Over the last decade, Saharan Africa has been cemented as an equally troublesome region as the Middle East itself. Last year’s attack on the American diplomatic mission in Benghazi, Libya may have come as a shock to American citizens aware only of conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, or Palestine, but this is certainly not a new trend.
Terrorist groups in Africa have expanded their reach in the last decade under the umbrella of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Mahgreb (AQIM). These groups across the Sahel pose a “large and existential threat,” according to UK Prime Minister David Cameron.
On paper these Islamist groups differ in religious motivation from separatist factions that fight for recognition of and rights for specific people groups, but in practice these radical groups often provide an outlet for discontent. Members of both kinds of groups, however, share similar characteristics: those who hold reactive ideologies, those who are financially influenced into working with militant groups, and those who take advantage of security vacuums to spread these groups cross-continent.
Security Vacuums
One of the biggest contributors to terrorist groups gaining influence in Africa is security vacuums – lack of a secure state authority capable of enforcing rule of law. In the Central African Republic last year, for example, a Chadian armed group stood almost completely unchallenged by national defense forces, instead facing much of its opposition from CAR militant groups.
Many governments in the region are unwilling or unable to fight these transnational terrorist groups. Resentment against Western influence exists, especially due to what the Economist calls “a reflexive revulsion at intervention by former colonial powers.”
To make matters worse, the landscape of the Sahel does not make enforcing borders easy. Furthermore, even when the host country has a military force to combat these militant groups, the landscape in much of the Sahel proves prohibitive. For example, Nigerian forces that are “big and well-equipped” have “little idea how to fight in the desert,” according to the Economist.
Income Disparity and Corruption
Former UN diplomat and security expert Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah argues that networked militancy flourishes in northern Africa in significant part due to “the perceived arrogance and corruption of urban elites.” Income disparity — the difference between the incomes of the rich and the poor — causes unrest and alienation of lower classes.
Minority communities — made minority either by class or by ethnic grouping — are often marginalised. According to researchers Tim Krieger and Daniel Meierrieks, empirical findings suggest “a positive and highly significant relationship” between income inequality and terrorism. “This suggests,” Krieger and Meierrieks write, “that economic grievances related to income inequality are conducive to the product of violent terrorism.”
Unemployment also drives many to violence by pushing them toward “any economic opportunity that they have,” Malian think-tank director Mohamed Coulibaly said. This includes joining the ranks of paid militancy or, as some suspect is a partial source of revenue for terrorist groups, drug trafficking. Sometimes these militants kidnap for ransom. “It’s nothing to do with an ideology — we’re just here to make money,” conflict resolution specialist Kalie Sillah quotes Mali militants as saying.
Infrastructure Void
The economic disadvantage experienced by would-be militants in the Sahel is significantly contributed to by the lack of – or unequal – development in the region, both foreign and domestic. Richard Joseph, nonresident senior fellow at the Africa Growth Initiative, writes that while African economies may exhibit successful economic growth, they do not exhibit the same amount of unity and political progress; in the Foresight Africa Report 2013, he gives the example of Ghana and Mali, two countries that share similar GDP growth but vastly different levels of sustainable development.
As rapid economic growth pads the pockets of politicians — in many cases due to high-return extraction industries — in some countries this profit never reaches the people in the form of infrastructure: local governments, road and irrigation improvements, rural education, and health system reform. Instead, the money is often spent on pet projects that yield political but not economic returns. John Mbaku of the Africa Growth Initiative writes, “Today African countries have a serious deficit in the type of essential infrastructure that usually forms the foundation for significant improvements in agricultural productivity.”
In the Africa Competitiveness Report 2013, the World Economic Forum proposed that increased infrastructure would also improve intra-continent trade, thus providing more economic opportunity for adjacent nations to export and import goods and services. Though economic opportunities do not resolve ethnic or sectarian conflicts, they can provide sorely needed jobs to unemployed individuals who would otherwise be lured into drug trafficking or militancy.
The lack of physical infrastructure also can contribute to the ease of foreign groups crossing international borders. The isolated villages and rural regions that militant groups thrive in are not just difficult to get to; they are difficult to find in the first place.
Development and Poverty Eradication as a Solution
The United Nations recognizes that part of combating global terrorism is addressing potential causes. For this reason, the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy — adopted by member states in 2005 and reaffirmed a number of times — contains as its first pillar the resolution “to address the conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism.” The advancement of the Millennium Development Goals is a cornerstone of anti-terrorism strategy.
Yonah Alexander of the Inter-University Center for Terrorism Studies writes that addressing terrorism in Africa requires investment in security “by accelerating national and regional economic development.” These investments include expansion of foreign aid, workforce development programs, and streamlining support from foreign assistance-providing countries. Pakistan’s UN Ambassador Masood Khan spoke to the UN Security Council last month, insisting that addressing terrorism requires addressing common factors of poverty, ethno-sectarian disputes, and marginalization.
The UN Counter-Terrorism Strategy recognizes that none of the conditions of unemployment, marginalization, security vacuums, or lack of infrastructure “can excuse or justify acts of terrorism.” The contributing factors to terrorist recruitment, however, remain a grave concern. Advancing the Millennium Development Goals — whether through direct economic assistance or through development programs that equip host countries to help themselves — can reduce the marginalization and victimization that propel many towards violent terrorism.
– Naomi Doraisamy
Source: BBC,Foresight Africa 2013,Inter-University Center for Terrorism Studies,Social Science Research Network,The Economist,The Nation
Photo: Moon of the south
Four Downsides of Big Data
It is easy to get excited about all the new information we now have about the world’s development projects. Maps and tables, charts and graphs flood our inboxes with ‘big data.’ Most recently, AidData published a huge dataset on Tracking Chinese Aid to Africa. All the hype has caused some backlash, and rightfully so. Big data is still data and requires the same careful handling as any other dataset. This is not meant to dull enthusiasm or lessen the use of data. This is a precaution against the misuse and overgeneralization of big data. One size does not fit all, and overgeneralizations from large or small datasets can be dangerous. Here are Big Data’s 4 downsides found by practitioners and academics.
1) Big data is not a panacea. One size does not fit all. The dynamic nature of development projects means that many are time-place specific. While sweeping data collection projects can lead to better practices at high-level institutions, implementing policies based on improperly generalized data is bad policy and poor use of data.
2) Difficulties in filtering relevant information. Data from developing countries regarding health systems, political upheaval, natural disasters, etc. are most often reported by vulnerable people experiencing the event first hand. The sourcing of the data is often social media. Aside from possible problems with the validity of the data, the sheer amount of potential data is enormous. Key word searches across selected media yield thousands of data points which have to be carefully reviewed to filter for relevancy. The computer programs are simply not nuanced enough to pull out the differences between hate speech, for example, and slang (as shown in a study on mapping hate speech in twitter recently). Additionally, a parallel problem is availability of reliable and secure statistical processing. Unlike data processing for pharmaceutical companies, aid data processing is not backed by billions of dollars in profit.
3) Data exhaustion on the ground. By the time social scientists are through cleaning, manipulating, and making sense of the data, the situation on the ground has often changed. This is called “data exhaustion.” The big data collectors (UN, World Bank, USAID, AidData) are constantly playing catch up. This means that the people on the ground are not able to use the most up-to-date information. The use of social media has mitigated the delay; however, data extraction and implementation of policies based on data is a top-down approach that may not accord with the culture of the project or practical feasibility. For example, the best way to empower women according to big data analyses might be to get women into the work place allowing them independent incomes. The on-the-ground reality might be that they are already responsible for non-paid work, such as childcare or maintaining subsistence crops, which already takes up their whole day.
4) Validity of data is questionable. As indicated by the debates over the validity of AidData’s Tracking Chinese Aid to Africa, socially sourced data cannot be the only source of data to influence policy. Self-reporting has inherent “barriers, blindspots and biases.” For example, the information collected from the Arab Spring was based on self-reporting of goings-on. The outside world used information from texts, Tweets, Facebook and blog posts to analyze the situation.
These four potential downsides of big data all suggest the need for caution in using data to inform development policy.
– Katherine Zobre
Source: Relief Web
Photo: AidData
Why Do Terrorist Groups Gain Influence in Africa?
Over the last decade, Saharan Africa has been cemented as an equally troublesome region as the Middle East itself. Last year’s attack on the American diplomatic mission in Benghazi, Libya may have come as a shock to American citizens aware only of conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, or Palestine, but this is certainly not a new trend.
Terrorist groups in Africa have expanded their reach in the last decade under the umbrella of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Mahgreb (AQIM). These groups across the Sahel pose a “large and existential threat,” according to UK Prime Minister David Cameron.
On paper these Islamist groups differ in religious motivation from separatist factions that fight for recognition of and rights for specific people groups, but in practice these radical groups often provide an outlet for discontent. Members of both kinds of groups, however, share similar characteristics: those who hold reactive ideologies, those who are financially influenced into working with militant groups, and those who take advantage of security vacuums to spread these groups cross-continent.
Security Vacuums
One of the biggest contributors to terrorist groups gaining influence in Africa is security vacuums – lack of a secure state authority capable of enforcing rule of law. In the Central African Republic last year, for example, a Chadian armed group stood almost completely unchallenged by national defense forces, instead facing much of its opposition from CAR militant groups.
Many governments in the region are unwilling or unable to fight these transnational terrorist groups. Resentment against Western influence exists, especially due to what the Economist calls “a reflexive revulsion at intervention by former colonial powers.”
To make matters worse, the landscape of the Sahel does not make enforcing borders easy. Furthermore, even when the host country has a military force to combat these militant groups, the landscape in much of the Sahel proves prohibitive. For example, Nigerian forces that are “big and well-equipped” have “little idea how to fight in the desert,” according to the Economist.
Income Disparity and Corruption
Former UN diplomat and security expert Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah argues that networked militancy flourishes in northern Africa in significant part due to “the perceived arrogance and corruption of urban elites.” Income disparity — the difference between the incomes of the rich and the poor — causes unrest and alienation of lower classes.
Minority communities — made minority either by class or by ethnic grouping — are often marginalised. According to researchers Tim Krieger and Daniel Meierrieks, empirical findings suggest “a positive and highly significant relationship” between income inequality and terrorism. “This suggests,” Krieger and Meierrieks write, “that economic grievances related to income inequality are conducive to the product of violent terrorism.”
Unemployment also drives many to violence by pushing them toward “any economic opportunity that they have,” Malian think-tank director Mohamed Coulibaly said. This includes joining the ranks of paid militancy or, as some suspect is a partial source of revenue for terrorist groups, drug trafficking. Sometimes these militants kidnap for ransom. “It’s nothing to do with an ideology — we’re just here to make money,” conflict resolution specialist Kalie Sillah quotes Mali militants as saying.
Infrastructure Void
The economic disadvantage experienced by would-be militants in the Sahel is significantly contributed to by the lack of – or unequal – development in the region, both foreign and domestic. Richard Joseph, nonresident senior fellow at the Africa Growth Initiative, writes that while African economies may exhibit successful economic growth, they do not exhibit the same amount of unity and political progress; in the Foresight Africa Report 2013, he gives the example of Ghana and Mali, two countries that share similar GDP growth but vastly different levels of sustainable development.
As rapid economic growth pads the pockets of politicians — in many cases due to high-return extraction industries — in some countries this profit never reaches the people in the form of infrastructure: local governments, road and irrigation improvements, rural education, and health system reform. Instead, the money is often spent on pet projects that yield political but not economic returns. John Mbaku of the Africa Growth Initiative writes, “Today African countries have a serious deficit in the type of essential infrastructure that usually forms the foundation for significant improvements in agricultural productivity.”
In the Africa Competitiveness Report 2013, the World Economic Forum proposed that increased infrastructure would also improve intra-continent trade, thus providing more economic opportunity for adjacent nations to export and import goods and services. Though economic opportunities do not resolve ethnic or sectarian conflicts, they can provide sorely needed jobs to unemployed individuals who would otherwise be lured into drug trafficking or militancy.
The lack of physical infrastructure also can contribute to the ease of foreign groups crossing international borders. The isolated villages and rural regions that militant groups thrive in are not just difficult to get to; they are difficult to find in the first place.
Development and Poverty Eradication as a Solution
The United Nations recognizes that part of combating global terrorism is addressing potential causes. For this reason, the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy — adopted by member states in 2005 and reaffirmed a number of times — contains as its first pillar the resolution “to address the conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism.” The advancement of the Millennium Development Goals is a cornerstone of anti-terrorism strategy.
Yonah Alexander of the Inter-University Center for Terrorism Studies writes that addressing terrorism in Africa requires investment in security “by accelerating national and regional economic development.” These investments include expansion of foreign aid, workforce development programs, and streamlining support from foreign assistance-providing countries. Pakistan’s UN Ambassador Masood Khan spoke to the UN Security Council last month, insisting that addressing terrorism requires addressing common factors of poverty, ethno-sectarian disputes, and marginalization.
The UN Counter-Terrorism Strategy recognizes that none of the conditions of unemployment, marginalization, security vacuums, or lack of infrastructure “can excuse or justify acts of terrorism.” The contributing factors to terrorist recruitment, however, remain a grave concern. Advancing the Millennium Development Goals — whether through direct economic assistance or through development programs that equip host countries to help themselves — can reduce the marginalization and victimization that propel many towards violent terrorism.
– Naomi Doraisamy
Source: BBC,Foresight Africa 2013,Inter-University Center for Terrorism Studies,Social Science Research Network,The Economist,The Nation
Photo: Moon of the south
Boko Haram: Poverty and Terrorism in Nigeria
Boko Haram is a militant terrorist organization whose goal is to overthrow the government of Nigeria and institute Sharia law. Nigeria is characterized by two areas defined by wealth: the poor north and the rich south. It is no surprise that Boko Haram operates in northern Nigeria, where it can capitalize on poor economic conditions to recruit new members.
Translating to “western education is forbidden” in English, Boko Haram rejects western ideals and forbids the use of modern technology, considering it to be a western invention. Since the group’s emergence in 2009, they have claimed responsibility for a number of terrorist attacks against the administration of President Goodluck Jonathon. A recent attack involved the suicide bombings of three churches in northern Nigeria in which 50 people perished.
Jonathon’s method of dealing with the conflict has been brutal, to say the least. The Nigerian President declared a state of emergency in the country in April, beginning a new offensive against Boko Haram. Unfortunately, the army has been unnecessarily brutal with civilians, causing a significant contingent of poor Nigerians to ally themselves with Boko Haram. A writer from The Economist has pointed out that “More Nigerians are killed by the police every year than by Boko Haram.”
The founder of the group was Muhammad Yusuf, a disenfranchised Nigerian youth who dropped out of secondary school to study the Qur’an in North Africa. Yusuf was one of the thousands of al-majiri who grew up in northern Nigeria. These children are extremely poor students of Islam who pay for their own education through begging. When Yusuf returned to his native town of Maiduguri in the early 2000s, his fervent sermons appealed to the al-majiri. Yusuf’s Boko Haram allowed youngsters to earn a living while fighting against the government that perpetuated their poverty.
African Studies scholar Aliyu Odamah Musa recognized the persuasive power of radicalism to the poor in a 2012 article featured in the Journal of African Media Studies, stating: “Acute poverty, as is experienced by people in the area (Northern Nigeria), is highly likely to encourage people to allow groups like Boko Haram to manipulate them.” Musa goes on to suggest that development efforts need to be made in northern Nigeria in order to prevent young people from falling in with Boko Haram. As ties between Boko Haram and al-Qaeda are discovered, it would be in the best interest of the United States to adhere to the logic of Musa and invest in the economic development of northern Nigeria.
– Josh Forgét
Sources: The Economist, BBC, The Christian Science Monitor
Photo: GlobalPost
Deciphering the Human Development Index
s The Human Development Index (HDI) is a composite measure of health, education, and income which was introduced by the United Nations Development Programme in 1990 as an alternative to purely economic assessments of national progress, such as Gross Domestic Product growth. In the field of international development, the HDI soon became the most widely accepted and cited measure of its kind.
Many developing countries in the 1980s faced strict structural adjustment conditions imposed by financial institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. To avoid a financial crisis and get the loans they needed, these countries had to undergo massive economic restructuring that involved currency devaluation, government spending cuts, business deregulation, and reducing taxes for the wealthy. Not surprisingly, the social impact was harsh for the average citizen and the human condition worsened. Do you remember the images of people burning money to keep warm? It was in light of this situation that the United Nations advocated for a human development approach, as opposed to a business development approach.
1990 was the beginning of a campaign by the UNDP for a people-focused strategy towards development, and hence the birth of the Human Development Index. The HDI emphasized that people and their capabilities should be the ultimate criteria for assessing the development of a country, not economic growth alone. The HDI was designed to reflect average achievements in three basic aspects of human development – leading a long and healthy life, being knowledgeable and enjoying a decent standard of living.
The main components used to calculate a country’s HDI are Life Expectancy at Birth, Gross National Income per Capita, Mean Years of Schooling and Expected Years of Schooling. From these, a number between 0 and 1 is produced – with 1 being the best possible HDI and 0 being the worst possible HDI. As of 2012, Norway ranked number 1 out of 187 countries with an HDI of 0.955. Niger and the Democratic Republic of the Congo tied for last place with an HDI of 0.304.
The HDI can be revealing in other ways as well. For example, how is it that two countries with the same level of GNI per capita can end up with such different human development outcomes? The Bahamas’ GNI per capita is higher than New Zealand’s (by 17%) but because life expectancy at birth is about 5 years shorter, mean years of schooling is 4 years shorter and expected years of schooling differ greatly between the two countries; New Zealand has a much higher HDI value than the Bahamas.
Although the Human Development Index is a more holistic measure of human development in a country when compared to GDP per capita, the HDI is still not all-inclusive. The HDI, for example, does not reflect political participation or gender inequalities. The Inequality-adjusted HDI, Gender Inequality Index and Multidimensional Poverty Index offer other insights into a country’s development status.
According to the 2012 HDI, the top ten countries with the best human development are:
1. Norway
2. Australia
3. USA
4. Netherlands
5. Germany
6. New Zealand
7. Ireland (tied for 7/8 spot)
8. Sweden (tied for 7/8 spot)
9. Switzerland
10. Japan
Out of the 187 countries counted in the 2012 HDI, the bottom ten countries with the least human development are:
177. Sierra Leone
178. Burundi
179. Guinea
180. Central African Republic
181. Eritrea
182. Mali
183. Burkina Faso
184. Chad
185. Mozambique
186. Democratic Republic of the Congo (tied for last place)
186. Niger (tied for last place)
– Maria Caluag
Source: UNDP
Photo: Guardian
Angola Blood Diamonds
Aside from the popularity afforded by a Leonardo DiCaprio movie, the world has largely forgotten about blood diamonds. A romantic name for an entirely unromantic subject, blood diamonds refer to the gemstones that are mined in conflict zones, often exploiting the miners and putting them at great risk, and benefiting warlords instead of governments.
In 2000, attempts were made to stem the flow of diamonds through the Kimberley Process, which required all diamonds to be certified by governments as legitimate (i.e. mined in non-conflict zones) before exportation. The program was initially successful but quickly fell apart after corruption saw most governments bribed to allow the sale of blood diamonds.
Through ongoing, the issue faded from public awareness until 2011 when Angolan journalist and human rights activist Rafael Marques published “Blood Diamonds: Corruption and Torture in Angola”.
The book documented the human rights abuses and killings in Angola at the hands of the military. Marques describes events of shocking brutality in the military’s effort to maintain control over the diamond trade. Among them, 15 miners were forced to jump to their deaths from a speeding truck at different times so that their bodies would be scattered and more difficult to locate, a mine was purposefully destroyed to bury and kill 45 workers, and there were routine stripping and beating of workers and villagers with the flat sides of machetes.
The book has garnered attention not only for its graphic content but for the struggles Marques has had to face as a result of writing it. He was subsequently sued by eight generals for libel, in an attempt to intimidate or bankrupt him, but recently the courts found his writings protected under free speech.
Yet Marques’ fight seems as though it will be fruitless without international intervention. Angola’s Attorney General is not pursuing the case. Also, the generals accused in the book remain free as Angola’s leader, Jose Eduardo dos Santos, cannot afford to turn against them.
The responsibility now lies with consumers; the flow of diamonds responds entirely to demand in consumer countries. Human rights movements are urging consumers to demand ethically-sourced products or seek alternatives. Though Africa seems unable to stop the production of blood diamonds, global consumers wield the power to deny them a market.
– Farahnaz Mohammed
Sources: Brilliant Earth, All Africa
Photo: Mickeyboston
The Maasai Brand: Fighting for Cultural Heritage
For consumers in the Western world, buying unique jewelry or clothing with distinctly foreign influences may seem a natural part of the quest for personal style. For many communities in developing countries, however, these items or designs are a part of cultural heritage. A recent BBC spotlight on one such culture — the Maasai in Kenya and Tanzania — explores why some forward thinkers in Africa are partnering with intellectual property groups to protect their heritage.
Tourist practices have long been questioned as exploitation, such as taking photographs of natives without permission or in return for money, or disrupting natives’ daily lives by gawking. For the Maasai, these tourist practices also violate deeply ingrained cultural superstitions. In an interview with BBC, Maasai leader Isaac ole Tialolo shared that twenty years ago a tourist took a photo of him without permission. “We believed that if somebody takes your photograph, he has already taken your blood,” Isaac explained. Angered, Isaac destroyed the tourist’s camera.
More than exploitative tourist practices, what concerns Isaac is “use and abuse” of the Maasai culture. 80 companies worldwide use the name or the image of the Maasai, whether for Land Rover accessories, athletic and orthopedic shoes, or Louis Vuitton’s Masai line.
The fight against exploitation of cultural trademarks is not a new one. For example, in the mid-1970’s the Navajo Nation unsuccessfully tried to copyright the word “Navajo” to restrict who could apply the term to products; this resistance against outside use has continued, notably in a 2011 lawsuit the Navajo Nation brought against the clothing chain Urban Outfitters for using the term “Navajo.”
In some respects, the quality and representation of the items carrying cultural brands is a concern. “Tacky is a good word,” Navajo Times contributor Bill Donovan said of the Urban Outfitter items in an interview with NPR. “The Navajo Nation has been very sensitive about people using their name to promote tacky products.” For the Maasai name to be attached to orthopedic trainers or beach towels — items that do not even represent their namesake — is similar abuse.
Today, many Maasai leaders are attempting to stand for their cultural heritage. But Isaac ole Tialolo understands the entire Maasai nation must agree to this. He hopes they will be successful in uniting the Maasai for intellectual property rights. The NGO Light Years IP works alongside Maasai leaders — as it has in a number of developing countries — to educate the Maasai in what they are aiming to do.
The Maasai have a strong sense of ownership of their culture, says Isaac. As the Maasai become educated and the rest of the world becomes informed on the matter, branding consultant Bruce Webster says “they’ll win the PR battle absolutely.”
– Naomi Doraisamy
Source: BBC,Guardian,NPR
Photo: BBC
The Life of a Refugee
Last week the U.N. office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (
UNHCR) said more than 1.5 million Syrian civilians had fled their country to escape the civil war that had been raging there for almost two years. Dan McNorton, a spokesman for the UNHCR, said the actual number of refugees is probably much higher due to concerns some Syrians have regarding registration. In addition, approximately 4 million people have been internally displaced since the beginning of the conflict. So what does this mean for the Syrian people who are now refugees? What can be expected in the life of a refugee?
The UNHCR defines a refugee as a person who,
Like the Syrian refugees, many are often caught between a rock and a hard place. If they stay, they put themselves and their families in serious danger. If they flee, instability and uncertainty greet them at every turn. The UNHCR was created in 1950 to lead and coordinates international efforts to protect and assist people facing this difficult decision. They protect the basic human rights of refugees and aim to ensure all refugees are given the opportunity to seek asylum in another country.
The starting point for many is often a UN refugee camp, intended to create a safe haven until they can begin their lives anew. Unfortunately, it is all too often the end of the road as well. Those who live in the camps are usually provided basic life sustaining necessities, but many will never leave. They become trapped in a state of dependence on these camps.
Currently, the largest and oldest camp (designed to house around 90,000 people) is home to almost half a million people, mostly from Somalia. It was intended to be a temporary solution for the influx of refugees from Somalia when the country descended into civil war more than 20 years ago, but the remoteness of its eastern Kenyan location and threats to security have prevented the UNHCR from further developing the camp for those who have permanently settled there. Education and sanitation is limited and the camp is extremely overcrowded.
The Syrian refugees have fled mostly to the neighboring countries of Jordan and Lebanon. Just last week Oxfam issued an urgent appeal for funds to assist those who are fleeing the conflict. Rick Bauer, the regional humanitarian coordinator for Oxfam said, “The sad reality is that the vast majority of Syrian refugees are not going home soon. He added that Oxfam is “starting to really worry about the health of Syrian refugees”.
“The aid effort must be properly funded and focused on providing refugees with affordable and decent places to stay, where they can live with dignity. That’s priority number one for refugees and host communities alike,” he said.
Priority number one indeed. But for the sake of Syrians who find themselves in a refugee camp, we hope they do not stay long.
– Erin N. Ponsonby
Source: CNN, UNHCR, Raw Story
Photo: MWB
Climate Adaptation Crucial to Easing Conflict?
The international community has recognized the significance of climate change and its possible implications. President Obama’s 2010 National Security Strategy states that, “The change wrought by a warming planet will lead to new conflicts over refugees and resources…”
Recent studies have shown that climate change has lead to an increase in conflicts. The U.N. Environment Program’s “From Conflict to Peace building” reported that approximately 40% of civil wars have been associated with natural resources. Resource availability has come under immense stress due to climate change. Natural resource-based conflicts have particularly affected Sub-Saharan Africa. And this will continue to be a problem as, in the future, the region will likely experience longer and more extreme droughts and floods, which could lead to food and water insecurity as well as increased migration and poverty. All of these factors could increase the risk of conflict in the region. To counter this increase in conflict, governments should develop new climate adaptation policies.
The UN Environment Program shows that resource-driven conflicts are twice as likely to relapse within five years of negotiations. To prevent this problem, environmental concerns and climate adaptation strategies should be included in conflict negotiations. Some non-governmental organizations, including Tearfund and the International Institute for Environment and Development, have gone directly to local communities to manage resource conflict. They believe that, by building local organizations to manage resources, the chances conflict will occur are reduced. Governments need to recognize that they will have to look to more climate adaptation policies if they wish to prevent future conflict in their countries.
– Catherine Ulrich
Source: Alertnet
Photo: Mathematics of Planet Earth
Defining an Emerging Market
The term “emerging markets” was coined in 1981 at the International Finance Corporation when promoting the first mutual funding investments in developing countries. While the term is sometimes considered unhelpful, it is important to identify and define these markets. Emerging markets are a hot topic as they are predicted to surpass the US, German, and UK economies in the future.
There are three factors that distinguish an emerging market from a developed market. Firstly, rapid economic growth defines emerging markets. Great examples of emerging markets are Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS). In recent decades, these developing countries have boosted their large economies based on global capital, technology, and talent. The GDP growth rates of these countries have outpaced those of more developed economies, lifting millions out of poverty and creating new middle classes and large new markets for consumer products and services. The large labor pools of these countries give their economies a huge advantage over more developed economies.
The second factor that defines the emergence of a developing economy is how much competition it offers in comparison to developed markets. Along with the rapid pace of development, these countries pose serious competition to current dominant economies in developed countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, and Italy.
Lastly, emerging markets are often defined in terms of their financial situation and infrastructure. While their rapid growth and competitiveness are positive growth indicators, the amount of red-tape and inconsistencies involved in dealing with these markets marks them as emerging. Unfortunately, some argue that the corruption in these markets will halt them all together despite other growth factors.
While the economies of Brazil, Russia, India, and China are well on their way to surpassing “emergence”, the predicted emerging economies of the future are Colombia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Egypt, Turkey, and South Africa (CIVETs). According to John Bowler, director of Country Risk Service at the Economist Intelligence Unit, the sizeable populations of some of these countries and the wealth of natural resources in others, just might make them the economic boomers of the next decade.
– Kira Maixner
Source CNN , Forbes
Photo ACF
Achieving Food Security in South-East Asia
Home to 600 million people, the region of South-East Asia is a source of precious resources and a strong work force. Still, many suffer from hunger and malnutrition, which is why it is important to achieve food security in this region. Boosting the agriculture sector in this region is essential to economic growth and development. With the growing obstacles of climate change and depletion of natural resources it is important to focus on creating long-lasting policies and reform on the agriculture sector of this region.
However, farmers are going to need a lot of help from the government to achieve food security in this region. Farms require investment in knowledge and tools as well as having a say in the government. In South-East Asia most farms are very small, usually 2 hectares of land or less, and run primarily by women. The government should focus on policies that support farmer’s organizations, empower and educate women as well as raise awareness about property rights.
World leaders have begun to take steps to implement some of the policies stated above at the World Economic Forum on East Asia taking place in Myanmar. They have proposed a new initiative called New Vision for Agriculture, which is trying to facilitate a public-private collaboration to achieve food security as well as environmental stability. It urges for an increase in investment in agriculture to boost economic growth. It highlights innovative ways for the public and private sectors to work together to achieve the best outcome. Exceptional effort from all actors is necessary to reach the common goal of food security in South-East Asia.
– Catherine Ulrich
Source: WE Blog
Photo: Trend Southeast