just under 10% of their population. Looking more closely at where migrants are coming from, about 90% of migrants coming into Côte d’Ivoire are nationals of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), with the majority of them coming from Burkina Faso.

Why Côte d’Ivoire?

There are numerous reasons why people migrate to Côte d’Ivoire with the most popular being economical with the country offering better business and job opportunities as well as better education for children. 

There is a predominance of immigrants from Burkina Faso, when looking at migration to Côte d’Ivoire. Burkina Faso shares their southern border with Côte d’Ivoire and the country is currently facing a humanitarian crisis with more than 2 million internally displaced people, causing them to flee to neighboring countries, primarily Côte d’Ivoire. The situation in Burkina Faso has left large groups of people impoverished and without access to basic services, leading them to migrate south in search of better opportunities.

Migration to Côte d’Ivoire is not perfect as the country has experienced periods of instability. The country, however, works with numerous branches of the U.N. so that their ability to keep their borders open is not impacted. The number of refugees and asylum seekers from nearby regions has steadily increased since 2022, reaching just more than 55,000 in 2024, causing them to rely more heavily on support from international organizations.

Managing Migration

International Organizations have become a key factor in helping Côte d’Ivoire strengthen their infrastructure so that they can maintain their open borders as well as provide a smooth transition for immigrants coming in, as well as people returning to the country. Examples include the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which focuses on strengthening protection for migrants when the enter the country, U.N. Development Programme (UNDP), who works to keep migrant children in schools while also working with Côte d’Ivoire’s government in overseeing projects that work within sustainable development goals (SDGs). Lastly the World Food Programme (WFP) helps provide school meals for kids throughout the year.

Since the country became a member of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in 2000, which is a branch of the UN, it has helped manage migration flows into the country as well as protecting the dignity of migrants once inside the country. It does this by helping the government with projects aimed at the intersection of migration and development, counter-trafficking, reintegration measures and support for migrants.

The IOM focuses mainly on border management, working with migrants as they come into the country. These efforts include providing migrants the necessary information for them on safe and secure migration paths as they enter the country. It does work with the communities at the border in order to strengthen their capacity to support migrants as they come in, by developing programs aimed at peacebuilding, counter-trafficking and managing natural resources.

Looking Ahead

Côte d’Ivoire has become the most popular destination in Western Africa, taking in millions of migrants annually due to its attractive, growing economy, with most of the migrants to Côte d’Ivoire coming from neighboring countries like Burkina Faso. This is due to Burkina Faso experiencing a major refugee crisis, causing Burkinabe migrants to flee south in order to escape poverty. Due to the large number of migrants coming into Côte d’Ivoire, the country has relied on the help of international organizations, largely backed by the U.N., to help support the flow of people into the country, in order to create better conditions for migrants to help get them out of poverty.

– Olivia Peters

Olivia is based in Newport, RI, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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The Impact of Aid on Internally Displaced Persons in Benue

Internally Displaced Persons in BenuePoverty in Nigeria is on the rise, particularly in the North Central region of Benue State, which has endured persistent killings, clashes and displacement for many years. This has resulted in thousands of residents becoming homeless and trapped in cycles of hunger. Both international and local organizations play a crucial role in addressing and alleviating the ongoing crises in this region of Nigeria.

About Benue State

Benue State was established on February 3, 1976, during the reorganization of Nigeria’s states. It was carved out from the former Benue-Plateau State. With more than 30 distinct ethnic groups, including the Tiv, Idoma, Igede and other indigenous communities, Benue boasts a rich cultural tapestry, each contributing its language, customs and artistic expressions.

For decades, the region has been marred by crises, including violent clashes between farmers and herders, which have significantly contributed to the rise of poverty in Nigeria. A particular episode occurred in 2012, known as the “Agatu Massacre,” which persisted until 2016. This conflict between native Idoma farmers and Fulani herders in the Agatu Local Government Area resulted in the loss of approximately 3,920 lives between 2013 and 2017, with an additional 2,000 individuals succumbing to internally displaced person (IDP) camps.

The Benue Crisis

The Benue crisis has continued to escalate, with numerous incidents reported over the years. Notably, in June 2025, about 200 individuals, including IDPs, were killed in the Yelewata and Daudu communities within the Guma Local Government Area. As of 2024, the number of internally displaced persons in Benue has surged to about two million, increasing poverty in the region by preventing people from working and children from attending school, among others.

Local Impact on Internally Displaced Persons

Local humanitarian organizations, including the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), the Benue State Emergency Management Agency (BSEMA), the Nigerian Red Cross Society and various security agencies, have collaboratively conducted a rapid needs assessment to facilitate the distribution of essential relief materials. These materials include bags of parboiled rice, maize, spaghetti, vegetable oil, seasoning cubes, tomato paste, iodized salt and nonfood items like mattresses.

On its part, the Foundation for Justice Development and Peace (FIDP) has made significant contributions to the welfare of IDPs in the Guma Local Government Area. It has provided vital support, including constructing an optimized toilet block, solar-powered lighting and a solar-powered borehole for the Daudu 1 and Gbajimba 2 IDP camps. These facilities were developed with generous support from Catholic Relief Services (CRS) to end poverty in those areas.

Furthermore, in January 2025, Benue State Governor Rev. Fr. Hyacinth Alia launched a comprehensive five-year action plan to enhance IDPs’ livelihoods. This initiative includes the establishment of 210 farmers’ cooperatives across all camps in the state, which will benefit more than 4,200 IDPs. The program is designed to provide extensive training in cultivating rice, maize, cassava and vegetables, covering all stages of agricultural production.

International Impact on Internally Displaced Persons in Benue

In addition to local interventions to support IDPs, international organizations such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) have collaborated to produce a biometric registration progress report. This report reveals verified figures indicating that there are currently 184,711 IDPs across 48,163 households in Benue State.

Notably, 86% of these individuals are women and children, with a demographic breakdown of 56% female, 44% male, 5% elderly, 12% classified as vulnerable and 16% children under five. These statistics were derived from six Local Government Areas (LGAs) identified as having IDPs, based on the Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) Round 11 conducted in March 2023.

As of 2025, the IOM has reported an expansion in the locations covered, with 31 new sites added to the 65 previously documented in 2024. This expansion has resulted in an additional 26,165 IDPs being recorded. While the overall distribution of demographics remains consistent, there has been a notable change in the percentage of individuals classified as vulnerable from 12% to 13%.

Utilizing the IOM biometric report, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) actively supports the residents of Benue State through various programs, psychosocial resources and counseling initiatives.

Final Remarks

Despite ongoing local and international efforts, the humanitarian crisis in Benue State remains far from over. As displacement continues to rise and resources fall short, sustained support and decisive government action are urgently needed to restore hope and dignity to millions of affected lives.

– Damilola Bukola Omokanye

Damilola is based in Abuja, Nigeria and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Everything To Know About Poverty in El Salvador

Poverty in El SalvadorNestled along the Pacific coast of Central America, El Salvador is a middle-income country home to around 6 million people. Since the establishment of a republican government in 1992, following a decade-long civil war, widespread gang violence and economic turmoil have plagued the country. Nonetheless, poverty rates have consistently declined by a total of 14% from 2000 to 2023, suggesting that El Salvador is trending upwards.

“The world’s coolest dictator,” Nayib Bukele, is attempting to transform El Salvador into a burgeoning digital hub, with Google announcing plans to open offices there in 2024. However, even during this wave of digitization and Bukele’s crackdown on organized crime, poverty in El Salvador remains a major problem.

As of 2023, 30.3% of the population lives in poverty, while 40% of the population lives in a situation of vulnerability. This is everything to know about poverty in El Salvador.

Everything To Know About Poverty in El Salvador

  • The COVID-19 Pandemic Impacted Poverty: The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated economic conditions for many living in poverty. The poorest households lost between $90 to $100 of monthly income during the pandemic, and have yet to recover these wages. Furthermore, the likelihood of falling into poverty grew from 14.4% to 20% during the pandemic and has not decreased since.
  • Changing Weather Patterns are Worsening Poverty: In 2024, heavy flooding interfered with construction and public investment projects, slowing economic growth in El Salvador. The flooding forced almost 4,000 people into shelters and interfered with small-scale agriculture and fishing. This placed the poorest Salvadorans at great risk of food insecurity. Experts estimate that a severe natural disaster in El Salvador could potentially double the number of people living in extreme poverty.
  • Bitcoin and Digitization is Still Inequitable: El Salvador invested heavily in digital projects in order to spark economic growth—adopting Bitcoin as the official currency in 2021—but these investments have not reached some of the most impoverished and rural segments of society. El Salvador ranks last in broadband access among Latin American and Caribbean countries. Additionally, automation threatens the jobs of seven out of 10 El Salvadorans working in poverty, showing the limitations of technological development.
  • Job Opportunities are Poor, Particularly for Women: Job inactivity is acute, as 1.7 million Salvadorans are not seeking a job, while women in El Salvador suffer some of the highest inactivity rates in all of Latin America. Additionally, working age women (ages 20 to 44) suffer higher poverty rates than men, and the gap in these rates is still growing.
  • The Urban-rural Divide Persists: Rural populations experience significantly worse income and job opportunities versus urban populations, as well as access to services such as clean water or sanitation. The extremely poor in rural areas make just $31 per month, while the non-poor in urban areas make $710 per month on average—a massive discrepancy.
  • Education is a Major Hurdle: Salvadorans complete an average of 7.3 years of schooling, but these numbers are much worse for rural areas, at only 5.6 years. Children living in poverty have the lowest rates of literacy and school attendance. Education is a very effective pathway out of poverty, as poverty rates drop to 16% with secondary schooling and only 5% with a university education, but it unfortunately remains inaccessible to many.
  • Remittances Underlie the Salvadoran Economy: El Salvador was in the top 10 countries in the world for the highest flow of remittances in 2023, and the government recently created an e-wallet to help make remittance transfers easier. Salvadorans make up the fourth largest immigrant group in the United States, so much of the money being sent to El Salvador is earned by workers in the U.S. However, remittances can discourage formal employment, meaning a reliance on them could become an obstacle to growth.

Solutions

CLOC-Vía Campesina-El Salvador, a grassroots advocacy group representing peasants, small farmers, indigenous people and other disadvantaged groups, fights for the rural poor in El Salvador. It is tied to the global La Vía Campesina movement, which has connected peasants around the world in a struggle for food sovereignty and security since 1993. CLOC-Vía Campesina-El Salvador is calling on the government for greater credit and funding to rural farmers, phytosanitary programs to eliminate screwworms and integration of rural farmers into local markets. 

The Salvadoran American Humanitarian Foundation (SAHF) operates out of Miami in tandem with its Salvadoran sister group, FUSAL, to combat poverty in El Salvador. The groups focus on childhood development and malnutrition, educational disparities and natural disaster relief. In 2023, they sent an astounding $43 million in humanitarian goods to El Salvador, including glasses, food, wheelchairs, blankets, medicine and oral rehydration packets, which reached more than 100,000 people.

What Is Next for El Salvador?

Although these challenges to ending poverty in El Salvador remain, the country is making major strides towards poverty reduction. Compared to Latin American countries with similar income levels, El Salvador has some of the lowest poverty rates, and income inequality in El Salvador is among the lowest in all of Latin America. Additionally, the country has begun to manage its debt and spending effectively, which qualifies El Salvador to receive a $120 million loan from the IMF. This funding will allow the government to begin addressing some structural causes behind poverty, such as corruption, weak access to credit and low employment. Compared to its peers, El Salvador is on the right track to eradicating poverty, but they still have a lot of work left to get there.

– Max Turnacioglu

Max is based in Bethesda, MD, USA and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr