Archive for category: Women’s Rights

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Ghana’s Anti-Witchcraft Bill: A Second Chance to Become Law

Ghana's Anti-Witchcraft Bill
Six years ago, Akua Denteh, a 90-year-old woman from the town of Kafaba, was killed after being accused of witchcraft. A crowd beat her to death on July 23, 2020, after she was accused of using witchcraft to prevent rain from falling in the area. Footage of the attack spread across the country within hours. The killing drew public condemnation and renewed calls for Parliament to act.

Pattern of Accusations

The accusation that led to Denteh’s death did not materialize on its own. A priestess blamed her for a run of misfortune in Kafaba, including a poor rainy season. Researchers describe a consistent pattern: droughts, crop failures and unexplained illness create pressure to assign blame. That blame tends to fall hardest on vulnerable women who are older, poor, widowed, living with a disability or otherwise without someone to defend their claim to land and property. Once people make an accusation, it compounds that existing vulnerability, stripping a woman of her home and income on top of what she has already lost.

Exile as an Alternative

For the women who survive, exile is often the alternative to death. Across northern Ghana, hundreds of people accused of witchcraft live in settlements commonly known as witch camps, after being banished from their communities or fleeing because they feared further violence. More than 97% of residents of such camps report an extremely low quality of life.

Political Spotlight

Denteh’s death pushed an old, deeply rooted practice into the political spotlight, and Parliament responded. Three years later, in July 2023, members of Parliament passed the Criminal Offences (Amendment) Bill, commonly known as the Anti-Witchcraft Accusations Bill, which would make it a criminal offense to accuse, name or label another person as a witch. It would also outlaw witch-finding, the rituals through which priests, priestesses and other self-styled witch-finders identify supposed witches, and it proposed a route toward protection, justice and compensation for victims.

Presidential Assent

However, Parliament’s passage did not make it law. President Nana Akufo-Addo did not give the bill his assent. According to reports, his objection centered on a constitutional and procedural question: the bill had originated as a private member’s bill, and his administration argued that the government should have introduced legislation carrying financial implications for the state rather than individual MPs.

Continued Efforts

For the women in the camps, the distinction between Parliament passing a bill and Ghana having a law was not abstract. Without presidential assent, the proposed criminalization of witchcraft accusations did not take effect, while women already displaced by accusations remained in exile. The fight has now returned to Parliament. In July 2026, five MPs from the same group that sponsored the original bill reintroduced it, again as a private member’s bill. Government ministers have separately signaled interest in taking up the legislation, and Amnesty International Ghana has appealed to President John Mahama to certify it as urgent. Whether that support translates into the government formally sponsoring the bill, or into presidential assent this time, is still an open question. The procedural issue raised over the 2023 bill — its status as a private member’s bill with financial implications — has not yet been definitively resolved.

Building Pressure

Outside Parliament, pressure has been building too. Amnesty International Ghana, ActionAid Ghana, Songtaba, Oxfam and the Sanneh Institute have formed part of a coalition pushing for the bill’s passage. Campaigners have traveled to the camps, gathered testimony from women living there and taken their demands back to Accra. Their petition has attracted almost 19,000 signatures.

Future Challenges

This is no longer simply a story about whether MPs agree that witchcraft accusations are wrong; they have already voted on that once. It is a story about what it will take to convert that agreement into an assented law, and about what happens next if that finally happens. The first bill did not fail because Parliament rejected the women it was meant to protect; it stalled over a procedural dispute about how the bill was introduced. Whether that obstacle has genuinely been cleared this time, or will resurface, remains to be seen.

Even if Parliament passes the bill again and it receives assent, a harder question will still be waiting: what happens to the women already living in the camps? A law can make a new accusation a crime. Reintegrating women who have already been displaced, rebuilding a lost home, restoring lost land, repairing a relationship with a family that still believes an accusation, persuading a village that a woman it once feared is safe to welcome home is a separate, longer undertaking that legislation alone does not resolve. That is the implementation gap between passing a law and closing the camps.

And it is where Akua Denteh’s story, six years after her death, leads next: not back to the village square where she was killed, but into the corridors of Parliament, where Ghana’s lawmakers have another chance to decide what happens after her death.

– Alana Breslin

Alana is based in London, England and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Understanding the Fight Against FGM in Colombia

FGM in Colombia
Female genital mutilation (FGM) refers to procedures intended to cut, remove or alter female external genitalia, often associated with cultural practices and most common in parts of Africa, Asia and the Middle East. The practice has affected approximately 230 million women and girls globally and is an issue intertwined with global poverty: cross-national research that UNICEF has done demonstrates that FGM disproportionately affects women from the poorest quintiles. Of the 94 nations that have document cases, only 59 have acted to address FGM through targeted legislation.

Colombia’s Legislative Action

This year Colombia joined this number, becoming the first Latin American nation to legislate on FGM through the passage of Bill 440, “Niñas Sin Ablación” (Girls without FGM) into law. The bill represents a victory achieved through years of efforts from Colombia’s indigenous Embera Chami community to fight stigma around discussing FGM in Colombia and uplift Embera women.

The Embera people are one of the largest indigenous groups in Colombia, making up a population of more than 250,000. Many of the documented cases of FGM in Colombia occurred in some communities of the regional subgroup Embera Chami. Authorities reported 240 cases between 2020 and 2026; according to the UN and the National Institute of Health, 87% of those affected were indigenous girls, and 88% were under the age of five. Colombia is the first country in Latin America and the Caribbean to approve a comprehensive law to eradicate female genital mutilation.

Many Chami people live in isolated communities in mountainous territories or regions such as Risaralda. They have historically faced poverty and exclusion, experiencing threats from traffickers, criminal groups and armed conflict. About 80% of mass displacement cases between 2022 and 2024 occurred in indigenous or Afro-Colombian territories such as those inhabited by the Embera, leaving their communities even more vulnerable. Health services and education on sexual and reproductive health are also less accessible, leaving low-income Chami women in these regions at risk of infection and health issues related to FGM.

Community Efforts and Challenges

FGM in Colombia is widely underreported, and silence characterizes the issue even within practicing communities. The Colombian National Indigenous Organization’s (ONIC) estimates from 2012, an organization dedicated to representing Indigenous Colombian people’s political interests, suggest that two out of three Embera women may have been victims of FGM. In 2007, the deaths of two girls from FGM-related infections in Risaralda finally brought attention to the issue and sparked action from the Embera community.

Following this case, the Embera Wera project originated. This symbolized deep reflection on FGM in Colombia by indigenous communities in partnership with groups including the Indigenous Regional Council of Risaralda (CRIR), the UNFPA, the Colombian Institute of Family Welfare (ICBF), the broader project of “Integral strategy for the prevention and awareness of all forms of gender-based violence” (MDG-F), and local political leaders. Through this collaboration and inter-agency roundtable discussions, the project opened the discussion of the previously taboo topic.

The Results of the Project

The project empowered women to break the stigma around the topic and have their voices heard in previously male-dominated spaces such as CRIR. Solani Zapata knew nothing of the practice of FGM in her Embera community until she gave birth and had to fight to protect her daughter from it. Zapata went on to become an adviser for women’s issues as part of CRIR and visited communities to educate on the issue and promote conversation and reflection. A group of 11 women appointed to the body hosted the Departmental Summit of Embera Women, inviting more than 500 indigenous representatives to join the dialogue. The UNFPA also worked with hospitals to focus on education and early detection of FGM cases and promoted their reporting.

The Embera tribe acted in response: in 2012, leaders signed an agreement to ban the practice within communities, with a commitment to eradicate FGM in Colombia by 2030.

Legislation and Future Outlook

Time has passed since these community-led efforts broke the silence on FGM. However, the practice continued, with ambiguity around numbers and underreporting still suspected. In 2023, records showed an estimated 90 cases. The landmark Bill 440 goes further to address the issue. Supported by Plan International, the bill passed unanimously despite a politically divided congress, a testament to the bill’s significance. This granted the government 12 months to develop a national policy to eradicate FGM in Colombia.

The Embera women’s work to open the conversation has shaped the non-punitive approach of the legislation: The bill does not serve to criminalize or punish, but rather uphold and build on the communities’ work that has raised awareness over the years. It focuses on prevention and care, as well as working interculturally and closely with the Embera to reaffirm commitment to moving away from the practice.

Looking Forward

In the case of Colombia, it is difficult to measure progress on an issue that has for so long been clouded by ambiguous data. However, the work of the Embera people has brought about real legislative change based on cultural understanding and the continued uplifting of community voices. This collaborative effort brings hope and marks a step in the right direction for the eradication of FGM in Colombia.

– Hannah Rix

Hannah is based in London, United Kingdom and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Addressing the Gender Wage Gap in Lesotho

Gender Wage Gap in LesothoIn Southern Africa, Lesotho has a population of 2.3 million people. In Lesotho, women make up a majority of the garment industry, making them key to the economy. However, they face unequal access to workplace opportunities and receive lower, unequal wages, despite Lesotho’s constitution declaring equal pay. These significant differences in what women receive compared to men create a gender wage gap in Lesotho. 

Statistics

Researchers struggle to determine the gender wage gap in Lesotho because they lack access to national data on pay differences between men and women. Even with collected data, large gaps remain between what organizations publish and what they don’t. According to UN Women, 33.6% of the national indicators that researchers need to determine the gender pay gap were available, highlighting gaps in what organizations release. These included women’s access to assets; relations to poverty, gender and environment; and workplace harassment.

The garment industry accounts for much of the gender wage gap in Lesotho, where factories employ more women than men. The Guardian reports that, “According to the trade ministry, there are about 36,000 textile workers [in Lesotho] – mostly women.” Although women make up the overwhelming majority of workers, employers deny them equal pay. Additionally, many young women aged 15+ do unpaid domestic work, which makes up 15.6% of their time, compared to men, who receive 6.2% of their domestic work unpaid.

Community Impact

Since women make up the majority of the garment industry, they are more likely to work in harsher conditions. Men are more likely to enter professions with higher salaries, such as mining. In contrast, women are more likely to work in the textile industry, which pays significantly lower wages, contributing to the gender wage gap in Lesotho.

As a result, women may struggle to earn a livable wage to support themselves and their families. As a result, many families can no longer afford daily necessities. This has sparked many social movements, as women have begun protesting for equal pay and equal opportunities.

Solutions

Lesotho is currently addressing the wage gap through numerous measures. For instance, Lesotho has begun implementing the Labor Act of 2024, which provides stronger equal-pay rights. It states that employers must pay men and women equally for the same work and that employers cannot discriminate based on a person’s gender. The country also has a Department of Gender, which works to promote equal opportunities for all genders by raising awareness and supporting initiatives to stop discrimination.

The Lesotho Agreement is also an outcome of the government’s work, creating a system to acknowledge and address industry complaints through investigation. It pushed the industry to accept the agreement, allowing workers to submit complaints about discrimination or unfair treatment from supervisors and benefiting more than 10,000 workers. Progress reports show that evaluators have recommended that supervisors take classes on fair treatment of workers, and operatives have substantially increased their investigations, helping many in Lesotho.

Looking Ahead

The gender wage gap in Lesotho is a large issue; however, promoters and lawmakers are taking steps to eliminate the unfair treatment and unequal access to wages and opportunities for women. Legal protections, along with better data collection like the WRS Network, improve access to opportunities to fight for better pay and open doors to equal opportunity. Therefore, Lesotho will be closer to closing the wage gap if it continues to follow these legal and social movements.

– Zaynab Faruqi

Zaynab is based in West Windsor, NJ, USA and focuses on Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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How Kashmiri Women Stand up for Their Rights in a Conflict Zone

Kashmiri WomenIn a world filled with constant fear of militarization and disregard for women’s rights in conflict zones, Kashmiri women have resisted in pursuit of their moral, political, legal and economic rights. Their constant fight and struggle are a testament to the power of standing up for yourself and showing up every day. 

According to a study published in Contemporary South Asia, the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) is one of the most powerful symbols of standing up for women’s rights in conflict zones. Parveena Ahangar, a mother searching for her son who was abducted and mistaken for a militant, started this initiative with the hope of bringing wives, mothers and daughters together to create a political movement. 

Their Form of Resistance

There is a Kashmiri concept called thakawath, which refers to being exhausted from waiting. The APDP reversed this idea by adopting a tactic called “active waiting.” For decades, these women have refused to give up, consistently showing up in society through sit-ins and by holding photographs of their loved ones who went missing.

What makes this brave is how such a simple act of appearing in society challenges the status quo. They prevent society from forgetting their loved ones while also raising international awareness of the human rights violations occurring in their community.

Half-Widows

Half-widows are women whose husbands have disappeared but have not been declared dead. These women face constant uncertainty and economic and social vulnerability. According to Diaspora in Action for Human Rights and Democracy (DAHD), while widows can receive compensation, half-widows cannot. Their in-laws do not support them, do not grant them property rights and do not provide aid to support their children.

Bravery

In response to this issue, Kashmiri women refused to give in to societal expectations. They bravely entered military sites and courts to fight against the government in search of their husbands. They also began relying on their talents, such as agriculture and artistic crafts, to become breadwinners for their families.

Other women, such as Zamruda Habib, founded another organization called Muslim Khawateen, which advocates for women’s voices. According to a report, “[Ahangar] and Zamruda founded activist platforms and organized public resistance because of their own suffering at the hands of the State and their determination to highlight the injustices that they and women like them had suffered. They inspired a generation of young Kashmiri women to highlight social issues and build networks of women to address them.”

Despite mainstream media often overlooking women’s rights in conflict zones, the stories and resistance of Kashmiri women have reached the world in powerful ways. Whether it is a mother holding a photograph in a public space or another woman fighting the legal system, Kashmiri women continue to stand up bravely for their rights. They strive every day to be heard and seen.

– Hasini Muddapu

Hasini is based in Princeton, NJ, USA and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Telemedicine: Health Care access for Afghan Women

Health Care access for Afghan WomenAfghanistan, a country beset by constant, unequivocal political unrest, faces a time of profound inequality. When the Taliban reasserted control over the country in August 2021, a cascade of reactions found the country’s health care system on the verge of collapse. In the first half of that year alone, Taliban forces attacked health care facilities, leaving 12 health care workers dead and damaging more than 25 buildings.

The impact on Afghan women has cut the deepest. Now lacking almost all fundamental rights, health care has taken a backseat. Not a single woman received screening for any cancer form and less than 10% received screening for sexually transmitted infections. Even where diagnosis is possible, treatment for these demographics remains virtually inaccessible. 

Barriers to Health Care Access for Afghan Women

These obstacles to health care access for Afghan women are not accidental but structural. The Taliban’s governance has systematically dismantled the conditions in which women can safely seek and receive medical attention. At the center of this is the Mahram Policy, which requires female health workers to be accompanied by a male guardian at all times outside the home.

On December 21, 2022, women were banned from working with NGOs nationwide, except in health care. Yet the requirement for them to be chaperoned now hinders their ability to provide and receive adequate health care. Even when women reach a facility, barriers persist; whether they would like to or not, male doctors can scarcely provide the necessary care except in life-threatening conditions. 

Additionally, medicines are in short supply and the financial burden of travel pushes families to impossible decisions, leading women to disregard their health and rely on traditional cures. 

The Organizations Still Showing Up

Despite the deteriorating environment, the international humanitarian response has been remarkable. In 2024 alone, nearly one million patients, 65% of whom were women and children, received primary care across 47 implemented health facilities. Alongside these infrastructural changes, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has upgraded equipment, improved staff competency and educated hospitals on mass-casualty incidents. 

Through expanding services into urban areas, organizations like the ICRC are pivotal in improving access to health care and alleviating difficult living conditions in Afghanistan. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has equally refused to retreat. Operating across eight provinces, MSF has seen the number of patients it treats double in the last three years. 

The organization prioritizes the most acute needs: emergency trauma care, maternal health and malnutrition. In 2024 alone, the organization admitted more than 400,000 emergency patients and assisted in more than 45,000 births. Despite attacks from the Taliban, the remaining feeding center and trauma facility in Kunduz have become vital for Afghanistan’s health care infrastructure.

What makes these organizations so significant is not just the scale of their operations but the conditions under which they persist. They hold together the health care system in a place of such turmoil, despite uncertain funding, restrictions on female staff and the collapse of broader public health systems. 

Telemedicine: A Bridge No Wall Can Close

Among the most promising developments for Afghanistan’s health care system is the expansion of telemedicine. When physical access is blocked by Taliban restrictions, a mobile phone may still get through. Telemedicine is being pursued by many organizations and charities, with evidence of its impact.

The Central Asia Health Systems Strengthening project connected seven tertiary care facilities with 14 secondary care facilities across the region. The project enabled more than 6,000 teleconsultations and delivered 52 e-learning sessions to more than 2,000 health staff. A tele-ICU service running from 2020 to 2023 provided the same number of teleconsultations to nearly 1,600 patients. 

This began as a response to COVID-19 before expanding into neonatal, pediatric and surgical critical care. Researchers found that increased consultation frequency was associated with reduced patient mortality, demonstrating clinical applicability. 

Arian Teleheal

Dr. Waheed Arian grew up in Afghanistan during the Soviet conflict, sheltering in cellars from rockets and bombs. Later, his family fled to Pakistan, where he contracted malaria and tuberculosis in a refugee camp. He arrived in the U.K. at 15 with $100 in his pocket, went on to study medicine at Cambridge and is now the founder of Arian Teleheal.

Founded in 2015, Arian Teleheal began by connecting Afghan hospitals to a global network of volunteer specialists via smartphones and tablets. As expensive medical systems are inaccessible to medics in these low-resource settings, this enables medical personnel and patients to receive appropriate care by being routed to a network of more than 150 international volunteers. The results have been unparalleled, with a three-year study finding that Arian Teleheal’s volunteers have helped care for thousands of patients. 

The organization has also since partnered with the World Health Organization (WHO) to provide emergency, mental health and psychosocial support to people in need across the globe.

Final Remarks

Initiatives such as these show great promise for those in need in Afghanistan, who face a health care system rocked by political repression, stripping the right to provide medical care freely. As humanitarian organizations struggle to fill the gap, telemedicine is emerging as a quiet revolution. Where Taliban restrictions try to block the door, a smartphone may still get through.

 – Juliette Dall’Aglio

Juliette is based in London, UK and focuses on Technology and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Top Facts About Gender Violence in Morocco

Gender Violence in MoroccoMorocco is a sovereign nation in the Maghreb region of North Africa. Located on the northwest coast of Africa, it borders the Atlantic and Mediterranean Seas, bridging Africa and Europe. It is a constitutional monarchy with a rich, diverse culture, known for its mix of Arab, Berber and European influences, with its capital being Rabat.

Contributing Factors

  1. More than half of women report experiencing violence. As of 2019, about 57% of women in Morocco have been or are currently victims of domestic violence. This translates to six million individuals being abused at the hands of their partners.
  2. Society is not concerned. According to the U.S. Department of State, Moroccan police treat domestic violence as a social issue rather than a criminal matter.
  3. Violence takes many forms, not only physical. These include sexual assault, as well as psychological and emotional abuse. Psychological abuse is the most common, affecting more than 95.8% of non-single women in 2018.
  4. Domestic environments are a major site of abuse in Morocco. A large share of violence occurs within family or intimate partner relationships. Among teenage girls, more than half report experiencing some form of violence. This highlights domestic abuse as a major driver of gender-based violence in Morocco.
  5. Underreporting is common. Only about 3% of survivors formally report violence, often due to stigma or fear. This is often linked to family pressure, where abuse is treated as a private matter that should not be disclosed publicly. Survivors are discouraged from reporting, especially through legal channels, due to concerns about the consequences. These include children growing up without a father and the loss of perceived protection or financial support from husbands.
  6. Cultural norms contribute to silence. Economic dependency and unequal gender power dynamics are frequently cited as barriers to leaving abusive relationships.
  7. Tens of thousands of cases are recorded annually. Between July 2024 and June 2025, 28,980 cases of violence against women were reported in Morocco.

Call to Action

To address gender-based violence, Morocco has implemented policies regarding child and forced marriage laws following the Amina Filali case. Filali was a 16-year-old who killed herself after being forced to marry her rapist. The Moroccan government reformed its penal code to raise the legal age of marriage, criminalize forced marriages and increase protections for victims of sexual violence. 

Beyond legislation, Morocco has also established shelters for survivors, hotlines for reporting abuse and awareness campaigns to educate the public about gender-based violence. Furthermore, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) such as the Democratic Association of Moroccan Women provide legal aid, psychological support and vocational training to help survivors gain independence and escape abusive environments. 

Conclusion

Violence against women in Morocco has prevailed for centuries. It dates back to historical social structures shaped by patriarchal family systems, tribal and kinship traditions and legal norms that gave men greater authority within households. For much of Morocco’s history, women’s economic dependence, limited access to education and social expectations around marriage and obedience reinforced unequal power dynamics. 

Domestic matters were often treated as private family issues rather than legal concerns. However, recently, efforts have been made to change this, including the passing of Law 103-13 (Morocco) in 2018. The law criminalizes certain forms of violence against women and aims to improve protection and prevention efforts. 

However, despite these legal reforms, historical social structures continue to influence attitudes toward domestic violence today.

– Veda Mungara

Veda is based in Cupertino, CA, USA and focuses on Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Gender Inequality in Azerbaijan

Gender Inequality in Azerbaijan Azerbaijan, in southwestern Asia, has a population of more than 10.2 million people, with more than 5 million women. While progress has been made through projects by the United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF) and the Women’s Association for Rational Development (WARD), patriarchal values and gender stereotypes continue to hinder socioeconomic and political equality.

Gender Disparity in the Workforce

Azerbaijan has made legal progress on women’s employment, but gender segregation and pay inequality limit women’s economic participation. Women make up 17% of the workforce in transport and storage, 11% in energy and 8% in construction. According to the World Bank, women in Azerbaijan earn 35% less than men on average.

According to the United Nations (U.N.) Women’s data, gender inequality in Azerbaijan remains a structural problem across both public and private sectors. Women and girls aged 15 and above spend an average of 25.4% of their daily time on unpaid care and domestic work. This unequal burden limits women’s ability to participate in paid employment, education and public life.

Women in Politics

According to the Baku Research Institute, the level of women’s political participation remains low. In 2024, women’s representation in Milli Majlis, the national parliament, reached 20.8%. In 2025, women’s representation in municipalities was 39.34%. According to 2025 statistics, there are no female heads of executive authorities or ministers in Azerbaijan, and there are only six female deputy members. According to the Global Gender Gap Index, Azerbaijan ranked 133rd out of 146 countries in 2024 in terms of political participation.

Gender stereotypes, women’s economic dependence and the political environment in Azerbaijan function as interconnected factors that affect women’s political participation. Society often perceives a woman’s place as being in the family and at home, while men are regarded as the main decision makers.

Women-Led Initiatives to Tackle Gender Inequality

In Azerbaijan, efforts to address gender inequality have taken the form of women-led civic initiatives. UNDEF has funded a project to establish Azerbaijan’s first women’s parliament, giving female leaders a platform to push for stronger rights and better governance. The initiative brings together women from civil society, business and academia to address issues such as girls’ education, maternal health, early marriage and support for female entrepreneurs. The project aims to turn women’s participation into influence on public policy.

WARD is an independent nongovernmental organization in Azerbaijan dedicated to advancing gender equality, women’s empowerment and sustainable development. Over the years, WARD has launched the country’s first maternity school, the first Women’s Resource Center, the Women’s Dialogue School and its first expert group on gender. The organization has also led several awareness-raising campaigns across the country.

In an interview with U.N. Women, WARD chair Shahla Ismayil said that women-led think tanks occupy a space where expertise meets empathy and where knowledge becomes a tool for change. She added that initiatives such as the Women’s Dialogue School prepare a new generation of women leaders to enter public life and propose practical solutions, ensuring that women’s leadership becomes institutional rather than episodic.

Looking Ahead

Women in Azerbaijan have made measurable efforts to address gender inequality despite societal challenges. NGOs and activists continue to work toward structural change, with initiatives such as the women’s parliament and WARD’s programs offering pathways for greater representation and economic participation.

– Bonnie Parkinson

Bonnie is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Women-Centered Approaches: Countering India’s Gender Gap

India's Gender GapIn the past century, research and individual experiences have revealed the vast impact of gender inequality on women worldwide. India’s poverty landscape reflects this reality. As a result, experts and policymakers consistently stress the importance of reducing India’s gender poverty gap.

The recent COVID-19 pandemic severely disrupted earlier progress and deepened disparities between men and women. Many women, including those who were the sole breadwinners of their families, lost their jobs. This subsequently led to more families being pushed below the poverty line.

Since then, the issue has called for strategic initiatives and approaches to address the widening gender inequality in India.

India’s Gender Gap in Poverty

The poverty gender gap in India is deeply rooted and begins affecting women from birth. A 2021 study conducted by the World Bank found that among children from low-income households, the number of girls was higher than that of boys. While the study uses data from more than 90 countries, the difference mainly occurred in India. 

Moreover, this difference only persists in the older age groups. The International Labor Organization (ILO) discovered in 2022 that Indian women earn 20-30% less than their male counterparts. Additionally, social impediments, such as the nature of jobs, complicate women’s efforts to achieve financial independence. 

Other societal differences, such as class and caste, further widen the gender gap. One study, focusing on Scheduled Castes (SC) and on Urban versus Rural poverty, from 2021 identified this difference. The study states that SC women earn only 55% of what women from other castes earn. 

Additionally, there also arises a difference within this subset when considering urban and rural differences. SC women in urban areas earn slightly more than their rural counterparts. However, it remains lower than that of urban women from other castes. Furthermore, according to another 2023 report, female-headed households showed higher odds of becoming urban poor than male-headed households. 

Why Are Women Becoming More Vulnerable to Poverty?

When analyzing the reasons behind India’s gender gap in poverty, several causes come to light. As mentioned earlier, social impediments pose a major difficulty for women. For instance, in Indian society, women often work as domestic help, as in other countries. Domestic work, apart from paying less, is also not included in the national GDP. 

This indicates that women’s earnings go unaccounted for in national and international statistics. Relatedly, due to the existing patriarchal model, women also face difficulties due to male-favoring inheritance laws. Studies showed that only 13% of women in India own agricultural land, compared to men. Due to the aforementioned laws, women find it harder to gain control of their assets. 

However, one of the major drivers of rising poverty among women is limited access to education. In India, school dropout rates are often alarmingly higher among girls than boys. Early marriages in families residing below the poverty line result in many women not having their high school diplomas. 

The Indian Ministry of Statistics and Program Implementation (MOSPI) released a detailed education report in 2016. In this report, females account for higher numbers in nearly every category of student dropouts aged 5 to 29, with only a few exceptions. Additionally, according to the 2020 census, the female literacy rate was 70.3%, 14.4 percentage points lower than the male literacy rate of 84.7%. The lack of education hinders a wide range of opportunities that could help women become financially independent. 

Government Initiatives and Programs Aiding Women in Poverty

Women’s empowerment has been an integral part of the Indian government’s agenda in the last few decades. From abolishing Sati to providing education for girls, Indian lawmakers have always focused on opening new avenues of concession for women. While there are implementation issues, the government provides funding for new women-centered initiatives every year. 

In 2026, leaders announced schemes for girl child, for women entrepreneurs and capital development. The “Lakpathi Didi Scheme” aims to help women in self-help groups earn more than $1,000. This strategy, when effectively implemented, can alleviate poverty largely among women. 

Another economic development initiative, the Trade Related Entrepreneurship Assistance and Development (TREAD) Scheme, aims to support the growth of women entrepreneurs. Under the scheme, the government enables eligible women to access business loans of up to $3,224 to establish their enterprises. 

Thirdly, officials also announced the “Stand Up India Mission,” focusing on lower-strata social groups. Women from the SC and the Scheduled Tribes are the target audience for this initiative. It provides loans ranging from $12,900 to $129,000. Through this, the government claims to cover nearly 75% of the production costs for these women’s startups.

Finally, in the spirit of providing financial security, parents of newborn girls can now open bank accounts offering high interest rates. This program, called the “Sukanya Samriddhi Yojana,” was launched as part of the Girl Child Scheme from 2015. 

Other Gender Gap Reduction Strategies

Experts and lawmakers have stated that reducing the gender gap requires more than a single approach. The above governmental schemes directly address women’s economic deficiencies, aiming to elicit long-term solutions. For this reason, world changemakers believe that education is a powerful tool for women’s empowerment.

Shivani Nithyanandhan is a member of Kongu Business Forum, a platform that aims to empower individuals in business in the Kongu region. She spoke to The Borgen Project about different strategies that could help women become financially secure. Speaking of education, Nithyanandhan stated, “Access to education and skill development is key. When women are equipped with relevant skills, whether in business, digital literacy or vocational areas, they gain the confidence and ability to earn independently.” 

Nithyanandhan also discussed the need for a supportive community for women in poverty to help them set up businesses. The Kongu Business Forum regularly conducts knowledge-sharing sessions to educate women about business opportunities in their locale. Since the Kongu region’s major source of income is agriculture, Nithyanandhan says that the forum aims to help women explore opportunities in agri-related enterprises.

Looking Ahead

India’s gender gap in poverty, similar to that of other countries, has received focus over the last few decades. While visible results do exist, women’s lack of awareness about upliftment schemes continues to hinder widespread growth. Nithyanandhan from the Kongu Business Forum discusses the need for financial and digital literacy that could help prevent this issue. 

She also discussed how women’s empowerment within impoverished populations can have a ripple effect. When educated and financially empowered, the female population can positively impact the growth of their community. In this manner, reducing the gender gap also contributes to reducing global poverty.

– Shafika Fathima 

Shafika is based in Chennai, India and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Women in South Sudan Are Creating Their Own Financial Futures

Women in South Sudan Since gaining independence in July 2011, South Sudan’s women have remained on the front lines of the country’s struggles. Deep-rooted patriarchal norms, gender-based violence and financial exclusion continue to limit their full participation in society. Despite these challenges, many women persist, advocating for peace, stability and progress.

In response, the United Nations Mission in South Sudan has recognized both their resilience and the urgent need for reform. It implemented a multifaceted strategy to advance gender equality, support women’s development and position women as central to the country’s future.

South Sudanese Women Are Shaping Their Financial Futures

Across South Sudan, women have long sustained households and communities through farming, harvesting and trade. Yet conflict, limited access to education and finance and widespread gender-based violence have repeatedly constrained their progress. For decades, many women’s ambitions have far exceeded the opportunities available to them.

That reality is beginning to shift. In 2023, the South Sudan Women’s Social and Economic Empowerment Project (SSWSEEP) launched as a four-year, $52 million government-led initiative funded by the World Bank. The project is expanding opportunities for women by providing business skills training and financial support to help them start, sustain and grow their own businesses.

NGOs Expand Economic Opportunities for Women in South Sudan

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are also helping expand economic opportunities for women in South Sudan. Groups such as the Whitaker Peace & Development Initiative (WPDI), the Women’s Peace and Development Initiative and Women for Women International focus on strengthening women’s entrepreneurial capacity. In 2025, WPDI celebrated 150 women who graduated from its entrepreneurship program in Juba, the capital of South Sudan. 

As more women launch businesses, many are gaining greater financial stability for themselves and their families. NGOs continue to play a critical role in advancing women’s rights in South Sudan, especially in areas where government support remains limited. Several organizations are working directly to improve women’s access to justice, economic opportunity and community support:

  • Women for Justice and Equality (WOJE) focuses on gender justice, peacebuilding, health and economic empowerment. The organization has reached more than 110,000 people through programs that support women’s rights and livelihoods.
  • South Sudan Women Empowerment Network (SSWEN) prioritizes women’s rights advocacy, financial empowerment and anti-violence initiatives. It has become a key civil society network promoting women’s participation and equality across the country.

How Entrepreneurship Is Changing Lives in South Sudan

One recent success story is that of Rose Juru Chaplin, a South Sudanese entrepreneur who owns a boutique in Munuki Market. With support from the SSWSEEP, she gained the training and assistance needed to strengthen her business skills and expand her enterprise. Her boutique now serves as a key source of income for her family while helping her build greater financial security.

Chaplin’s experience reflects a broader shift taking place across South Sudan, where hundreds of women-owned businesses have received similar support. Her story highlights how access to training and financial assistance is helping women strengthen not only their own livelihoods but also those of their families, local economies and communities.

Conclusion

The resilience of South Sudanese women continues to drive a powerful shift from survival to economic participation and growth. While challenges such as weak infrastructure and ongoing economic instability remain, the progress women are making highlights the impact of investing in female entrepreneurship. Programs that combine education, financial access and peer support are proving to be effective tools for long-term development.

As South Sudan continues to rebuild, women entrepreneurs are playing a critical role in shaping the country’s future. Through determination and increased access to opportunity, they are improving their own lives while driving meaningful change across their families, communities and the wider economy.

– Erin Sian Mongillo

Erin is based in North Haven, CT, USA and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Strengthening Legal Framework Against Forced Marriages in Italy

Forced Marriages in ItalyItaly is located in Southern and Western Europe, with a population of 59.5 million as of 2023, according to the World Health Organization. Situated in the Mediterranean, its mountainous and hilly terrain contributes to a diverse climate year-round. According to the European Institute for Gender Equality, an estimated 27% of women in Italy have experienced violence.

With violence against women still a central issue, the Istanbul Convention aims to strengthen the legal framework against all forms of gender-based violence, including forced marriage. 

The Istanbul Convention: Article 37

The Council of Europe Convention, under Article 37 of the Istanbul Convention, defines a forced marriage as: 

  1. Intentional conduct of forcing an adult or a child to enter into a marriage.
  2. Intentional conduct of luring an adult or a child to the territory of a Party or State other than the one in which they reside, to force that adult or child to enter into a marriage.

Forced Marriages in Italy

Women and girls across Italy have experienced and continue to experience forced marriage, often imposed by parents, relatives and even religious leaders. These marriages may be enforced through coercion, including threats and violence.

The legal marriage age in Italy is 18. However, according to Juma Map Services for Refugees, a juvenile court may authorize exceptions, allowing minors of at least 16 years to marry legally.

Italy, in line with the Sustainable Development Goals, is committed to eliminating child, early and forced marriage by 2030, according to Girls Not Brides. The country signed the Istanbul Convention on September 27, 2012 and it entered into force on August 1, 2014.

The Istanbul Convention: Ongoing Targets

The convention aims to prevent violence against women, protect victims and those at risk and prosecute perpetrators. Key protection and prosecution measures outlined by the European Commission include:

  • Accessible shelters: Member states must ensure shelters are readily accessible to victims and fairly distributed nationwide.
  • Helplines: A free, 24/7 helpline must be available across all member states, providing safety and professional support.
  • Violence against women as a crime: This includes psychological and physical violence, sexual violence and rape, stalking, female genital mutilation (FGM), forced marriage, forced abortion and forced sterilization.
  • Thorough investigations: Authorities must carry out prompt and effective investigations into all forms of violence against women, ensuring immediate protection.
  • Protection for migrants and asylum seekers: Women in these groups are particularly vulnerable and must receive targeted protection.

A Successful Prevention Method in Italy

In 2014–2015, the Italian government launched an initiative to educate the public on violence against women, with a particular focus on engaging men and encouraging behavioral change. The program was later introduced in schools, where it helped educate young students on preventing gender-based violence.

Looking Ahead 

Forced marriages have prompted stronger legal responses to violence against women across Italy. The Istanbul Convention, adopted by multiple countries, has contributed to efforts aimed at reducing the vulnerability of women and girls to violence. Education initiatives, such as those described above, remain key to ensuring awareness continues to spread among younger generations.

– Zara Ashraf 

Zara is based in London, UK  and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash