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USAID Programs in Mauritania

USAID Programs in MauritaniaMauritania in West Africa is one of the most arid countries on earth. Recurrent droughts push communities into food insecurity and only a fraction of the land is suitable for farming. For rural populations in regions like Guidimaka, simply growing enough food to survive the dry season is a daily struggle. USAID programs in Mauritania worked to change that, through emergency relief, but also by investing in youth employment and good governance programs to increase the capacity of Mauritania to sustain itself. Following the dismantling of USAID in 2025, much of that work now faces an uncertain future. Understanding what these programs achieved matters, as a record of progress and as a reminder of what is at stake.

Mauritania is a vast nation of approximately 5.3 million people in West Africa. Only 0.4% of its land is suitable for agriculture and more than 590,000 people face acute malnutrition during the 2025 lean season alone. Instability in neighboring countries has also deepened the crisis. In addition, Mauritania now hosts 288,000 refugees. This has placed additional pressure on already stretched food and resource supplies.

Feeding Refugees at Mbera Camp

In February 2024, USAID’s Bureau of Humanitarian Assistance contributed $5 million to the World Food Programme (WFP) to deliver urgent relief to Malian refugees at the Mbera camp in eastern Mauritania. This aid reached 65,000 food-insecure refugees through cash assistance, while 4,000 malnourished children under the age of 5 and 350 pregnant and breastfeeding women received more specialized, nutritious care.

The results from previous years demonstrate what these investments can achieve. In 2023, WFP reached around 83,400 refugees in the camp with monthly cash distributions, supported by USAID and other donors. Following cuts to USAID, the United States government is still providing food aid through the WFP, meaning these vulnerable communities will still be receiving support.

Investing in Young People

According to UNESCO, “more than 60% of Mauritania’s population is under 25.” Youth unemployment among 15 to 24-year-olds stands at an estimated 23%. USAID’s Nafoore initiative, meaning “add value” in the Fulani language, tackled this directly. The five-year $17 million program, which began in 2022, focused on building economic skills and expanding income opportunities for people aged 15-29 in vulnerable communities.

Alongside Nafoore, USAID also funded the Tamkeen project, meaning “empowerment” in Arabic. This is a $7 million, five-year initiative implemented by FHI 360, a global nonprofit organization aimed at improving public health and human development. Tamkeen built networks of youth and community groups across eight regions of Mauritania, created safe spaces for young people to develop leadership skills and worked to counter the spread of disinformation. Altogether, these two programs represented a serious, long-term investment aimed at improving the country’s next generation.

Strengthening Democracy

USAID programs also supported efforts to strengthen democratic institutions in Mauritania. The Kofo Sugande project, meaning “People’s Choice,” was funded by USAID and implemented by the International Foundation for Electoral Systems. This project supported Mauritania’s national electoral commission ahead of its 2023 general elections and the 2024 presidential election, making both more inclusive and accessible to voters. Its long-term aim was to strengthen Mauritania’s capacity to run credible elections independently.

The Cost of Losing This Support

The breadth of USAID programs in Mauritania, spanning emergency relief, food security, youth empowerment, civic engagement and democratic governance, shows how interconnected all of these programs were. Each addressed a different root cause of poverty and instability, and they all reinforced each other.

In 2025, the dismantling of USAID brought many of these programs to a halt. For a country like Mauritania, where the need is acute and homegrown resources are limited, the consequences are serious. The progress made at Mbera camp, in youth centers across different regions and in electoral commissions across the country did not happen by accident. It was the result of consistent, targeted support. Without it, the communities that relied on these programs will be left more exposed and vulnerable than before. Thankfully, through the WFP the U.S. government will still provide food aid to Mauritania, helping those facing food insecurity and malnutrition.

– Gonzalo Rodriguez Da Fonte Martins

Gonzalo is based in London, UK and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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How US Aid Freezes Jeopardize USAID Programs in The Gambia 

USAID Programs in The GambiaIn the delicate landscape of democratic consolidation, foreign assistance serves as an indispensable scaffold for nations emerging from prolonged autocracy. For nearly a decade, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and partnered State Department programs have acted as a foundational pillar supporting The Gambia’s painstaking efforts to rebuild its public institutions following the 22-year dictatorship of Yahya Jammeh. However, according to the IMF’s April 2026 Regional Economic Outlook, these hard-won stabilization gains across Sub-Saharan Africa are now under severe macro-financial pressure. 

USAID Programs in The Gambia

Historically, this recovery has faced steep domestic hurdles. The 2026 regional economic slowdown to 4.3%, which external shocks, rising commodity inflation and climbing fertilizer costs that threaten fragile agricultural sectors drove, further exacerbated the structural vulnerability of the Gambian economy. While past USAID programs in The Gambia actively worked to alleviate these conditions, funding community-based civic education and agricultural resilience workshops, the IMF reports that declining foreign aid is creating sharp headwinds for poverty reduction and food security across low-income, non-resource-rich nations. 

The sudden freeze of USAID programs in The Gambia mirrors a dangerous, broader regional trend identified by the IMF: a synchronized, donor-driven contraction in bilateral official development assistance (ODA). As the IMF warns that these structural aid cuts hit fragile and low-income states the hardest, Banjul must navigate a high-stakes political transition with severely diminished external financing. Despite these immediate structural pressures, a combination of alternative European partnerships and regional civil society coalitions is actively working to safeguard the country’s democratic gains.

The Foundation of Institutional Rebirth

For a small, aid-dependent nation like The Gambia, international development assistance has historically been focused on systemic, long-term stabilization. Following the democratic election of President Adama Barrow, Washington stepped up its engagement, deploying targeted grants through USAID alongside multilateral frameworks led by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to bolster governance, the rule of law, and anti-corruption measures. As the UNDP’s transitional justice initiatives detailed, these funds and partnerships were strategically channeled into rewriting the country’s repressive legal frameworks, training an independent judiciary and reinforcing security sector reforms meant to depoliticize the national armed forces and police.

Prior to the funding freeze, U.S. aid directly supported the infrastructure behind the country’s landmark transitional justice mechanisms, including the implementation phase of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC). International governance experts emphasize that such foundational support is critical for young democracies struggling to root out deeply embedded corruption and heal societal divisions that a generation of authoritarian rule left behind.

The Strategic Fallout of the Funding Freeze

The trajectory of governance in West Africa experienced a sharp disruption following a widespread freeze on foreign aid programs funded by the U.S. government. In Banjul, the sudden suspension brought critical joint projects with local ministries to an immediate standstill, exposing vulnerabilities across several priority areas:

  • Constitutional Reform – The U.S. government froze funding originally designated to support the National Assembly during the complex drafting and review of the new Constitution Amendment Bill, slowing down essential legislative progress.
  • Human Rights Oversight – The government has deferred frucial grants to expand the operational capacity of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), limiting the state’s ability to independently monitor abuses.
  • Media and Civic Space Protection – The government has abruptly cut subsidies aimed at training independent journalists, upholding ethical media monitoring standards and supporting civic education in schools.

When international funding pipelines dry up, the financial and administrative burden shifts back onto a fragile state economy already struggling with inflation and low human capital. Without robust alternative buffers, the structural gaps left by sudden aid cuts threaten to undo years of delicate institutional progress.

Towards a Positive Future

While external financing gaps have introduced significant friction, a robust multilateral effort is actively working to protect the Gambia’s progressive path. In alignment with its Global Gateway strategy, the European Union has stepped forward as a critical stabilizing partner, allocating €193 million in bilateral grant funding for the 2021–2027 period. These funds are explicitly designated to consolidate democratic transition, strengthen the National Social Protection Secretariat, and transform the rural energy infrastructure by powering 1,000 schools and 100 health centers via sustainable solar grids.

Simultaneously, international governance organizations like International IDEA have launched the EU-funded Consolidation of Democratic Dispensation in The Gambia (EU-CODE) project. Through this initiative, they have partnered directly with local networks, including the Gambia Press Union (GPU) and the CSO Gender Platform, to build legislative capacities, deliver ethical media monitoring training and amplify human rights and women’s representation within the national constitutional process. Ultimately, these cooperative frameworks demonstrate that the collective resolve of European institutions and local civic actors remains an essential buffer in maintaining the country’s democratic journey.

Looking Ahead

Ultimately, the suspension of U.S. foreign assistance exposes the deep vulnerabilities of transitional states operating under severe macro-financial pressures. While the freeze on USAID funding has abruptly disrupted critical pillars of democratic consolidation, stalling constitutional reform, human rights oversight, and civic space protections, The Gambia’s trajectory is not entirely compromised. The swift intervention of multilateral frameworks, catalyzed by the European Union’s €193 million Global Gateway strategy and International IDEA’s localized partnerships, highlights a shifting paradigm in international development. By successfully absorbing structural shocks, this diversified coalition of European institutions and local civic actors demonstrates that while single-donor dependencies pose high risks, a resilient, multi-layered international network remains a powerful buffer capable of safeguarding a young democracy’s hard-won gains.

– Ioana Marin

Ioana is based in Bucharest, Romania and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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The Cut of USAID Programs in Burma

USAID Programs in BurmaAs of Feb. 23, 2025, President Trump brought global administrative leave for USAID programs — directly impacting Myanmar (formerly known as Burma) for it is the fourth-largest recipient of foreign aid in the region, according to The Diplomat. It is no surprise that “the United States government’s abrupt and sweeping freeze on foreign aid is severely endangering the human rights of refugees, civilians in armed conflict areas and individuals fleeing persecution in Myanmar,” Amnesty International said in a February 2025 statement.

While USAID may be generally paused, this has not stopped individual U.S. volunteers’ going out to play their part! Doctors Without Borders, for example, took U.S. volunteers’ aid to the Myanmar skies. Brought into action in April 2025, the program “immediately deployed its teams of medical, mental health, logistics, and water and sanitation staff,” even installing a new water filtration system at Mandalay General Hospital. Here is information about what is happening in light of the pause of USAID programs in Burma.

Life in Myanmar

Oxfam America highlighted the aftermath of USAID cuts, stating that “at least 23 million children stand to lose access to education, and as many as 95 million people would lose access to basic health care, potentially leading to more than 3 million preventable deaths per year.”

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) defines poverty in Myanmar as:

  • Unsustainable coping mechanisms from 75% of the population, such as cutting health care and education expenses, even from the relatively well-off, causing an erosion of the middle class and a human capital crisis.
  • Restricted access to farmlands (rising food insecurity) and medical services. 
  • Increased child labor and displacement.

With the notable absence of American assistance and USAID programs in Burma, reporter Theresa Naw wrote that Myanmar has once again become a victim of Trump’s “America First” foreign policy. The country’s loss of a $45 million scholarship program has left its funding nearly depleted.

Oxfam International

Oxfam International “works to reduce poverty and inequality through promoting the power of women and men to harness the benefits of political reform and economic development,” according to the organization. Its 2016 project ‘‘Building Equitable and Resilient Livelihoods in the Dry Zone” solidified their good work for Myanmar’s people. Its score for improved/sustained livelihoods and resilience sector exceeded expectation, after being set at 2.94, yet reached 4.02. The project established business relationships between township departments and parliament with local NGO’s and Mo’s of other villages, creating sustainable livelihood opportunities and building resilience against climate-related hazards.

The International Rescue Committee (IRC)

The International Rescue Committee has been working to support emergency response efforts. Reporter Joanna Nahorska wrote that priorities include “medical assistance, shelter, emergency items such as blankets, food, clean water, and cash support.”

With more than 19 million people now in need, the IRC:

  • Helps communities identify their own development needs and design their own recovery projects, including new schools and health centers.
  • Promotes economic recovery by teaching farmers modern agricultural techniques and technology, helping to repair the human capital crisis.

The Disasters Emergency Committee

The Disasters Emergency Committee has provided critical support, funding cash assistance and vouchers for 105,000 people to repair homes and pay medical expenses and directly helping the cut to health and education expenses. It set up the Myanmar Earthquake Appeal, which in line with their charity ‘Age International’ has been providing cash assistance to older people in the Inle Lake region, alongside psychosocial support to help them process what they have been through.

USAID in Burma

In 2015, USAID program officials declared that they would work alongside the Government of Burma to “initiate new activities that strengthen parliamentary systems, engage civil society in the reform process, provide technical expertise to the Union Election Commission, and develop inclusive and accountable political parties.”

Previous USAID programs in Burma are still prevalent in today’s crisis. Back in 2009, Livelihoods and Food Security Trust Fund (LIFT) was formed to tackle “poverty and hunger directly in Myanmar’s rural communities.” Now in 2025, it has served 2.6 million people through microfinance institutions, with 91% of recipients being women, helping to re-build the falling economy.

Moving Forward

As early as 2024, CNN reported that half of Burma’s 54 million people were living below the poverty line, with nearly 50% surviving on less than 76 cents a day, according to reporter Helen Regan. Following this, Trump’s pullbacks meant that “Myanmar was on track to lose around $1.1 billion in foreign assistance over the second Trump term,” The Diplomat reported.

Despite this, hope for change remains. Oxfam America found that “when asked how much would be appropriate for the U.S. to invest in foreign aid, more than 95% of respondents identified an amount higher than the administration’s current budget.”

What comes next is for the remaining 5% to continue pushing for stronger foreign aid investments. 

– Gemma Nailer

Gemma is based in Manchester, UK and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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America First Global Health Strategy Investing in Kenyan Health

America First Global Health StrategyThe U.S.’s America First Global Health Strategy formalized a five-year agreement with Kenya, marking the first of many anticipated bilateral agreements with developing nations. Under this strategy, a co-investment model with Kenya has been established, allowing funding to flow directly from government to government, rather than through traditional channels such as USAID or nongovernmental organizations.

The America First Global Health Pact

On December 4, 2025, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Kenyan President William Ruto signed the America First Global Health Strategy. Under the agreement, the U.S. will invest up to $1.6 billion, while Kenya will contribute $850 million to support critical public health initiatives, including HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and maternal and child health. The framework aims to strengthen healthcare infrastructure in developing nations while enhancing diplomatic relations.

As the first country to sign, Kenya serves as a test case for a potential major shift in global health partnerships. The America First Global Health Strategy reflects a shift in the U.S.’s foreign aid ideology. After dismantling the USAID earlier this year, which resulted in significant cuts in funding for several global health programs, the current administration has sought out a framework it hopes will support state sovereignty and self-reliance.

Strengthening Africa’s HIV Response Through Direct Funding

At the 23rd International Conference on AIDs and STIs in Africa, UNAIDS executive director, Winne Byanyima, argued that health management has not been a priority in Africa, where funds are typically allocated toward debt repayment, as opposed to community health. Africa accounts for the majority of new HIV cases globally, with women representing 62% of infections. Economic disparities and lack of access to education are contributing factors.

It is reported that 46% of adolescent girls are not enrolled in school, exposing them to sexual and gender based violence. UNAIDS has welcomed this framework, as it aligns with its goal of significantly reducing HIV infections by 2030. The initiative aims for 95% of people with HIV to know their status, 95% of those diagnosed to receive treatment and 95% of those treated to achieve viral suppression.

Direct funding to the Kenyan government is expected to strengthen its ability to respond promptly to public health concerns and maintain control over its health priorities.

What Kenya Risks

Despite its potential, there has been backlash. The Consumer Federation of Kenya is seeking to dismantle the agreement, arguing that it violates the constitution as it pertains to concerns with health data privacy. The Consumer Federation of Kenya also argues that there isn’t sufficient oversight as to how sensitive health information would be transferred and used.

The Nairobi High Court has suspended parts of the agreement pending a full hearing. There have also been concerns of service disruption during the transitional phase from the NGO programs.

A New Development Era?

If Kenya’s experience produces positive health outcomes, the America First Global Health Strategy can serve as a blueprint for American partnerships with other nations in Africa. So far, Uganda and Rwanda have also recently signed agreements under this co-investment model. Whether this agreement marks a breakthrough in global health cooperation is yet to be determined.

However, Kenya’s outcome will likely influence agreements with other developing nations and the evolution of international development policy in the 21st century.

– Gloria Bwenge

Gloria is based in New York, NY, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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NGOs Partnerships Following Foreign Aid Cuts in Uganda

Foreign Aid Cuts in UgandaThe decision to dismantle USAID was devastating for millions of people around the world. Several countries suffered immediate effects from the cuts in foreign aid, which provided necessities such as food, education and health care. Uganda is one of the hardest-hit areas for two reasons:

  1. It hosts the largest refugee population in Africa, nearly 2 million people, 81% of whom are women and children; and
  2. It faces a severe, chronic HIV epidemic and relies heavily on U.S. support for HIV treatment and prevention.

Uganda lost 66% of the funding received from USAID, which is approximately $307 million. As a result, many areas have been affected, including food aid, which has been cut due to a funding shortage, leading to increased hunger and malnutrition. However, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are hard-pressed to continue providing services on the same scale with less funding.

The Impact of Foreign Aid Cuts on Uganda

1. Education:

USAID funding supported school construction and the procurement of learning materials in Uganda. The funding also supported teacher training programs. Digital learning tools provided schools in remote areas, improving access to education. The lack of funding results in under-resourced schools and a reduced ability to meet growing demands.

This affects girls explicitly as it decreases their access to education regarding reproductive and menstrual health. Girls, seeking security, will marry early and lose hard-fought gains in gender equity. In refugee communities, funding shortages have led to staffing shortages. In one refugee settlement, there were 36 teachers with more than 3,400 students. Following funding cuts, nine teachers are left to manage classes of up to 500 students each.

2. Health:

USAID administers close to 60% of the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) bilateral funding, which provided more than half of the medication and staff needed to respond to the HIV epidemic in Uganda. PEPFAR also accounted for nearly 90% of pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) initiatives on a global scale. Millions now are at risk of contracting HIV due to foreign aid cuts.

PrEP is restricted to pregnant and lactating mothers. Funding cuts cause immediate disruptions in care for thousands who depend on consistent medication (i.e., Anti-Retroviral Therapy). This increases the risk of babies being born with HIV. Vaccine shortages caused by foreign aid cuts increase the risk of contracting other diseases like TB, Ebola and Malaria.

Foreign aid cuts also lead to staffing shortages, making it challenging for those who remain to deliver the same level of health care with fewer resources and a reduced number of qualified staff.

One NGO in particular, St. Francis Health Care Services, provided HIV testing, medication and prevention products to sex workers in Uganda, but this was stopped due to cuts in foreign aid. Mwesigye, a country representative with the U.K.-based NGO All We Can, stated, “You know, there was almost an alarm… people were being told to run as fast as they could to the next health unit to get their dose for a few months… but that is also going to run out.”

The Response

When formal protection systems collapsed, local citizens and/or refugees stepped up to fill the gap. The NGO St. Francis Health Care Services received funding from PEPFAR several years earlier. However, its funding was cut after Uganda passed its anti-homosexuality act. The nonprofit was able to secure the funding again; however, its leadership began to realize how dangerous it could be for them and their ability to continue providing the vital services needed in the community.

After the organization’s funding was cut the first time, it began seeking private donors. It increased its revenue by offering paid services, such as surgery, maternal care, radiology and dental exams. As a result, it was less vulnerable to the effects of the foreign aid cuts. However, health leaders still had to make decisions in response to the cuts to foreign aid.

Other strategies implemented include moving away from standalone HIV/TB clinics and referring patients to government outpatient clinics; utilizing a large network of private clinics, seeking non-U.S. international collaborations, increasing donor outreach and implementing technological solutions (e.g., AI). Health officials propose using AI to identify high-risk patients, allowing them to be seen sooner.

Another NGO, Soft Power Health, continues to care for approximately 50,000 patients. This organization operates on a $699,000 budget, which is funded by private organizations and individual donors. It was also more insulated against the foreign aid cuts and continued its work. Services provided include transportation, free HIV medication and gardening and health education. Another clinic lost its funding and donated medical equipment to Soft Power Health, allowing it to continue testing for TB.

Grassroots Groups in Uganda

In response to the aid cuts, grassroots groups in Uganda have turned to farming, petty trade and vocational activities, selling milk and produce, while youth join skills programs to learn trades like tailoring. Women have formed support groups for survivors of gender-based violence and girls at risk, which have become lifelines through regular meetings and check-ins.

These community efforts are complemented by Volunteer Village Health Teams, who refer survivors to clinics that remain open, provide mental health services and conduct awareness sessions on gender rights and protection. Boda Boda riders, a network of volunteer motorcycle riders, transport survivors from remote villages to clinics, legal aid offices, or safer areas and have organized informal night patrols to discourage exploitation and monitor hotspots known for abuse.

Forging a Path Forward

Joy Kawanguzi, team leader of FABIO-Uganda, discusses the abruptness of the foreign aid cuts in Uganda: “It did not give us time to prepare. So the abruptness alone is an inconvenience.” She adds that the foreign aid cuts “put local organizations in a place where they start feeling like they are more implementers of donor ideologies. Because if a local organization were a key player, this decision would not have been drastic. There would have been consultations.”

Mwesigye agrees and advocates for organizations to be able to use funding for core costs instead of just fulfilling projects: “…if core costs are paid for; if you build the institution rather than fulfill project goals, then the institution will be bold enough to be able to work and do what it needs to do.”

These statements are indicative of a desire to move away from dependence on outside donors. Their sentiment is fueled by the question no one can answer: “What if this happens again?” The path forward for the people of Uganda is one where they have free rein with the resources they are given and the opportunity to achieve independence.

– Danielle Milano

Danielle is based in Pineville, LA, USA and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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UNFPA-UNICEF: Supporting Adolescent Girls in West Africa

UNFPA-UNICEFIn the heart of West Africa during September 2024, floods devastated large portions of northeastern Nigeria. Millions of Nigerians were displaced and thousands of children and adolescents lost their belongings, including clothes, school bags, uniforms and shoes.

Yasmin Sherif, the Executive Director of Education Cannot Wait, described how disruptions caused by natural disasters like this have serious consequences for adolescent girls in West Africa. These girls already face high rates of gender-based violence (GBV) such as abduction and sexual violence, as well as child, early and forced marriage (CEFM).

CEFM in West Africa

An estimated 30% of adolescent girls in Nigeria are married before the age of 18 and approximately 27% of girls aren’t in school. With rooted cultural beliefs already limiting the participation of adolescent girls in West African society, the Malala Fund found that CEFM further reduces their opportunities. It decreases women and girls’ chances of finishing secondary or higher education by 23%.

In 2018, CEFM affected between 30% and 40% of adolescent girls in Liberia and Mauritania. The rates were higher in Nigeria at about 40%. Well-paying job opportunities for teenage girls in West Africa decline even further when they are blocked from education.

Female Genital Mutilation

Female Genital Mutilation (FMG) is a human rights violation with long-lasting consequences on psychological and physical health, with an especially high prevalence in West Africa. Roughly 18% of adolescent girls are affected in Nigeria, 38% in Liberia, 75% in Burkina Faso, 83% in Sierra Leone, 88.6% in Mali and 94.5% in Guinea. As a consequence of social norms, gender biases and false beliefs about female genitalia, the practice is often a prerequisite for adolescent girls’ passage into adulthood or marriage.

UNFPA-UNICEF Joint Program on FGM Elimination

The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) coordinate the Joint Program, utilizing funding from nations around the world to provide technical assistance. The U.S. was the second largest contributor in 2023, with $5 million donated and $29.2 million raised, outpacing the European Union and Canada.

Collaboration is at the heart of the program from the grassroots to the national levels. It enables it to be the world’s largest FGM elimination effort. The Joint Program’s primary mission seeks to partner with national governments, NGOs and private sector entities to “shift underlying social norms within affected communities.” To protect millions of adolescent girls in West Africa, the Joint Program leads advocacy efforts and supports national and subnational-level policymaking.

It also provides financial assistance to help countries address the issue directly. Other efforts include establishing community surveillance systems, mass media messaging to garner international attention, organizing grassroots entities into powerful coalitions and developing prevention and protection services. Thousands of arrests have sprung from the Joint Program’s enforcement and FGM legislation support.

When the program launched in 2008, FGM affected 30% of girls and women aged 15 to 49 in Nigeria. A decade later, the prevalence dropped to 20%. Burkina Faso is an especially successful example wherein FGM rates were consistently between 72% and 76% from 1999 to 2010, falling to 68% in 2015 and 56% in 2020. Unfortunately, the rate in Mali from 2008 to 2019 fluctuated between 85% and 91%, highlighting the need for further support.

UNFPA-UNICEF Global Program To End Child Marriage

The U.S. contributed $500,000 to the Global Program in 2023, which began in 2016 and is scheduled to end in 2030. It is now in the third and final phase (2024-2030). This program focuses its efforts in West and Central Africa, where six of the top 10 nations affected by child marriage reside.

By supporting school retention rates, mobilizing communities and delivering cost-effective services, the program empowers adolescent girls in West Africa. Through direct advocacy for national policy frameworks and assistance to governments in implementing them, the program further helps them become independent members of society.

As a direct result, multiple nations within the African Union have endorsed the African Common Position to End Child Marriage and the Campaign to End Child Marriage in Africa. Moreover, several African states have begun developing and executing their national strategies and action plans to end CEFM, with the assistance of UNICEF and UNFPA.

The European Union and Canada were the largest contributors to the Global Program in 2023. However, U.S. funding directly benefits adolescent girls in West Africa by expanding resource and opportunity access, empowering young girls and women and securing government commitment to protection from GBV.

The Future of US Support for West African Girls

The U.S. has contributed to significant efforts at reducing GBV, CEFM and FGM among adolescent girls in West Africa. Established programs continue to increase girls’ access to education, expand their economic participation and reduce their exposure to incidents of violence and oppression. While CEFM and FGM rates continue to decline globally, adolescent girls in West Africa still persistently suffer from the highest rates of occurrence. This trend has been consistent over the last 25 years.

Since the release of the U.S.’s 2016 Global Strategy to Empower Adolescent Girls, new challenges have arisen in humanitarian conflicts, natural disasters, crises and access to digital technologies. In the updated 2024 report, the U.S. Office of Global Women’s Issues declared that Africa’s child population will be “an essential determinant of any success in achieving greater economic growth, democracy and stability.” The U.S. thus reaffirmed its commitment to empower adolescent girls in West Africa and around the globe.

– Shea Dickson

Shea is based in Newton, MA, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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US Aid Supports Poverty Reduction in Ethiopia

Poverty Reduction in EthiopiaEducation is a tool for shaping equality, stability and opportunity. In Ethiopia, where poverty and conflict have long disrupted daily life, the United States (U.S.) support for literacy programs has gone beyond helping students read. By investing in education, the U.S. has tied its aid to broader goals of resilience, democracy and regional stability. The READ II initiative, launched by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), demonstrates how targeted efforts in early grade literacy can build stronger institutions and reduce inequality. At its core, this is a story about poverty reduction in Ethiopia and how education has become both an economic strategy and a political act.

Education as a Driver of Growth and Equity

A country’s knowledge capital, the skills and competencies of its people, is one of the strongest predictors of long-term economic growth. Studies have shown that three-quarters of the variation in GDP growth across nations between 1960 and 2000 was tied to cognitive achievement, particularly in math and science. In other words, expanding education quality is not a luxury; it is a necessity for national prosperity and poverty reduction in Ethiopia.

Yet education’s importance is not purely economic. As global development organizations emphasize, inequality is often the result of political choices. When good schooling is accessible only to the wealthy, it entrenches privilege, prevents social mobility and locks families into cycles of poverty. Conversely, universal education can halve rates of extreme poverty, with each additional year of schooling raising earnings significantly, up to 20% for women.

Formal education also has lasting effects on cognitive development and problem-solving skills, equipping individuals to navigate challenges such as climate risks, economic shocks or social upheaval. In this sense, expanding access to education strengthens not only economies but also the adaptive capacity of entire societies.

The Role of READ II in Ethiopia

Recognizing these links, USAID partnered with Ethiopian institutions to launch READ II, a five-year program designed to improve literacy for 15 million children. The initiative provided teachers with training and materials in seven local languages and English, encouraged a culture of reading in schools and homes and emphasized gender equity in education.

READ II was not just a technical intervention—it was a political collaboration. By working with Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education and a coalition of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the project aimed to institutionalize literacy improvements, ensuring they could outlast donor funding. This alignment of local and international actors underscores how education aid is deeply tied to governance and policymaking, not just classroom outcomes.

Adapting to Crisis: The Impact of READ II

Over its first three years, READ II supported 3,000 schools across more than 70 districts, reaching at least 3 million primary students. Teachers, administrators and volunteer literacy leaders received training, while reading camps and girls’ clubs helped broaden educational access.

When the COVID-19 pandemic and political conflict threatened these gains, the program pivoted. Remote learning through radio and television, teacher training delivered virtually and even hotline services kept students connected to education. As conflict displaced communities, READ II (renamed the Education Recovery Activity) delivered supplies, temporary classrooms and psychosocial support for students in 1,156 conflict-affected schools. These adjustments revealed the program’s deeper role: sustaining social stability during crises.

Education and Poverty Reduction in Ethiopia

The results of initiatives like READ II have been measurable. Between 2010 and 2016, Ethiopia’s poverty rate fell from 29.6% to 23.5%, lifting more than 5 million people out of poverty. While many factors contributed, the expansion of quality education provided critical pathways to opportunity and poverty reduction in Ethiopia. By shaping who has access to opportunity, education influences whether inequality deepens or poverty declines. In Ethiopia, U.S.-funded literacy programs have been both an economic and a democratic investment, with long-term implications for national stability.

Looking Ahead

Education empowers individuals not only with skills for the workforce but also with the civic tools to participate in democracy. Studies consistently show that increased education correlates with higher rates of political engagement and more equitable governance. In Ethiopia, this means that programs like READ II are about more than textbooks and classrooms; they are about shaping the country’s future trajectory.

By prioritizing education as a central tool for development, U.S. aid has supported both economic opportunity and democratic resilience. In doing so, it has played a role in poverty reduction in Ethiopia, proving that literacy and stability go hand in hand. For Ethiopia and for U.S. policymakers alike, the lesson is clear: education is one of the most powerful political investments a nation can make.

– Alyse Rhee

Alyse is based in Winter Garden, FL, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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3 Ways USAID Programs in Mali Are Changing Lives

USAID Programs in MaliMali has a complicated relationship with recurring challenges such as climate crisis’ and conflict-driven violence. Whether it be due to the shocks of extreme heat and floods, or the violence from armed forces within different villages, USAID programs in Mali have benefited Malians greatly, with more than a third of the population being in need of humanitarian assistance.

U.S. assistance in Mali has allowed the pursuit for peace and stability; there have been major investments towards the healthcare system, agriculture, education and peacebuilding. Despite the recent cuts made to USAID’s funding, there are still efforts being made to retain relations between the states. USAID’s Country Development Cooperation Strategy for 2022-2026 represents the commitment towards providing humanitarian assistance while aligning with Mali’s national interests and plans. Thus, it is important to highlight the preexisting successes and the progress made due to USAID programs in Mali.

1. Boosting Food Security Through Feed the Future

In Mali, 1.6 million people or 6% of the population suffer due to acute food insecurity. USAID’s Feed the Future program in Mali makes an effort to improve the livelihoods of people improving food security and creates income and food opportunities for Malians, by boosting millet, rice and livestock production. Farmers gain access to improved seeds, livestock care and markets. Furthermore, these programs tackle malnutrition through prevention; investments into Mali’s agricultural systems will open economic opportunities for Malian people, who typically migrate away from the country for work, as there are newfound opportunities in their own nation. This program allows USAID to invest into Mali, allowing them to build themselves from the ground up and become self-sufficient to combat issues with malnutrition and food insecurity, and in the future, they will be able to thrive without foreign intervention.

2. Improving Health

In 2021, more than 60% of Mali’s deaths were due to communicable, maternal or perinatal and nutritional issues. However, this number should ultimately improve due to investments and more attention to the health care system and facilities.

Launched in 2020, and receiving a 16-month extension in 2024, USAID funded the Mali Health Systems Strengthening, Governance and Finance project (HSS) which had the goal of empowering Mali’s plan, management and financing of its own health care system. This project focused on multiple regional and national developments for the health care system, and has provided training for 26 health districts and more than 700 facilities. USAID supported them by also improving supply chain management, data monitoring and providing essential supervision for the improvements being made. By improving the governance of healthcare systems and management, it improves the health outcomes for the region and allows under-resourced regions to thrive on their own. Thus, once there is a transition of power, local organizations will be well equipped.

3. Strengthening Governance and Stability

Due to the challenges with civil conflict, there is often mistrust between local governments and communities. The USAID Mali Peacebuilding, Stabilization and Reconciliation (PSR) Program worked on building resilience of 43 communes so they could address violence and extremism. To build trust between the state and local communes, USAID approached it in a nuanced way to encourage multi-actor participation in commune decisions, the use of citizen voice and inclusive decision making. The PSR program’s training module on decentralization is in use for the national center for community training. Thus, there is more active collaboration between citizens and the state, creating more trust towards the government and improves state legitimacy. 

Looking Ahead

Overall, USAID programs in Mali have provided the funding and opportunities to improve nutrition, health and governance. The programs in place will ideally give Mali the strength and facilities to eventually become self-sufficient and no longer need the foreign intervention from USAID.

Through the Feed The Future program, it creates economic opportunities by creating jobs in agriculture, and it also provides the natural resources to feed the nation. The HSS program provides training and the facilities to allow the healthcare system to thrive. Finally, the PSR program works on improving relations between the government and civilians, which would reduce the mistrust of the government whilst incorporating the civic voice into governmental decisions.

Despite the hardships Mali has been facing, its GDP growth has been steadily increasing; estimates placed it at 4% in 2024 and part of its growth has been due to agriculture and services. USAID programs in Mali have undoubtedly provided several benefits to the country.

– Aaida Nuren

Aaida is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Private Foundations Expanding Global Aid Amid USAID Cuts

Private Foundations Expanding Global Aid Amid USAID CutsIn early 2025, the new White House administration initiated sweeping changes to the United States (U.S.) foreign aid policy, placing a 90-day pause on all new obligations and disbursements from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). This move, part of a broader effort to “reevaluate and realign” foreign assistance with American interests, has significantly reduced the federal government’s role in global development and has significantly decreased foreign assistance to countries across the world.

Concerns Over USAID Cuts

The administration’s budget proposal includes an $8.3 billion cut to foreign assistance, effectively dismantling large portions of USAID. These cuts have raised concerns among international development experts. Humanitarian organizations warn that the withdrawal of U.S. support could destabilize fragile economies and undo decades of progress in global health, education and poverty reduction. In the wake of these reductions, experts have noted that the following foundations are expanding global aid amid USAID cuts.

Private Foundations Expanding Global Aid

  • The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. The Gates Foundation, already one of the largest private funders of global health initiatives, has increased its investments in vaccine distribution, agricultural development and maternal health. The foundation is increasing its notoriety, as Microsoft Co-founder and philanthropist Bill Gates has set forth the largest philanthropic commitment in history, planning to raise $200 billion by 2045. The organization’s goals in global health and development aim to reduce health inequities by developing innovative tools and strategies to combat infectious diseases and leading causes of child mortality in developing countries. The organization, so far, has gained upwards of $8 billion in charitable support, with partners of the organization spanning 130 countries. 
  • The Rockefeller Foundation. Created by John D. Rockefeller in 1913, the Rockefeller Foundation has grown to be one of the largest philanthropic organizations in the U.S., investing more than $26 billion in philanthropic capital in the last century.  The organization’s three main areas of work globally are health, food and power.  The organization mostly aims to help people in the U.S., but also in areas such as Africa and Asia. By addressing health globally, the organization aims to increase health equity by centering on vulnerable communities, scaling cross-sector innovations, securing sustainable financing and aligning global partnerships and policies for lasting impact. For food prosperity, the Rockefeller Foundation supports innovative tools, smart policies and public procurement strategies that build a sustainable food system—one that values the environment, local economies and racial equity. The main sector the organization deals with is renewable energy and power. While working with the Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet (GEAPP), the Rockefeller Foundation introduced renewable energy in more than 80 nations, mostly in Africa and Asia, where access to electricity remains limited.
  • Open Society Foundations. Founded by George Soros, the Open Society Foundations (OSF) is one of the world’s largest philanthropic organizations, which has donated more than $32 billion to support its mission. In 2023 alone, it donated $1.7 billion in funding. OSF works worldwide to promote justice, human rights and democratic governance through various initiatives. Its philanthropic efforts extend across continents—including Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America and the U.S. The foundation grants thousands of dollars each year to individuals and organizations that share its values, emphasizing long-term partnerships, quick-response funding during government crises and strategic litigation. 
  • The William and Flora Hewlett Foundation. The William and Flora Hewlett Foundation is a major philanthropic organization dedicated to advancing global foundations through grants and long-term partnerships. Founded in 1966 by Bill and Flora Hewlett, the foundation supports initiatives that promote education, environmental sustainability, gender equity and democratic governance across the world.  Globally, it funds efforts to combat climate change, expand access to reproductive health and empower women economically, particularly in East and West Africa and Mexico. Indeed, in 2024 alone, the organization awarded $148.6 million in grants to promote gender equity and governance in these regions. Evidence-informed policymaking through governance is one of its strategies for increasing gender equity and this empowers policymakers to effectively use data and evidence in meeting the needs of citizens through organizations that work with the foundation. The foundation invests in strengthening civil society and inclusive governance, aiming to build effective communities and institutions. 

Looking Ahead

These foundations expanding global aid continue to play a crucial role in supporting foreign assistance, especially during periods of uncertainty in public funding. Indeed, their growing influence highlights the increasing role of private foundations in driving global aid efforts. As current funding evaluations wrap up, the trajectory of foreign assistance remains unclear. In the meantime, global development initiatives look set to increasingly rely on the strength and commitment of the philanthropic sector.

– Dylan Fly

Dylan is based in Detroit, MI, USA and focuses on Business and Technology for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Can the Private Sector Replace USAID?

Private Sector Replace USAID?The USAID freeze has affected up to $40 billion in humanitarian and development aid worldwide. However, a combination of international donors, corporate responsibility initiatives and development finance investors is working to assist the vulnerable communities. Organized by the World Bank and development investors, initiatives like the International Development Association (IDA) have raised billions that can be used to assist countries affected by the USAID freeze.

Additionally, nonprofit investment funds like Acumen, which focuses on renewable energy in the developing world, can help mitigate the rippling effect of suspending the tens of billions awarded to international organizations on the ground fighting poverty.

The Scale of USAID’s Impact and Its Absence

Before the USAID cuts and freezes, the U.S. provided $64 billion of the $223 billion in international aid. These funds go to a network of governments, international organizations and on-the-ground partners. Roughly half of the $64 billion is administered through USAID. Most of this is distributed through local and international partners. The cuts are likely to force these partners to look for other donors.

USAID’s work has had measurable success: saving six million lives from malaria by 2017 and contributing to the elimination of wild poliovirus in 2020. However, despite those achievements, USAID is under threat. USAID efforts were initially frozen for 90 days starting in January, which was then extended another 30 days. Unfortunately, these cuts are here to stay, despite their devastating effects on communities worldwide.

Can the Private Sector Replace USAID?

Making the private sector replace USAID will be incredibly difficult. Rob Nabors, the North America director for the Gates Foundation, explained, “There is no foundation — or group of foundations — that can provide the funding, workforce capacity, expertise or leadership that the United States has historically provided to combat and control deadly diseases and address hunger and poverty around the world.”

Still, a coalition of governments, NGOs and development investors is working to step in. The IDA is a coalition of 175 countries that periodically evaluates budget priorities to help relieve poverty and assist developing countries in growing their economy. Fifty different countries currently operate as donors. Late last year, IDA donors helped secure $100 billion for the impoverished groups in developing countries.

IDA can assist in achieving many of the goals of USAID, like connecting hundreds of millions of people in Africa to reliable electricity. IDA’s model has also helped 35 countries graduate into developed countries that can act as donors, such as South Korea, highlighting what international aid can accomplish.

The Role of Philanthropy and Development Finance

Additionally, private organizations can help alleviate the harm from the recent cuts. One of the main issues is coordination and focusing funds where they can help the most. The Center for Global Development organization helps host Project Resource Optimization (PRO). Led by former USAID employees, PRO helps donors prioritize the most effective projects. Robert Rosenbaum, an independent consultant for PRO and former USAID staffer, notes, “Private philanthropy cannot replace bilateral aid, but it can lead the way in demonstrating what the future of development should look like: simpler, more transparent and relentlessly focused on results.”

Lastly, international finance can play a major role in replacing USAID. Investors like Nimrod Gerber, a managing partner at Vital Capital, see the freeze as a potential opportunity for a more effective and sustainable funding strategy for humanitarian projects. One of the main ways development investors could assist is by directing the hundreds of billions in African pension funds into projects that return on investment and improve the quality of life of people on the ground.

The Open Road Alliance (ORA) is a great example of this model. The ORA funds loans to organizations, both corporations and NGOs, in the developing world. These function as bridge loans to survive a sudden and unexpected funding crisis, like budget cuts. One of the projects the ORA funded was OnePower, which created electrical mini-grids in rural Lesotho. Not only did this provide increased health care access, but it also paid back its investors. Usually, investors get anywhere between a 2% and 4% return.

A Shift, Not a Replacement

Completely replacing USAID is not a reasonable goal. The ideal is for the U.S. to regain its place as the go-to coordinator and donor of international aid. However, this crisis has allowed many other governments, NGOs and financiers to create inventive ways to fill the gaps.

– Joseph Laughon

Joseph is based in Sacramento, CA, USA and focuses on Good News and Technology for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons