Archive for category: Politics

,

Fragility and the Rule of Law in New Caledonia

Fragility and the Rule of Law in New CaledoniaThe French Overseas Territory of New Caledonia is undergoing a political transformation, driven by recent violence in the capital, Noumea. In response, French President Emmanuel Macron has announced plans to grant the territory statehood. This unprecedented move would alter the Pacific island’s constitutional status and mark a first in French history.

Recent Tensions

Last year, the pro-independence Kanak population rioted across New Caledonia, particularly in Noumea. The riot was in response to proposed legislation granting voting rights to expatriates who had lived there for more than 10 years. Under the 1988 Noumea Accord, signed in response to similar riots and tensions in the ’80s, only native New Caledonians have been eligible to vote in elections.

Specifically, expats (many pro-French, anti-independence) were not allowed to vote in referendums on New Caledonian independence. To many Kanaks, this new legislation threatened the momentum of the pro-independence movement against French rule. Riots broke out and the French government sent military troops and police officers to reestablish the rule of law. Macron himself visited in an attempt toward peace; however, this seemed to inflame tensions, with statements of “not my president” from protestors.

The disagreement and subsequent violence go beyond political tensions, with young Kanaks speaking to the levels of disenfranchisement they feel as they struggle to make ends meet. At the same time, French expats use New Caledonia as a wealthy paradise. Europeans, in turn, report a rise in anti-white racism from Kanaks, who have targeted expat communities on the island. Sonia Backes, a pro-French politician in the New Caledonian Congress, has reportedly received death threats for her political stance.

Demographics and Social Groups

New Caledonia hosts a combination of indigenous Kanaks and White-French expats, with a population of more than 300,000. Approximately 39% are Kanaks and 27% are Europeans, with the remaining population comprising various Pacific and Asian ethnicities. Most Kanaks live in Noumea, particularly in the city’s underserved areas. In contrast, French expats tend to live in smaller communities in the south.

The poverty rate in New Caledonia is around 19%; however, in the majority-Kanak Loyalty Islands Province, this rises to around 45%. Amid this inequality, more than 26% of young people in New Caledonia are unemployed, with only 8% of Kanaks holding a university degree. Additionally, 46% have no high school diploma, whereas 54% of Expats completed higher education.

The educational and economic disparity between the two groups is stark and many have argued that this motivates tensions. The history of violence in New Caledonia is multifaceted. Historically, Kanaks have risen against the government for political reasons, which has been successful in the eyes of Kanak independence groups.

The result of the 1988 riots was three independence referendums, with the last occurring in 2021 during the coronavirus pandemic. The vote resulted in opposition to independence. However, key pro-independence figures, such as Roch Wamytan, argued that the referendum occurred under abnormal circumstances. They claimed the results should be ignored and another vote held. Many Kanaks boycotted the referendum, following local mourning rituals and fearing the virus. Pro-French loyalists therefore won with 96.5% of the vote.

Foreign Interference

An interesting aspect amid this fragile situation is the role of Azerbaijan in supporting independence. Kanak independence figures dispute claims of economic support from the Azerbaijani government. However, pro-Azerbaijani social media accounts have been linked to widespread misinformation concerning the role of French police in the 2024 riots.

This stems from the French government’s historic support for Armenia, one of Azerbaijan’s rivals. Azerbaijan has responded by supporting independence movements of French colonial territories, with the Baku Initiative Group formed as a collection of anti-colonial groups in European overseas territories.

While Kanaks have historic reasons for supporting independence, foreign governments that oppose the French state see New Caledonian independence as something to weaken French influence abroad. New Caledonia has remained French due to its impact in the Pacific, not to mention the extensive nickel reserves available in New Caledonia, which are key for chip manufacturing and electric vehicles.

The Future of New Caledonia

While tensions have been high, the recent agreement to establish a New Caledonian state has been received mostly positively. Independence groups have agreed that this is the best they could hope for. However, this only calms tensions for now. Pro-independence Kanaks have vowed to continue to fight for their independence and that fervour will not subside anytime soon.

– Lee Stonehouse

Lee is based in Newcastle upon Tyne, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

, ,

Fragility and Rule of Law in Russia

Rule of Law in RussiaThe rule of law is central to any functioning democracy, ensuring the exercise of power within legal limits. However, the rule of law in Russia has become fragile under the leadership of President Vladimir Putin. Since first taking office in 2000, he has consolidated power through the suppression of opposition, constitutional manipulation and influence over the judiciary and legislature, eroding the independence of legal institutions. As legal checks disappear, rising inequality and poverty become characteristic of the Russian state, with the burden falling on those with the least protection. This article explores how Russia’s legal system prioritizes loyalty over justice, reinforcing structural exclusion.

Separation of Powers in Russia

Russia is an authoritarian political system led by President Putin, who has remained among the highest authority ranks since his first election in May 2000. Throughout his years in government, he has reshaped the balance of power to secure his dominance and weaken institutional checks. In 2004, he announced a stage of recentralization, dismantling many regional powers and bringing political authority under tighter Kremlin control. According to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, this shift entrenched centralized, top-down governance rooted in loyalty to the president and dominated by Kremlin-aligned political parties. With control over the courts, most of the media and the legislative branch, the Kremlin continues to repress citizens’ rights domestically while adopting foreign policy decisions that defy international norms, further eroding the rule of law.

The emergence of informal mechanisms has allowed state ideology to shape legal interpretations and enforcement, with unofficial directives treated as binding by the political system. As government transparency declines, informal rules overshadow international law and constitutional provisions, weakening the principle of equality before the law. This undermines the impartiality needed to combat corruption, ensure fair resource distribution, or secure fundamental rights. The breakdown of judicial independence leaves marginalized groups without meaningful legal recourse and institutionalizes exclusion.

The Legislative Branch: The Duma and the Federation Council

Composed of the Duma (lower house) and the Federation Council (upper house), the Russian Federation’s legislative branch should be independent, but the President controls many of its decisions. The Duma confirms that the President nominates the Prime Minister and other state ministers and passes laws that the executive proposes.

Regional governments and parliaments select 85 of the 170 Federation Council members, while the president directly appoints 30. Notably, the president has considerable influence over regional governors through recentralization. The president nominates governors instead of allowing public elections, and regional legislatures, that pro-Kremlin parties dominate, confirm them.

The result is the political sidelining of regional voices and minority populations. Areas marked by inequality have no formal channel to advocate for social support or investment. The lack of regional autonomy or accountability leads to disparities between Moscow’s political elite and the rest of the population, weakening public trust in the rule of law. 

The Constitution and the President

It should be no secret that the Russian Constitution has granted President Putin significant power, raising serious concerns about how far that power has extended and how this shift impacts the rule of law. According to the document, the president is the head of state and the guarantor of the constitution, giving him control over most foreign and domestic policy decisions. Endowing him with sweeping legislative powers, the Constitution allows Putin to appoint security ministers, making these issues almost exclusive to the president’s competence.

In 2020, Putin introduced constitutional amendments that further reduced citizens’ rights while expanding executive power. These changes extended presidential terms, enhanced control over the judiciary and granted former presidents lifelong immunity and a permanent seat in the Federation Council. Legal accountability is virtually absent in a system with no meaningful electoral competition or judicial independence. This structure allows the state to ignore inequality while preserving elite privilege and those outside the core political apparatus face systemic neglect.

Russia and the Rule of Law Today

One of the most significant legal tools for controlling dissent is the 2012 “foreign agents law.” Initially applied to NGOs receiving international funding, it has since expanded to target media outlets, advocacy groups and individuals. The 2022 revisions added the broad and ambiguous “foreign influence” category, allowing the state to label critics as national security threats. As a result, the government has cracked down on civil society groups, especially those advocating for human rights, ethnic minorities and the economically vulnerable, forcing them to operate underground.

Poverty in Russia remains a pressing issue, particularly in rural areas and among minority populations. According to the World Bank, around 12.1% of Russians lived below the national poverty line in 2022, with the rate disproportionately affecting families and those in underdeveloped regions. Weak rule of law exacerbates this problem by limiting access to fair legal recourse, reinforcing corruption and enabling the misuse of public funds intended for social welfare.

Following the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Russia’s courts became even more visibly biased, enforcing laws that serve state narratives. The state now regularly carries out political trials, arbitrary detentions and harsh sentencing. With growing restrictions on freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, the Kremlin reasserts dominance and undermines the rights of its citizens.

In response to these challenges, some initiatives continue to push for reform. The EU-Russia Civil Society Forum and its “Legal Discourse” program seek to enhance the potential of the participation of NGOs in the discussion of legal matters between the European Union and Russia. This platform emphasizes the importance of promoting and protecting values like human rights, the rule of law, separation of powers, government accountability, administrative compliance and judicial independence.

Resistance and Civil Society

Despite growing repression, Russian civil society continues to resist. Journalists, activists and ordinary citizens risk their freedom to challenge state abuse. Though weakened since the 1990s, moments like the 2011–2012 electoral protests and quiet acts of defiance in response to the invasion of Ukraine reflect a resilient spirit. Individual resistance now outweighs mass movements, with citizens using subtle, creative means to oppose the regime.

Organizations such as Global Call to Action Against Poverty and Caritas of Mother of God Archdiocese have been working to fight poverty within the federation. Making information about patient rights more available to citizens, GCAP’s Russia program aims to improve healthcare in impoverished communities. Caritas of Mother of God Archdiocese, formerly known as Caritas Russia, is a national agency operating under the Catholic Church that focuses on providing the poor and victims of disasters, accidents and armed conflicts with medical and social support. Recently, the organization has been supporting families that have fled Ukraine into Russia, supplying them with food, hygiene materials, medicine and bedding.

Looking Ahead

Authoritarian control has severely damaged Russia’s legal institutions, leaving its citizens with a system that silences opposition and allows inequality to grow unchecked. Under Putin, the rule of law in Russia has withered, concentrating power in the hands of the elite while marginalizing large segments of the population. Through constitutional manipulation, centralized political appointments and laws targeting dissent, the state has built a framework that prioritizes loyalty over fairness. 

Yet, resistance endures. Programs such as the EU-Russia Civil Society Forum and grassroots initiatives such as Caritas and GCAP demonstrate that, despite repression and challenges with the rule of law in Russia, the fight for the protection of the vulnerable and the promotion of justice continues. In the face of adversity, quiet resistance remains a tool for fighting for a more inclusive, equitable, and lawful future.

– Rafaela Paquet

Rafaela is based in Montreal, Canada and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

, ,

Ways Ethical Refugee Policy in Europe Is Resisting Politicization

Ethical Refugee PolicyIn recent years, the link between migration and political agendas has intensified across the European Union (EU). However, humanitarian organizations and public institutions are increasingly defending ethical refugee policy in Europe. While several political parties frame migration as a security threat or economic burden, a growing coalition of NGOs, civil society actors and EU bodies are working to ensure that refugee protection and global development remain grounded in human rights and solidarity. Their efforts challenge the politicization of asylum and reinforce Europe’s longstanding commitment to ethical international cooperation.

NGOs Defending Asylum Rights

Organizations like Sea-Watch have taken a frontline role in rescuing migrants at sea and advocating for their rights. Based in Germany, Sea-Watch conducts search-and-rescue operations in the Mediterranean and has consistently opposed efforts to criminalize such missions. The organization has also filed legal actions and partnered with legal advocacy groups to challenge EU migration policies undermining asylum rights. Its operations saved more than 1,400 people in 2023 alone, underlining the continuing need for humanitarian intervention at sea. Sea-Watch’s operations exemplify how ethical refugee policy in Europe is practiced on the ground.

Another prominent group, Caritas Europa, represents a wide network of Catholic charities and operates in 46 European countries. Caritas advocates for fair and well-funded asylum systems and recently launched campaigns urging the EU to safeguard refugee services amid budget reallocations. In its 2024 statement, Caritas emphasized the need for migration policies that are “humane, sustainable and based on solidarity.” The organization also directly serves, offering shelter, education and mental health support to asylum seekers across Europe.

The European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE) also plays a key advocacy role at the institutional level. The organization releases policy papers and legal analyses to influence EU asylum directives and budget allocations. ECRE’s 2023–25 Strategic Plan openly criticizes EU externalization policies, which aim to outsource asylum responsibilities. It argues that these efforts are attempts to evade legal obligations under EU and international law. This position is reaffirmed in its 2024 Annual Report, which urges full compliance with the new Asylum Pact while firmly rejecting externalization schemes.

Parliamentary Oversight and Ethical Review

Beyond civil society, EU institutions have played a growing role in reviewing the ethical use of aid in migration deals. In late 2023, the European Ombudsman opened an inquiry into the European Commission’s agreement with Tunisia, which allocated more than $1 billion to limit departures from North Africa. The investigation was launched in response to concerns raised by rights groups about the treatment of sub-Saharan migrants under this deal.

Human Rights Watch and Médecins Sans Frontières reported widespread abuse at Tunisia’s southern borders, including forced expulsions and denial of humanitarian assistance. The Ombudsman called for greater transparency in how development funds are used. It emphasized that EU values must be upheld even in external partnerships. The European Parliament has also debated the appropriateness of tying foreign aid to migration control. Several Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have called for preserving aid’s primary purpose: supporting health, education and poverty reduction in developing nations.

This debate intensified after reports from organizations like Statewatch and ECRE raised alarms about the growing share of development funding being diverted toward border control efforts. Although no formal resolution has been adopted recently, parliamentary discussions have increasingly highlighted the need for aid transparency, ethical oversight and alignment with the EU’s human rights obligations. Such institutional pushback reflects the importance of maintaining ethical refugee policy in Europe amid rising populism.

National Models for Ethical Refugee Policy

Some EU member states have adopted policy approaches that maintain a humanitarian lens on refugee issues. These country-specific efforts highlight how ethical refugee policy in Europe can be implemented at the national level despite broader EU political tensions. Portugal, for example, significantly increased its resettlement quota under the EU Resettlement Program, welcoming more than 1,000 refugees in 2019 alone.

Unlike other member states, Portugal has not made refugee intake conditional on repatriation agreements or aid cuts. The government has invested in long-term integration, offering language training, job placement services and access to public education for all registered asylum seekers. Sweden and Finland have also introduced digital literacy and mental health support into their refugee resettlement programs, recognizing the importance of holistic approaches to integration.

In Sweden, asylum seekers are granted early access to psychological services and school enrollment even while awaiting case decisions, a model praised by the UNHCR for reducing long-term dependency.

Restoring the Purpose of Development Aid

Critics of the politicization of aid argue that diverting funds from poverty alleviation to border enforcement undermines long-term global development goals. According to the Statewatch NGO, as of 2025, 14% of the EU’s NDICI-Global Europe budget (worth more than $80 billion) is allocated to migration and border management, well above the initial 10% target. This shift risks deprioritizing sectors like health care, climate resilience and education, foundational to reducing poverty.

In contrast, organizations like Oxfam and the International Rescue Committee (IRC) have advocated for aid that addresses the root causes of displacement, such as conflict and inequality. In its 2024 position paper, IRC recommended rechanneling funds toward early warning systems, peace-building initiatives and local economic development programs.

The Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) also warned that conditioning aid on migration cooperation could erode donor credibility and weaken global solidarity. In a 2025 advisory, the DAC urged donor countries to recommit to aid effectiveness principles that prioritize need over negotiation.

Maintaining a Humanitarian Vision

As debates around refugees and European politics continue, the work of NGOs, oversight institutions and reform-minded governments illustrates a counter-current to the politicization of aid. Their efforts demonstrate that development funds can remain focused on poverty alleviation, rather than becoming bargaining chips in migration negotiations.

Challenges persist, including rising anti-immigrant sentiment and electoral pressures. Nonetheless, defenders of ethical refugee policy in Europe continue to offer a roadmap for preserving the integrity of refugee protection and sustainable development. In doing so, they reinforce the principle that support for displaced people should not be dictated by political cycles, but by shared commitments to human dignity and international solidarity.

Continued advocacy, public education and cross-border collaboration will ensure that European policies align with the continent’s humanitarian values.

– Ray Bechara

Ray is based in Glasgow, Scotland and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

, ,

Vietnam’s Two-Child Policy Repealed: Here’s What That Means

Vietnam’s Two-Child Policy
Vietnam is in trouble. The country, in recent years, has become one of South-East Asia’s most talked about and exciting economies. The capital, Ho Chi Minh City, has become a thriving powerhouse of investment. However, demographics tell a different story. In 2015, Vietnam was declared an ‘aging’ country. Meanwhile, by 2035, it could become an ‘aged’ country. With a significant percentage of the population over 65, the momentum of the Vietnamese economy is coming to a gradual halt. When the birth rate dropped to 1.91, lower than the recommended replacement rate of 2.1, the government quickly acted and repealed Vietnam’s two-child policy.

Vietnam’s Two-Child Policy

Since 1988, the Vietnamese government has kept a rule of no more than two children per mother – this was in response to an extremely high birth rate of more than four babies in the 1980s. Given Vietnam’s struggling post-war economic state, it introduced the policy to control overpopulation. Demographics could, however, quickly stagnate the emerging Vietnamese economy in the 2030s, primarily hurting the poor the most, with rural and underdeveloped areas struggling to grow economically.

Challenges for the Elderly

Elderly Vietnamese often move from thriving cities, with developed infrastructure, to rural areas after retirement. With only two children to care for elderly relatives, many Vietnamese struggle in their old age, coupled with the lack of infrastructure in certain peripheral provinces. Younger Vietnamese workers are reluctant to move to these rural areas, with a lack of work opportunities and limited access to services. This disconnects retirees from their family, keeping young people in cities such as Hanoi.

The Vietnamese government spends a significant amount on health and social care. In the late ‘80s and early ‘90s, the percentage of state budgets spent on health, population and family-planning was around 30%. The rising elderly population would only continue the burden on government services, should the situation worsen. Many wonder what effect this rise will have on the existing poor in Vietnam; will the burden increase if poor families are having more babies? It is unclear that those in poverty will have more children as a result of these reforms.

Boosting Birth Rates

Vietnam already spends 5% of the state budget on health, population, and family planning. If these birth-rate boosting measures were not put in place, social programs for the elderly are expected to cost 0.4% of GDP by 2050. The long-term costs clearly outweigh the risk.

The Vietnamese government also seems to be specifically targeting population centers such as Ho Chi Minh City, for increased fertility. Compared with the overall birth rate of 1.91, Ho Chi Minh City saw levels as low as 1.39. The government, in response to this, instituted a ‘baby bonus’ – a grant of around $120 for those having two children before 35.

By encouraging wealthier areas to have more children, alongside a robust family planning safety net, Vietnam can increase its birth rate whilst taking the burden away from poorer families. This allows the long term economic development and diversification necessary for Vietnam to continue its economic growth, further providing for the poorest in the country.

Why This Was Necessary

The window of opportunity was shortening. Vietnam has been clearly moving towards a situation all too common in Asian countries with strong or developing economies. An aging population, rapidly turning into an aged one, and not enough working-age adults to combat this. 

Short-term fixes have been put in place, such as a raise in the retirement age from 55 to 60 for women, and 60 to 62 for men. The Prime Minister has even made personal pleas, asking women to marry before 30 and have two children before 35. These efforts, however, are only small aspects of a larger story.

Repealing Vietnam’s two-child policy demonstrates a structural shift in the Vietnamese government’s approach to combating the aging population. This move will not only help the poor in the long-term, but future-proof the Vietnamese economy against imminent stagnation.

– Lee Stonehouse

Lee is based in Newcastle upon Tyne, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

, ,

Fragility and the Rule of Law in Venezuela

The Rule of Law in VenezuelaAt the heart of the crisis in Venezuela lies a deeper catastrophe: the collapse of the rule of law. Once a country of relative prosperity, Venezuela is now a fragile state where institutions no longer serve citizens, particularly people experiencing poverty. In 2024, Venezuela’s gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was $4,000, one of the lowest in Latin America.

The country also experienced one of the world’s highest inflation rates, rising consumer prices significantly. The consequences are not confined to its borders. From mass migration to regional instability, Venezuela’s collapse is a global poverty issue that cannot be ignored.

A Broken Justice System

Venezuela currently ranks last in the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index. According to the index, courts are politicized, the judiciary lacks independence and fundamental rights are routinely violated. Dissent is punished with arbitrary detention and torture and legal protections for the vulnerable have all but disappeared.

For those already living in poverty, this legal collapse is devastating. Without functioning institutions, workers can be exploited without recourse, communities lack public services and corruption goes unchecked. When the rule of law fails, poverty becomes entrenched.

A Regime That Fuels Poverty

The regime of President Nicolás Maduro has overseen the dismantling of democratic institutions and the collapse of the economy. Transparency International consistently ranks Venezuela among the most corrupt nations globally. Public resources are diverted to elites while health care, education and infrastructure are neglected.

Inflation reached 400% in 2023 and more than 80% of Venezuelans now live below the poverty line, according to the World Bank. The most impoverished households struggle to obtain food, medicine and clean water. This crisis is not just economic; it is political. The government’s refusal to allow reform or accountability sustains the systems that keep people poor. Aid efforts are often obstructed and humanitarian organizations face restrictions on their work.

The fallout from Venezuela’s collapse has sparked the second-largest migration crisis in the world after Syria. As of 2024, more than 7.7 million Venezuelans have left the country for safety and opportunity. Many have settled in neighboring countries like Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, where strained public systems struggle to accommodate them. This mass migration creates new poverty challenges in host communities, from overburdened schools to job market competition.

Migrants face their own vulnerabilities: exploitation, xenophobia and legal uncertainty. The crisis extends beyond borders, affecting the whole region and highlighting how fragile governance contributes to global poverty. Venezuela’s case reveals a broader truth: poverty thrives where the rule of law fails. Without functioning legal systems, enforcing labor rights, distributing aid effectively or combating corruption is impossible.

Final Remarks

Despite the repression, civil society organizations inside and outside Venezuela continue to document abuses, offer legal aid and support democratic movements. International watchdogs like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International advocate for accountability. At the same time, diaspora-led groups aid migrants and lobby for policy change. These efforts are limited but vital. They keep the possibility of reform alive and help protect the rights of the most vulnerable.

– Charlie Baker

Charlie is based in London, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

,

Securing IMF Loan to Reduce Poverty in Lebanon

Reduce Poverty in LebanonPoverty in Lebanon has nearly tripled over the past decade, with an estimated 44% of the population living under the poverty line. In some parts of Lebanon, up to 70% of residents and 9 in 10 Syrian refugees are living in poverty. This sharp increase in poverty is due to years of political instability, economic mismanagement, corruption, civil war and other armed conflicts. These challenges have affected the health care system and food production.

Most Lebanese hospitals operate at less than 50% capacity due to limited resources. Similarly, 55% of families do not have health insurance and 52% cannot obtain essential medications. Additionally, 1.65 million people in Lebanon face severe food insecurity, which was exacerbated by the 33% decrease in agricultural output in 2020 and Lebanon’s conflict with Israel. With the election of a new president after a two-year impasse, the country’s current challenge is to secure funding for reconstruction, development and to reduce poverty in Lebanon.

IMF and Reforms

In early 2025, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) expressed willingness to provide financial support to Lebanon after the new government requested IMF loans. However, any potential loan program will not be offered until reforms occur. In 2022, the IMF created a loan package worth $3 billion for Lebanon contingent on economic reforms. However, Lebanon never received the funding because the government could not successfully implement the reforms. The challenge for Lebanon now is to successfully administer the required reforms so that the IMF will not refuse the much-needed funding again.

Lebanon has to implement a series of critical reforms to secure an IMF loan program by the end of spring. These include restructuring the financial sector, ensuring fiscal and debt sustainability, improving governance and transparency, reforming state-owned enterprises and enhancing the quality and availability of economic data.

Improving governance and transparency and reforming state-owned enterprises are among the most important reforms that Lebanon can make. The Lebanese state has increasingly ceded control to private actors, leading to a political economy shaped by privatization and minimal state intervention — trends that have significantly impacted the cement and public procurement sectors. These sectors lack oversight, regulation enforcement and national policy agendas, leading to corruption and opaque management of reconstruction funds. This creates delays, cement shortages, substandard work, low competition and exorbitant material prices.

Lessons for Lebanon

Saudi Arabia took on the challenge of improving regulations in its financial sector in 2023. The country strengthened the “legal and regulatory frameworks” for banks. It utilized the IMF’s resources to enhance its stress testing capabilities for banks. Saudi Arabia’s financial sector reforms can promote economic stability by decreasing the risk of banking financial crises — events that can severely increase poverty and income inequality.

Similarly, in 2022, Morocco undertook the challenge of reforming state-owned enterprises, improving the investment climate and fostering a more competitive business environment. The country established a new investment fund and introduced a modernized investment framework. Morocco can improve accountability, fiscal health, transparency and governance with these reforms. Furthermore, Morocco is working towards poverty reduction by prompting private sector growth, job-rich development and improving conditions for consumers and businesses.

Final Remarks

As Lebanon continues to struggle with a lack of accountability, transparency and limited competition, urgent action has to be taken by the newly formed government to implement reforms, for IMF loans are to be secured.

While Lebanon’s challenges are monumental, success stories such as Saudi Arabia’s financial sector reforms and Morocco’s efforts to strengthen competition offer valuable lessons.

These examples show that economic stability, growth and poverty reduction are within reach with the right reforms. Lebanon can secure the IMF loan needed to initiate reconstruction and reduce poverty by prioritizing these reforms and genuinely committing to the people.

– Haley Parilla

Haley is based in Cape Coral, FL, USA and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

, ,

President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: Reducing Poverty in Brazil

Reducing Poverty in BrazilBrazil’s president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, also known as President Lula, has returned to lead the country after winning his third non-consecutive term in 2023. When he assumed office, Brazil’s poverty rate stood at 23.5%, based on the poverty line of $6.85 USD per day per capita. Within one year, President Lula managed to reduce poverty in Brazil to 1.7%. Although Lula’s leadership has driven significant progress in Brazil, he continues to face challenges.

Lula’s First Two Terms

On October 27, 2002, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva secured election as Brazil’s president, becoming the first former laborer to achieve this role. During his first term, he tackled issues that burdened Brazil, such as income inequality, the minimum wage and economic record-keeping.

He launched social programs like Bolsa Família and enacted reforms to address these challenges. Despite these accomplishments, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva faced criticism for neglecting education and crime as well as for a scandal involving his party’s illegal campaign funding.

In 2006, Lula triumphed in the presidential election again through two rounds of voting. His leadership fostered Brazil’s prosperity, symbolized by the selection of Brazil to host the 2016 Summer Olympics.

Under Lula’s guidance, Brazil thrived; however, constitutional limits prevented him from pursuing a third consecutive term. Consequently, Lula endorsed Dilma Rousseff to succeed him as Brazil’s leader.

Lula’s Absence From Office and Incarceration

Rousseff secured consecutive election victories, but during her second term in 2014, a corruption scandal implicated Lula, business owners and other Workers’ Party politicians. Over the next few years, dramatic events led to Lula’s incarceration and eventual release. Although Lula faced charges, the Supreme Court of Brazil annulled all accusations against him in 2021, clearing the way for his re-election bid.

Lula’s Reelection and Reconstruction of Brazil

In 2022, Lula campaigned against Jair Bolsonaro, a far-right politician who accelerated Amazon deforestation and mismanaged the COVID-19 pandemic, resulting in more than 600,000 deaths in Brazil. Lula emerged victorious in the election’s second round and began his third term.

Lula reinstated the policies he introduced during his first two terms. Since his return to office, 8.7 million Brazilians have moved above the poverty line. To illustrate this achievement, 10,875 individuals per day escaped poverty after Lula’s return.

Poverty reduction in Brazil is largely credited to Bolsa Família, the social program Lula initiated. Bolsa Família provides financial support to families in poverty on the condition that they ensure their children receive education and healthcare. Inspired by this program’s success, nearly 20 countries have adopted similar initiatives. Its broad reach is evident, as 42.7% of children aged 0-14 benefit from its provisions.

Unsolved Issues

Despite Brazil’s notable progress under Lula’s leadership, the country struggles with persistent racial inequality. Among Brazilians aged 15-29, 10.3 million remain unemployed and disconnected from education.

Of this group, 45.2% are black or brown women, and 23.4% are black or brown men. Altogether, 68.6% of this demographic identifies as black or brown.

What Lula and the Rest of the World Can Learn

Lula has undeniably advanced Brazil’s development during all three presidential terms. Brazil stands to benefit by maintaining Lula’s policies while expanding efforts to support disadvantaged populations, whilst reducing overall poverty in Brazil.

Brazil has already extended aid to previously underserved groups, as evidenced by Bolsa Família’s reach. Taking further steps to address the needs of marginalized communities could perfect the program’s impact.

For the world, Lula’s leadership and Bolsa Família serve as examples of effective governance. Nations facing similar challenges can adopt programs like Bolsa Família, which deliver substantial benefits with relatively simple implementation.

– Nicholas East

Nicholas is based in Ashby, MA, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

, ,

Implementation of New Social Reforms in Morocco

Social Reforms in MoroccoRecently, the World Bank approved giving $70 million to the Kingdom of Morocco to help boost the country’s decades-long efforts in implementing and extending social reform protection. This will be done through the newly created National Population Registry (NPR), the National Register Agency (NRA) and the Social Registry System (SRS). These are country-wide systems that will also make sure to reach vulnerable populations such as low-income families and women.

According to a 2023 report from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), gender gaps in the Moroccan labor market are quite big, with the gap being around 21% and has been falling since 2004. The labor force in rural areas, in particular, has been declining in terms of the number of women working. The report also mentioned gender disparities in employment rates, in which it was found that unemployment rates were higher for women than they were for men. This presents a major issue, as the report found that if more women were encouraged and able to go to work, Morocco’s economy could be strengthened. There would be more people in the workforce.

Morocco acknowledges its ongoing struggles with gender inequality and its efforts to address this issue through social protection reforms are not recent. These efforts date back to the ’50s and were revitalized in the late ’90s, with a particular focus during the COVID and post-COVID periods.

Moudawana – 2004

Moudawana is Morocco’s family law. First drafted and implemented in the late ’50s, this law was reformed again in 2004. In this law, important rights for women were introduced, such as the right to self-guardianship, divorce, child custody and inheritance. Additionally, the legal age of marriage was raised from 15 to 18 years old. This law was a stepping stone toward improving gender equality in Morocco. The law provides women with self-autonomy and a way to support themselves financially, such as by securing inheritance and the right to self-guardianship.

COVID-19

Fast forward 16 years later, COVID-19 had a profound impact on social reforms in Morocco. It highlighted the need for special protections to be extended to all Moroccan citizens and the need for the country to pay closer attention to low-income individuals and families. At the time of the pandemic, it was found that women experiencing multidimensional poverty were more likely to be living in rural areas.

This is primarily due to a lack of education. According to a study titled “Women’s Poverty in Morocco in the Context of the Covid-19 Pandemic: a Multistory Approach,” “educational deficits explain nearly 60% of the risk of suffering this form of poverty.” In fact, a significant education disparity exists between men and women in Morocco, which undoubtedly contributes to women’s higher rates of poverty. As of 2022, the World Bank reports a 16.5% gap in adult literacy between men and women in Morocco.

In March 2021, during the pandemic, Social Protection Law No. 09. 21 was adopted with the intention of protecting Moroccans against economic and social risks. This law had two phases. The first phase from 2021-2023 would allow the government to focus on the generalization of medical insurance. In contrast, the 2024-2025 phase would require the government to implement unemployment allowances. These medical protections fall under three new registries that the Kingdom of Morocco created and began implementing in 2022.

Post COVID-19

  • NPR – 2022. In early 2022, the NPR was implemented initially as a pilot in Rabat, the capital of Morocco. It is a centralized database containing people’s names and addresses to ensure a record and fair access to social services. Each person is also given a unique identification number.
  • NRS – 2022. The NRS is closely linked to the NPR. However, it is specially referred to as a border system of national databases. The NRS is also responsible for managing and integrating Morocco’s social protection systems.
  • SRS – 2022. Also referred to as the Unified Social Registry (RSU), it is designed to help find vulnerable people for social assistance programs and actually properly allocate the benefits. Unlike the NPR, the SRS does not include everyone. However, it assesses income levels in households and determines whether or not they can receive benefits.

Closing Remarks

These three systems, while still in the beginning stages of implementation, have managed to benefit impoverished women in particular. Often, women in rural areas lack proper identification. In many cases, illiteracy makes it hard to navigate bureaucratic processes. Now that these women have been identified, they are eligible to access government social assistance programs.

Overall, social reforms in Morocco have made steady progress in addressing gender inequality and poverty. While the systems mentioned are new and by no means perfect, the progress has been encouraging to see.

– Aya Diab

Aya is based in New York City, NY, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

, ,

Women’s Empowerment in Kurdistan

Despite facing both gender and ethnic oppression, Kurdish women have significantly reshaped the political landscape of the Middle East. No other group in the region features a higher percentage of women in leadership roles. Kurdish women serve as guerrillas, human rights activists and members of parliament, championing gender equality while fostering peace, security and social empowerment. Their efforts extend beyond Kurdistan, influencing the Kurdish European diaspora and demonstrating how women’s empowerment is transforming society in Kurdistan.

Political Participation

A defining policy in Kurdish governance is the co-chair system, which legally mandates that all leadership positions be shared equally between men and women. This structure ensures that international diplomats engaging with Kurdish representatives meet with women and men in equal numbers. The ideological foundation of this movement is rooted in “jineology” or “the science of women.” Several Kurdish political organizations embrace this philosophy, with the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) in northern Syria being the most well-known. This region, referred to as Rojava by Kurds, symbolizes Western Kurdistan and serves as a key example of gender equality in action.

While these reforms have created new opportunities for women, challenges remain. Political instability, conservative social structures and ongoing conflict in the region pose obstacles to full gender equality. Women participating in politics and military forces still face discrimination and resistance from traditional societal norms.

Advancing Gender Equality

Committed to promoting gender equality, the YPJ movement has established women-only organizations and mandated that half of all government funds be allocated to women’s initiatives. These ongoing efforts have led to significant legal reforms, including the outlawing of child marriage, a ban on polygamy and stronger mechanisms for women to report domestic abuse, with legal consequences for perpetrators.

The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has also introduced legal protections for women’s rights. The Family Law enacted in 2011 provides statutory protection against gender-based violence, including practices like female genital cutting. However, gaps in enforcement persist and legal loopholes allow some discriminatory practices to continue. Provisions permitting husbands to discipline their wives and laws enabling rapists to avoid prosecution by marrying their victims highlight the ongoing need for legal reform. Despite these challenges, the establishment of such laws marks progress toward safeguarding women’s rights. It is a significant step in transforming Kurdish society.

Economic Empowerment and Breaking Cycles of Poverty

Economic independence plays a crucial role in advancing gender equality. Programs such as the Stronger Women, Stronger Nations initiative support vulnerable women, including Syrian, Yazidi and Iraqi refugees, through vocational training and economic empowerment strategies. These programs provide financial literacy training, employment opportunities and entrepreneurship support, enabling women to secure stable incomes.

Women who participate in these initiatives gain skills in various sectors, including agriculture, tailoring and business management. In addition to improving household income, these programs reduce economic dependence on male family members, offering women greater autonomy and social mobility. Despite these advancements, women in Kurdistan still face barriers to workforce participation, including societal expectations, limited access to higher education and economic policies that do not always prioritize female employment.

Looking Ahead

Kurdish women’s empowerment has already set a precedent for gender equality in the region. However, continued progress depends on further legal reforms, education access and economic opportunities. While Kurdish women’s leadership in governance, law and military forces has been groundbreaking, ongoing advocacy is needed to address legal gaps and social resistance.

By fostering long-term gender equality through political representation, legal protections and economic independence, women’s empowerment in Kurdistan is not only transforming communities but also shaping the future of the Middle East. Their achievements serve as a model for other regions striving for gender justice and social reform.

– Edzhe Miteva

Edzhe is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

,

How The Coup in Gabon Could Lead to Poverty Reduction

coup in gabonGabon, a coastal country in Central Africa, faces hardships as it struggles to fight poverty and maintain unity in a context of political turmoil. In 2023, there was a coup in Gabon that was widely supported by the people, largely due to corruption and inequality. The country grapples with high rates of poverty, as “35% of the people live below the poverty line earning less than $2 a day” and unemployment rates are just as high.

Background

The previous president of Gabon had been in power for about 14 years following a time when his father had been in power. Citizens of Gabon had doubts about the legitimacy of his presidency and the fairness of their elections, so living in poverty only created higher tensions and a stronger feeling of injustice.

Gabon is known to have an abundance of natural resources that give it “the second highest per-capita GDP in mainland sub-Saharan Africa,” according to the United States Institute of Peace (USIP). The coup in Gabon was spurred on by this knowledge, as impoverished people laid blame on their government and felt unrecognized by those in power. This is why the military’s intervention in the government has been supported by the people and is seen as an act of justice.

Based on the wealth of the country from its oil industry, Gabon has one of the region’s highest yearly incomes. This creates questions on how such a large proportion of the country lives in poverty. The reason is said to be corruption of the government through the fact that “most of the country’s oil wealth goes into the pockets of a small amount of people,” BBC reports. Blatant corruption and discrepancies between the wealthy and impoverished encouraged the coup in Gabon.

Could the Coup Reduce Poverty?

Following the coup in Gabon, there have been a multitude of initiatives aimed at strengthening the stability of the country and bettering the quality of life. The government has a goal to diversify the economy, improve infrastructure, reduce poverty and improve the stability of governance through its “Emerging Gabon 2025” plan.

It seems the new government is attempting to learn from the mistakes of the past administration by implementing a variety of initiatives to improve quality of life and maintain public opinion. It has gained validity from international institutions, like the EU, which attempts to support Gabon “to ensure transparency in the electoral process,” according to the European Commission. External approval from other countries and institutions will only strengthen the legitimacy of Gabon’s new government.

Social Policy

To lift the community, the new government following the coup in Gabon will instate a revised social policy. This policy includes ways to help marginalized and impoverished groups through social programs, income-generating activities and access to public services. With the installation of these new services and continued efforts to address the needs of the country, there are long-term, institutional changes being made to reduce the number of people in poverty.

The World Bank is currently beginning a partnership with Gabon to help them reach these goals. It is striving for lasting change by targeting specific sectors and want results specifically in “greater household resilience and job creation in the non-oil private sector.” Less government corruption, more job opportunities and investment in the public sector are efforts being made to reduce poverty and stop the generational cycle of disparity.

The Future

The coup in Gabon was caused by a multitude of factors, with the unaddressed issue of poverty being one of them. However, the new government has been supported by the people as it attempts to learn from those mistakes and institutionally improve the quality of life. Combined international and domestic efforts will hopefully lead to the reduction of poverty in Gabon.

– Sydney Morrow

Sydney is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr