Archive for category: Government

, , ,

Drug Rehabilitation in Brazil and How the Government Is Tackling It

Drug Rehabilitation in BrazilBrazil has an extensive history of problems with substance abuse. The Brazilian populace contains many impoverished people facing significant challenges in accessing public medical care, forcing individuals to seek alternatives. However, the Government of Brazil is taking great strides towards reducing these issues. One such step is the establishment of the Brazil and the South Cone Programme to “support the Governments of Brazil in the implementation of effective policies in drug law enforcement and drug abuse prevention.” If Brazil continues along this trajectory, then improvements will continue. Here are some ways Brazil is tackling drug use.

Psychoactive Drugs and Access To Help

The use of psychoactive drugs is becoming more common in all treatment centers, leading to challenges in recovery and an increased likelihood of relapse. This has led to studies to better understand the most effective ways of reaching individuals struggling with such addiction. Fortunately, some authors have discovered that economic position played a significant role in the issue. Those in poverty have less access to education and are still determining how to help themselves. The Brazilian public health system, in the past, has neglected those in poverty, restricting access to treatment facilities for individuals with limited financial resources. Considering these shortcomings, drug rehabilitation in Brazil is now more accessible in urban areas, where mental health services have been increasing since 2008. Rural areas still lag, but the advancement in urban areas is a good start for facilitating drug rehabilitation in Brazil.

Alcohol Abuse Help

In terms of alcohol abuse, Brazil has taken great strides. The Brazilian health care system has tackled the problem via three programs. First is the “Family Health Strategy,” which utilizes the services of community health workers to engage in outreach activities and home visits. Second is the “CAPS” program, which provides outpatient clinics catering to individuals requiring mental health services. A specialized staff team comprising “nurses, social workers, psychologists and psychiatrists” operate these clinics. The team is well-equipped to provide comprehensive and customized care to patients with varying mental health needs. The third is a novel program devised to assist individuals who have recently undergone addiction treatment in obtaining employment through post-treatment care. The primary objective of the program is to facilitate employment opportunities for individuals who have previously struggled with addiction by addressing any barriers or challenges that may impede their progress. 

Use of Religion To Help

This approach provides an opportunity to establish connections with like-minded individuals, engage in volunteer work, receive personalized psychological care and obtain financial support early on. By incorporating religion into drug rehabilitation programs, a more comprehensive range of resources and support systems become accessible, thereby increasing the likelihood of long-term recovery and overall well-being. In addition, this approach fosters an atmosphere that acknowledges personal potential and encourages camaraderie among individuals, all while offering unwavering and impartial support. The effectiveness of spiritual therapy ultimately rests on the willingness of those seeking help to embrace it. 

Conclusion

The aspects above underscore the effectiveness of drug rehabilitation programs in Brazil, which have proven to be a valuable resource for many underprivileged individuals seeking support and assistance. It is hoped that such efforts will continue unabated, not only in Brazil but also in other countries facing comparable challenges. 

– Jordan Cunningham
Photo: Unsplash

, ,

The Link Between Poverty and Crime in Pakistan

The Link Between Poverty and Crime in Pakistan
Poverty and crime in Pakistan can be intrinsically linked due to the nature of the cause-effect relationship. High rates of both inflation and unemployment and a fractured political system have plunged millions of Pakistani citizens into poverty, often often end up in the dark underworlds of crime. 

Pakistan’s Turbulent History

After British India gained independence in 1947, the land was split into three wings: Pakistan, India and East Pakistan (later gaining independence to form the nation of Bangladesh). 

Reports have indicated that nearly 17 million people have moved in both directions between India and the two wings of Pakistan, marking the largest mass migration of people on record.

As the new country emerged, Pakistan struggled to find a national identity and evolve a political system for the incredibly diverse population. The goal of national integration and creating a unified population proved more difficult than first anticipated, and early prime ministers found themselves assassinated or overthrown rapidly. 

A Fractured System

It has been difficult for politicians and governments to rectify the issues of poverty due to the nature of Pakistan’s political system. The opposing factions who battle between secularism and religion mean that there is rarely any form of agreement.

Very few prime ministers have seen out their full term with the increasingly powerful army often overthrowing them, resulting in years of marshal rule and military dictators. Coups and assassinations are all too common, resulting in a fragmented political system that is not fit to instate poverty-reducing legislation. 

Increased Poverty and Crime

A lack of political representation for ordinary citizens and an elite that dominates the class system has resulted in higher levels of inequality than ever. It is estimated that 38% of people live in multidimensional poverty because of inflation and increasing levels of unemployment. 

Child malnutrition sits at 38%, and the Global Hunger Index has highlighted hunger as a persistent problem within Pakistan. 

A positive relationship between crime rates and unemployment has been observed as it is believed that poverty may lead to a high level of stress and mental illness, in turn causing individuals to adopt a mindset that views illegal activity as lucrative. 

There is also a strong correlation between income inequality and crime rates. Poverty and crime in Pakistan have led to the rise of organized crime groups, drug traffickers and terrorism-related activities. Criminal organizations often target poor communities, exploiting their vulnerability and desperation to recruit members or extort money.

An Interview With Shmaila Malik

The Borgen Project spoke to Shmaila Malik, a Former United Nations Information Centre officer based in Islamabad, Pakistan. Malik argues that one could certainly make the case that poverty can lead to increased crime rates:

“I think poverty ultimately makes people desperate. We have seen that those affected by poverty, especially those with families or young children, simply just want to feed their families. Thus, these are the people most willing to go to any extreme to do so.”

Malik also states that membership within an organized crime group “will provide a bit of quick cash and can buy food or a month of school fees.” The crime rate within Pakistan has been rising, as the National Police Bureau reported, with an increase of 12.2% between 2012 and 2018.

Many believe that the extreme shortage of necessary items due to the Pakistan economic crisis and the easy availability of sophisticated weapons has led to a sharp rise in violent crimes.

Police in Lahore, one of Pakistan’s largest cities, have reported a 282% increase in gang robberies.

While it is clear that poverty and crime have a link, the question also remains of what can help alleviate the effects. Malik believes that it is now up to the goodwill of the government to act and ensure the holding of free and fair elections. She also believes that NGOs and the government must now collaborate more than ever:

“The work of smaller NGOs and grassroots organizations in providing education and awareness about the effects of poverty should also be given more commendation. Their work is vital, and it is imperative that any new government chooses to support this.”

The Vital Work of NGOs

While global aid bodies like the UN and UNICEF are consistently working, the work of smaller NGOs is vital in reducing the effects of poverty and crime in Pakistan. 

Foundation Fighting Poverty is an NGO operating within Pakistan’s major cities since 2009. Its youth programs target the younger demographic within the country, aiming to spread awareness about social issues and target positive change. 

The organization’s social benefits span a range of sectors, including education provisions for those who cannot afford government schools and providing basic health treatments to the less fortunate. Its aim to break the cycle of poverty and ensure that children do not find their way down a life of crime has been a common feature since their creation.

Multiple reports have exposed the link between poverty and crime in Pakistan. Still, hope remains that the situation will improve, given the response of NGOs and international aid bodies. 

– Maryam Rana
Photo: Flickr

, , ,

USAID Helps Stabilize Mali’s Government 

USAID and Mali’s Government
The West African Country of Mali is one of the most war-torn countries in the world. Routinely experiencing coups and civil wars, the country remains politically unstable. With a nominal GDP of only $17.39 billion, Mali lacks the ability to neutralize violent guerilla fighters and secure control over its provinces. As such, the country is also a victim of widespread poverty. In the wake of the political instability and subsequent poverty, USAID has intervened to help alleviate violence, promote humanitarian efforts and stabilize Mali’s government.

USAID Programs

Recently, USAID has granted $152 million in humanitarian aid, which will be designated for governmental security and the establishment of civil organizations, which “empower Malians to play an important role at the local level of a decentralized government system.” Specifically, USAID has established the Mali Electoral Transformation Activity program, the People at Peace program and the Civic Engagement Program to accomplish its goal of augmenting Mali’s government.

Mali Electoral Transformation Activity Program

Beginning in 2021, and expected to run till 2023, USAID’s Mali Electoral Transformation Activity Program helps maintain peace through non-violent transitions of power that reflect democratic tenets. With a budget of $3 million, the program targets “the capacity, integrity and transparency of Mali’s electoral system to hold credible elections allowing citizens to select their leaders peacefully and democratically.”

Moreover, it empowers Malian shareholders and businessmen to take an active role in their government, while simultaneously opening governmental participation to marginalized groups. Although the program is young, it promises Mali and brighter future and a more stable government.

People at Peace Program

Governments are only as stable as the citizens they govern. Beginning in 2019 and running till 2021, USAID’s People and Peace Program “builds resilience to conflict and violent extremism with communities in southern Mali.” Through a people-to-people approach bringing together different group leaders from different ethnic groups, Lafia increases local capacities to counter the drivers of conflict and extremism. With a budget of $1,684,850, People at Peace principally challenges community groups to take on joint violence prevention.

It also provides local communities “with relevant governmental authorities and civil society actors in the implementation of national policies,” rendering law and order. As a result, through People at Peace, USAID helps stabilize Mali’s government by successfully training 1,286 youth in “social or leadership skills,” renewing local communities’ faith in stopping crime and increasing the “proportion of people in target communities who report receiving information on national policies.”

Civic Engagement Program

From 2016-2021, and with a budget of $12,344,862, USAID’s Civic Engagement Program empowers young citizens to engage in their local communities and governments for the purpose of future stability. Specifically, the program “enables Malians to better fulfill their end of the social contract and to make their government more responsive and accountable to citizens.” In the course of this program, USAID successfully worked with local Malian civil societies, “improving public services and providing better access to and oversight of government for marginalized groups.”

Furthermore, the Civil Engagement Program also educates Malians on their rights as citizens, thereby letting them better identify and understand government policies and regulations. With this program, USAID has assisted 486 civil society organizations, hosted 555 activities designed to promote the civic participation of women in government and trained 482 youth. USAID helps stabilize Mali’s government by equipping Malians with the adequate skillsets and knowledge to secure a better future.

All of these programs are oriented towards achieving USAID’s vision of international equity, humanitarian ideals and the alleviation of poverty. Because of its government work in countries like Mali, underdeveloped nations have hope for a brighter future aside from the violence that often plagues their borders.

– Jacob Crosley
Photo: Flickr

, ,

Impact of COVID-19 on Poverty in North Korea

COVID-19 and Poverty in North Korea
North Korea has not reported a single case of COVID-19. According to NPR, the government has tested only 30,000 of the country’s 25 million people for the virus and has not reported any infections. Without any data to examine, global health experts and the international community have little understanding of the impact of COVID-19 on poverty in North Korea.

Yet, North Korea’s longtime despot Kim Jong-un recently announced that the country is amidst a “Great Crisis.” Jong-un cited the government’s failure to establish appropriate pandemic measures as the principal cause of the crisis. Jong-un’s statements have raised considerable questions about the impact of COVID-19 on poverty in North Korea, questions which have largely gone unanswered.

North Korea Before the Pandemic

Before the pandemic, North Korea’s population faced significant economic hurdles. The Heritage Foundation created an Index of Economic Freedom in 1995 that analyzes a country’s levels of various economic freedoms such as government spending, labor freedom, trade freedom and others, by using a score that falls between one and 100. The Foundation then ranks the country globally and regionally using an overall score. According to the Foundation’s 2021 report, North Korea’s economy has received a classification of “repressed” and has ranked lowest in the world on the Foundation’s Index since the year it began.

North Korea’s starving population bolsters the Heritage Foundation’s findings on economic freedom. North Korea has suffered yearly food shortages for decades, and in the year leading up to the COVID-19 pandemic, the nation expected still worse food shortages than usual. Poor harvests and international sanctions battered the North Korean economy as the U.N. reported that 40% of North Koreans would need food aid and more than 10 million were in “urgent need of assistance.”

The “Hermit Kingdom’s” Response to COVID-19

Once the COVID-19 pandemic began, North Korea quickly imposed strict measures to fight it. In one of the most comprehensive and swiftest responses to COVID-19, the government sealed its borders from virtually everyone, including China, its largest trading partner.

Some believe that the government’s isolationist policies were necessary. “North Korea’s all-of-government, comprehensive approach and the repeated holding of large-scale public gatherings suggest that it may have prevented any major outbreak,” said Harvard Medical School’s Kee B. Park.

However, the coronavirus and the government’s response have only bludgeoned an already starving people. According to Radio Free Asia, starvation has caused deaths, and those who cannot receive support from family have resorted to begging. Though the number of people infected is unclear, the increasing number of starving people in an already malnourished nation shows the tremendous impact of COVID-19 on poverty in North Korea.

Despite the worsening situation, North Korea still rejected deliveries of nearly 3 million Chinese-made Sinovac vaccines and more than 2 million Astrazeneca vaccine shipments. The government has expressed concerns about the viability of the vaccines it rejected.

Signs of Progress

Though there is a dearth of information regarding the impact of COVID-19 in North Korea, there have been moments that warrant optimism. For Instance, Kim Jong-un has now acknowledged the food shortages plaguing the country and has even signed an order that may open wartime food supplies to the North Korean people. In addition, the North Korean government has started to ease its closures by accepting shipments of medical supplies including health kits and medicine from the WHO, U.N. and other agencies.

– Richard J. Vieira
Photo: Flickr

, ,

Advancing Local Dairy Farming in Nigeria

Local dairy farming in NigeriaNigeria’s dairy industry has many problems. Inefficiency, “lack of technical knowledge” and outdated practices plague local dairy farming in Nigeria. Thus, Nigeria does not meet its potential for establishing a thriving dairy industry. Even though Nigeria has enough cows, in 2020, it still spent $2.5 billion importing milk from multiple countries. Farmers in Nigeria lack access to infrastructure, veterinarians and technologies to improve milk collection. Fortunately, NGOs have begun operations to help local dairy farming in Nigeria meet its potential. Sahel Consulting, an agricultural consultancy firm in Nigeria, has launched the Advancing Local Dairy Development in Nigeria (ALDDN) program to try to reshape dairy farming in Northern Nigeria. With support from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, this program focuses on local dairy farming in Nigeria.

An Overview of Nigerian Dairy Farming

Most dairy farmers in Nigeria work on small, pastoral farms. Many of these farms focus on meat, with milk as a byproduct rather than the main focus. Additionally, cows in Nigeria underperform in comparison with cows worldwide. While Nigerian cows produce “less than one liter of milk” per day, cows worldwide produce dozens, with some countries reaching 100 liters of milk per day. While this situation currently hurts local dairy farming in Nigeria, it also provides an opportunity. As a pastoral sector, the economic benefits of increased efficiency can bring these individual farmers out of poverty, lifting their communities up with them.

The Goals of ALDDN

ALDDN is taking a six-pronged approach to improving local dairy farming in Nigeria. The program focuses on farmers’ organizations, rural infrastructure, productivity, promotion of financial inclusion, education and public advocacy. By focusing on productivity improvements, ALDDN looks to increase milk volumes to international levels, increasing farmers’ revenues tenfold. The program also looks to build rural infrastructure to allow these farmers to sell their milk on the market. Much of the program focuses specifically on female dairy farmers who face financial exclusion. ALDDN aims to reach 210,000 beneficiaries, with 120,000 trained in modern dairy farming practices. The program also looks to train 50 veterinarians to help ensure the health of milk cows.

The Impact of ALDDN

ALDDN has already made an impact on Nigerian dairy farming. Arla Foods, a Danish dairy company with operations worldwide, has started constructing a dairy farm in rural Northern Nigeria in partnership with the ALDDN program. The facility aims to help 1,000 local dairy farmers, with space for 400 cows and 25 live-in workers.

Since the project began, much attention has fallen on the Nigerian dairy industry. Government-sponsored studies have recently shown the extent of inefficiencies in local dairy farming in Nigeria. Now, solutions championed by ALDDN have appeared in local magazines, with efforts across the dairy industry to modernize. Some focus on using technology to more efficiently milk cows while others focus on selectively-bred cows to produce more milk.

Efforts From Others

Other NGOs and governments have pitched in to help the Nigerian dairy industry. The United States recently donated pregnant Jersey cows to help boost milk production, hoping that in a few generations, these cows can help provide increased milk production. Additionally, FrieslandCampina WAMCO is working with communities to increase milk production. By introducing cross-breeding, the company saw a hundredfold increase in production in its Oyo milk facility, which is open to smallscale artisan farmers.

With all of the improvements and focus on local dairy farming in Nigeria, the future looks bright for this industry. More efficient cows, better rural infrastructure and better agricultural practices can help lift farming communities out of poverty, giving opportunities to those in rural communities who are commonly left behind.

– Justin Morgan
Photo: Flickr

,

Optimism Regarding Healthcare in Bhutan

Bhutan Healthcare
The Bhutan healthcare system worked wonders during the COVID-19 pandemic, only experiencing one death by January 2021. Its rapid-fire contact tracing, reliance on science and trust in government led to one of the best pandemic responses the world has ever seen. The success of healthcare in Bhutan indicates great progress in a healthcare system that has seen more than its fair share of struggles.

How Does Bhutan Run its Government and Healthcare System?

Bhutan, a Buddhist nation of just over 750,000 people, is between China and India. After a long period of underdevelopment, with legalized slavery until 1958, Bhutan has dramatically progressed through the course of 12 Five Year Plans (FYPs), currently scheduled through 2023. In 2008, the nation adopted a constitutional monarchy.

Bhutan is famous for its use of the Gross National Happiness Index. Every Five Year Plan discusses what changes the nation must make, as well as what priorities it should adopt, in order to maximize the GNH index. Bhutan’s entire government, along with its healthcare system, runs with the goal of promoting nationwide happiness and well-being. Bhutan utilizes a system of universal free healthcare, which it finances with approximately 3.5% of its GDP. There have been many significant health breakthroughs in Bhutan, between the near-eradication of vaccine-preventable diseases and the provision of an equitable healthcare supply. However, the system has encountered and continues to face several difficulties.

Issues Regarding Healthcare in Bhutan

Modern health struggles have accompanied Bhutan’s modernization; instead of malaria and polio, Bhutan now faces addiction, mental illnesses, HIV/AIDs and other serious problems. Specifically, the three most pressing concerns are systemic healthcare problems, noncommunicable diseases and mental health issues. Bhutan’s healthcare system faces challenges itself. Most prominent is a lack of proper recordkeeping, unequal access to care (despite having equal supply) and inadequate providers.

First, Bhutan does not properly record most of its health difficulties. This lack of data leads to increased difficulty in making progress. The Five Year Plans cannot satisfactorily address problems that the Bhutanese government does not know are occurring. Second, facilities face large discrepancies in their quality of care and certain settlement areas do not receive enough information about the nation’s healthcare options. Just because there is equitable supply does not mean that all in the nation have access to or know to utilize the care that Bhutan’s government provides.

Third, Bhutan employs underqualified healthcare workers. While a lack of reports means that the international community is unaware of the exact problems the Bhutanese population encounters, as well as how many in Bhutan die due to dangerous healthcare, the World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that millions die globally because of unsafe medical care and that around half of these deaths are preventable. A study that the British Medical Journal Open (BMJ) published found that Bhutan’s healthcare system’s most prominent failings have been due to inadequate skills, training and attitudes among providers.

Health Problems in Bhutan

Furthermore, non-communicable diseases account for 53% of all deaths, and they are the leading cause of death across all age groups. Cancer, diabetes and traffic injuries have replaced the falling number of deaths from STIs. Despite working out of a framework dedicated to happiness, Bhutan ranks 20th on a list of countries regarding their rate of suicide. Combined with addiction and other mental health struggles, this is an area where Bhutanese healthcare faces an extreme care deficiency.

Bhutan did not employ its first psychiatrist until 1999 when Bhutan-born and Sri Lanka-trained Dr. Chencho Dorji returned to the nation. As of 2013, the majority of more than 5,300 Bhutanese psychiatric patients have fallen onto the shoulders of Dr. Chencho. As of the 2020 survey, Bhutan only employs 116 in the department of therapy — that is, barely more than 0.015% of its population. To put this number in context, 0.03% of the United State’s population are licensed therapists. Nevertheless, plenty of reasons exist for one to be optimistic about Bhutan’s healthcare system.

Optimism About Bhutan’s Future

Bhutan has multiple ways to resolve the healthcare problems it is currently facing. For example, the BMJ study focused on collaboration, resources and governance, but a better way of looking for optimism could be to investigate what the Five Year Plan prioritizes. Prioritization in the FYPs produced all of Bhutan’s historical healthcare successes, and there is no reason to predict otherwise for current crises. The 12th Five Year Plan, in effect from 2018 to 2023, provides solutions to the struggles of healthcare in Bhutan.

About the 12th Five Year Plan

First, the 12th Five Year Plan addresses problems in data recording as discussed at the 11th FYP’s mid-term review, prioritizing proper data collection for the new term to accurately perceive what problems need attention. Bhutan’s excellent COVID-19 response showcased success in this area. Second, the fight against non-communicable diseases (NCDs) worked its way into the forefront of Bhutan’s healthcare policy and is clearly a priority in the 12th Five Year Plan. Bhutan shares the international goal of eradicating tuberculosis by 2035 and recognizes both cures and treatments of NCDs as a dire need. Third, the FYP expanded from its four pillars of a just society to nine domains. The new domains include living standards, education, health, psychological well-being, cultural resilience, ecological diversity, among others.

The plan accounts for other systemic issues in the Bhutan healthcare system as well. One of the central means of progress that the FYP outlined is decentralization. By allocating funding to local governments to more comprehensively provide care throughout the nation, Bhutan will see a rise in equitable access to care — not just supply. Additionally, the 12th FYP details increased provider training.

Some of the new domains, including creating a charitable culture and regulating time allocation between work, sleep and other activities, work directly to combat mental illness. Psychological well-being places focus on providing adequate treatment to those who are still struggling despite those domains. New policies and priorities outlined in the 12th FYP provide hope for one of the fastest developing healthcare ministries globally.

Looking Ahead

There are certainly kinks in healthcare in Bhutan that the country must work out. However, with the changes in the Five Year Plan, the system of healthcare seems to be leading the way to a very bright future.

The only factor holding back this optimism is Bhutan’s limited resources. But, Bhutan underwent a great economic change, raising its GDP at an annual average of 7.5% just two decades after emancipation. As one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, its health services have seen great progress and continued to grow with time.

If a small, underdeveloped country with a great resource shortage can successfully implement a healthcare system that specifically focuses on its citizens’ happiness, perhaps this system could inspire a seismic shift in the way government runs. Bhutan has set a precedent for designing a world where the population’s happiness is the government’s main priority and, with adequate funding, it could more thoroughly achieve these goals. Now, it is time for the U.S., France, Germany, the U.K. and other global democratic superpowers to step up and do the same.

– Sam Konstan
Photo: Flickr
, , ,

What Exactly Is Happening in the Northern Triangle? 

The Northern Triangle
Latin America is in a vicious circle of crime, poverty and corruption. High crime rates thwart economic opportunities and crime rates push people into poverty, all cumulating into corrupt leaders who use the pain for their power and self-interest. Nevertheless, nowhere is crime more prevalent than in the Northern Triangle.

The Northern Triangle is region in Central America that includes Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. It has experienced the worst problems such as poor economic growth, rampant gang violence and political corruption. This three-prong nightmare has fueled an estimated 265,000 people toward the Southern U.S. Border and will continue to grow into the foreseeable future. While some do attempt to find safety in Europe and elsewhere in South America, others take the risk and traverse their way to the U.S-Mexico border, where they risk entering the country illegally. Others surrender to U.S. border patrol and seek asylum. However, it is unlikely that they will receive asylum. On average, only 13% of individuals receive asylum and experience integration into the United States.

Gang Corruption

In 2017, a survey asked the people in El Salvador, “who runs the country?” About 42% of respondents said “Delincuencia/Maras.” For non-Spanish speakers, this translates to gangs, like MS-13.

These answers have visible ramifications that strike at the core of the government. Governments in the Northern Triangle are weak, and the people know this; the gangs know this. People understand the country’s power lies in gangs’ hands, not in the government’s.

For example, in 2012, the Salvadorian government agreed to sign a truce with the criminal organizations to address skyrocketing homicide rates. The profoundly unpopular legislation did lower the homicide rate but the people still had to continue to pay gangs. Tactics like homicide and racketeering are not the only ways these organizations flex their might.

Throughout the Northern Triangle, gangs rely on drug and human trafficking, money laundering, kidnapping and theft to export their criminal enterprise well beyond the Northern Triangle. Issues in the Northern Triangle are not just an inter-state problem but also a problem for the entire Western Hemisphere.

Governance Problem

Northern Triangle nations have made some progress when it comes to corruption. But the total damage that such corruption caused is still in the billions: $13 billion to be precise.

In 2006, Guatemala successfully combated corruption when it appealed to the U.N., which established the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG). This independent body investigates the infiltration of criminal groups within state institutions. Such an organization resulted in the conviction of hundreds of officials and reduced the homicide rate.

In El Salvador, in 2019, the country created its own independent body called Commission against Corruption and Impunity in El Salvador (CITIES), which could yield the same results as CICIG. Over in Honduras, the hopes of establishing such independent oversight do not seem to be gaining the same traction. After the resignation of President Lobo Sosa in 2013, an investigation into the Honduran Institute of Social Security revealed a scandal that cost the people over $200 million. It also implicated President Orlando Hernández, who admitted to unknowingly using some of the money to fund his presidential campaign.

Unlike Guatemala and El Salvador, the Honduras legislature rejected a proposal to create its own CICI. Instead, it created Support the Fight against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (MACCIH). Although intended to fight corruption, it does not have the same autonomy as CICIG and CITIES. MACCIH is not autonomous and cannot investigate Honduran Public Ministry. Instead, it relies heavily on its relationship with the Attorney General and Congress, which could shield the people committing corruption. This inability to pass support for CICIH instead of settling for MACCIH might be signaling that the $200 million white-collar crime is the beginning of a giant iceberg.

A Path Forward

In Washington DC, support exists for CICIH and CITIES. Congresswoman Norma Torres and others released a statement in 2019 supporting these institutions. Reinstating the CICIG and implementing the same structure in CICIH and CITIES would stop corruption. This would allow the state to use its monopoly on violence to fight crime and allow positive economic growth. In April 2021, the State Department announced $740,740 in available funding for “competition for organizations interested in submitting applications for projects that empower civil society to combat corruption and protect human rights.”

– Diego Romero
Photo: Flickr

,

Poverty and Land Reform in South Africa

Land Reform in South Africa
White South Africans accounted for less than 10% of the population after the apartheid in South Africa ended in 1994. However, 90% of white South Africans owned the land. In addition, about 72% of white South Africans owned farmland in 2017. Meanwhile, black South Africans owned only 4% of land and Indian South Africans owned about 5%. As such, poverty and land reform in South Africa remain large issues.

The African National Congress (ANC) assisted the South African government in initiating land reform efforts to further digress from historical injustices, achieve equitable land distribution and stimulate economic development. However, land reform in South Africa has yet to significantly benefit the victims of land dispossession and marginalization.

Assistant Professor of African Studies in the Josef Korbel School of International Studies at the University of Denver Dr. Singumbe Muyeba told The Borgen Project that South Africa is the most unequal society in the world in terms of economic racial disparity. Muyeba’s passion to eradicate urban poverty in Africa has guided his research in poverty and land reform in South Africa.

The Land Reform Process

The Natives Land Act inaugurated the apartheid in South Africa in 1913. This left nearly 70% of black South Africans unable to purchase or occupy the land. Furthermore, this legislative order dispossessed and forcibly removed thousands of black families from their land. Black people had to go to impoverished areas throughout the country. Furthermore, they were unable to financially support their families. Moreover, the Act initiated the ongoing social and economic inequalities that prevail today.

The South African government initiated The Land Reform Process to deviate from the oppressive regime of the apartheid. In addition, it aimed to reinstate fundamental civil rights for all. This process involved:

  1. Restoring land to, or financially rectifying, titled landowners who were forcibly removed during the apartheid.
  2. Enabling Africans to collectively buy farms with government aid.
  3. Protecting the rights to own and control land.

South Africa recognized that land justice is crucial when addressing poverty, livelihood security and racial discrimination. Thus, it implemented land reform. However, the new land titling procedures and the authority of local land-owning elites in the system were obscure. It blurred the lines of the true beneficiaries. About 148 land reform programs in South Africa carried out fraudulent ventures between 2011 and 2017. Moreover, this highlighted political corruption as a contributor to the lack of land reform benefits.

Property Rights and Poverty

Land reform in South Africa initially relied on the disposition of white land-owners selling their land. The land redistributed to black farmers has been meager parcels with insignificant economic benefits. Additionally, black farmers in the repossession of land often lack farming knowledge, practical skills, government-supported financial aid and suitable equipment that would enable profit. The Economist proposed that up to 90% of redistributed farms were not profitable in 2015. One can attribute this to deficient funding, development training and resource allocation. In addition, South Africans who choose restitution in cash compensation instead of land often receive insufficient amounts. This conduces poverty and constrains black farmers’ economic development.

Problems with the Movement

Muyeba explains how South Africans’ perception and lack of trust in their institutions, harbored from the apartheid’s colonialist regime, contribute to the barriers of achieving economic security and escaping poverty. He said, “If the poor who possess urban land rights perceive that they cannot rely on the effectiveness of institutions such as the rule of law, political leadership, public services and economic institutions, their property will sit idle as an economic resource. The poor will not use their land and housing in their efforts to build wealth and get out of poverty.” Although urban property rights strengthen employment opportunities, the potential monetary burdens can lead to property loss.

Despite the general consensus that property rights economically advantage low-income individuals, the structural barriers of the reform system leave impoverished South Africans challenged. Thus, they are unable to achieve economic security and elude poverty. Muyeba’s research findings indicate that “property rights for the urban poor empower the poor with ownership, the security of tenure, instill a sense of freedom and of belonging to a community and increase self-esteem among owners.” This empowerment can improve health and play an instrumental part in decreasing the effects of poverty.

Expropriation Bill

South Africa became a constitutionally democratic country in February 1997. During this transformation, the Expropriation Act, which determined how the government handled previously privately owned land for public uses, mandated the government pay compensation that best served the public. It declared three attempts unconstitutional in October 2020. As a result, the Expropriation Bill proposed that “just and equitable” compensation will go to the expropriation of property for public use or interest. Furthermore, expropriation without compensation can receive justification in court depending on the acquisition, quality, use and value of the owner’s land.

South Africa’s Deputy President David Mabuza states that the Bill aims to correct the historic injustices, reinstate land rights, strengthen long-term food security and achieve equitable land rights. Many are concerned that the negative effects of expropriation could perpetuate injustices for communities. Additionally, land expropriation without compensation threatens the agricultural sector’s productivity and employment opportunities. Moreover, this will increase poverty rates. Muyeba says that the expropriation of farmland in South Africa will inevitably cause regional and international economic impairments. This is due to South Africa’s significant role in agricultural exports throughout the continent.

Hope for the Future

Land reform in South Africa plays a crucial role in achieving equitable land distribution and reducing poverty. Pre-existing victims must be the beneficiaries of the land reform movement. Muyeba believes that policy-makers should modify land reform programs according to previous national attempt outcomes while being mindful of South Africa’s vulnerable political and economic state.

Furthermore, his research indicates that securing property rights in South Africa does not inherently produce conventional economic benefits for impoverished populations. Instead, impoverished South Africans’ sense of empowerment from land ownership yielding greater economic benefits should be taken into account when confronting structural barriers. Equitable land distribution in South Africa is complex. However, accountable and honest corruption-free government legislative frameworks can help achieve it.

– Violet Chazkel
Photo: Flickr

, , ,

Women’s Rights in Qatar Show Promising Growth

Women’s Rights in Qatar
Qatar resides in the Middle East, just east of Saudi Arabia. The country boasts high economic prosperity, ranking among the highest in the world. It also occupies a low spot on the global list on gender gap — Qatar’s global ranking is 0.629 out of one. Qatar upholds female education and proactively attempts to improve women’s rights. However, women’s rights in Qatar need continued advocacy to decrease the country’s gender gap and increase equality.

Attempted Improvements

In 2009, Qatar became a member of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Despite membership, the country did not fully commit to all portions of the convention. Qatar refuses to maintain the following: gender equality in domestic laws and policies, equality with regard to nationality, equality before the law, freedom of movement and of residence and domicile and equality in marriage and family life. These requirements contradict Islamic law.

Discriminatory Laws

Qatar’s legal system centers around Shari’a, Islamic law. When Qatar enacted a (discriminatory) law, it crafted it upon the government’s interpretation of a religious belief. In this way, women’s rights in Qatar experience subjection to possible sexist ideas based on misreadings or outdated practices.

In family events or in a court of law, people do not view the testimony of a woman as equal to that of a man’s. If a Qatari woman has children with a non-Qatari man, the children are unable to assume the Qatari nationality; whereas, if the man were to be of Qatari nationality, the children would be able to assume citizenship. Women seeking a divorce have far less ability to appear in court and receive a fair settlement.

Representation in Parliament

As of 2015, Qatar’s 29-member municipal council had only two female members and its legal system included just one female judge. In 2017, the Inter-Parliamentary Union elected four female representatives to serve on the Shura Council of Qatar (Qatar’s parliament) for the first time. The Shura Council of Qatar looks over government policy, creates proposals for new laws and renews the country’s financial allocation.

Women’s Education Rights

In contrast to the lack of women’s rights in Qatar, gender discrimination has consistently remained out of the education system. The government supplies education at no cost for all citizens between ages 6 and 16. It is one of the most generous countries in its fiscal allotment per-student and allocates a large majority of its funds toward education.

The youth literacy rate rests at about 98% and close to 96% of girls attend secondary school. Further, there are more women than men attending Qatar’s University College of Law. Qatar University also provides adult courses. The class offerings improve national literacy rates and help maintain women’s educational rights. After graduation, Qatari women have the complete freedom to enter the business and financial sectors.

Conclusion

A struggle for equality and women’s rights in Qatar still exists despite its progressive nature. The country is aware of this issue and is continuing its work to further the rights of women in Qatar. There have already been achievements in creating equal opportunities and legal reform for female citizens. More are sure to come with Qatar’s commitment to increased gender equality.

– Adelle Tippetts
Photo: Flickr

, , , ,

Gender Equality in Ethiopia Makes Headway

Gender Equality in Ethiopia
Ethiopia faces many struggles, but the land where coffee originates from has many accomplishments as well. The continuous gender equality progression in Ethiopia is one of them. Gender-based roles constitute a significant part of the Ethiopian culture. It is also the primary reason for many families’ extreme poverty. However, through policy reform and promoting women’s political participation, noteworthy change in bridging the gaps between women and men is visible.

Policy Reforms Encourage Gender Equality in Ethiopia

Thanks to two reforms, research suggests that gender equality in Ethiopia is progressing. One reform is the Family Code, which was revised in 2000 with new developments. The re-evaluated version of the Family Code states that women receive equal rights throughout the marriage. This pertains to the entire term of their marriage, the duration of the divorce and after the finalization of the divorce. The revisions also note that the individuals must equally split all assets. As a result, the report states that women were less likely to involve themselves in domestic work. Instead, women found more sustainable employment outside of the household, which encourages their independence.

The second reform is the community-based land registration initiated in 2003. Ethiopia’s population has strong gender norms that tend to favor men and subordinate women in power roles. Research results show that as women migrate from the north of Ethiopia to the southern region, they tend to lose societal and household status. Women also have their “bargaining power” revoked from them, which can relate to property rights and ownership. However, this reform emphasizes the implementation of property rights for married women by creating “joint certification.”

A significant sign of independence in Ethiopia is property. However, men typically have land ownership in marriages. This reform opposes this gender-based norm in Ethiopia and allows women to access economic and political opportunities. When women own land, it increases their chances of earning money and controlling their own lives. Rules set by their husbands no longer have to confine them. They are also less likely to be victims of domestic violence. Ethiopian women who own property are significantly less likely to experience domestic violence within their marriages than women who do not own property.

Women’s Political Participation Rises

Women currently make up 37% of congress in Ethiopia. Considering only 22% of women represented congress in 2010, there has been significant progress ever since. However, the Ethiopian government’s values and trustworthiness will remain in question until women account for at least 50% of the parliamentary seats.

The country also needs to make political careers more accessible to women. The “motherhood penalty” requires women to attend to constant family duties and responsibilities, such as breastfeeding and always being present for the children. Endless motherly duties can hinder women’s potential political careers due to the amount of time it takes up. This is especially true if a women’s marriage is based on strong religious beliefs. Certain religious beliefs in Ethiopia tend to prohibit women from acquiring independence and hinder women’s decision-making abilities.

DCA

In Ethiopia, society perceives women as individuals requiring leadership from others and not as individuals able to lead. However, recent years’ progression contradicts that idea. The organization DCA (Dan Church Aid) emphasizes the idea of women empowerment. It holds and spreads the belief that every woman deserves fundamental human rights “economically, socially and culturally.”

DCA was created in 1995 to promote gender equality in Ethiopia. Since then, the organization has helped more than 3.2 million people in the world’s most impoverished countries deprived of everyday opportunities. Due to the continuous contribution of DCA and recognition from Ethiopia’s government regarding the encouragement of gender equality, the women of Ethiopia can seek more political positions and close those gender gaps within communities.

– Montana Moore
Photo: Flickr