Archive for category: Migration

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Indonesian Female Migrant Domestic Workers Left Behind

Indonesian Female Migrant Domestic WorkersAccording to the International Labor Organization (ILO), there are an estimated 2.6 million domestic workers in Indonesia, including more than 110,000 children younger than 18. Yet domestic workers are not recognized as “workers” under Indonesia’s labor laws. This means they remain invisible in the eyes of the state and excluded from basic protections like minimum wage or working-hour limits.

The issue stretches far beyond Indonesia’s borders. More than 9 million Indonesians currently work overseas, most of whom are women. Of these, 32% are employed in the domestic sector, largely in private households in countries such as Malaysia, Saudi Arabia and Hong Kong. This hidden and unregulated environment often leaves workers exposed to exploitation, wage theft and abuse.

Struggles of Indonesian Female Migrant Domestic Workers

For many women, becoming a domestic worker is not a choice but a necessity. Coming from rural or economically disadvantaged backgrounds, they migrate in search of income to support their families. However, because their labor is not formally recognized, many end up trapped in cycles of exploitation.

One major struggle lies in the working conditions. Without standardized contracts, workers may face excessive hours, a lack of rest days and arbitrary wage deductions. Their isolation in employers’ homes makes it difficult to seek help when abuses occur. Gender norms further worsen the situation: domestic labor is frequently dismissed as “women’s work,” devalued as unskilled and undeserving of fair compensation.

The absence of legal recognition also allows abuse and violence to persist unchecked. Human Rights Watch has documented cases of psychological, physical and sexual abuse against domestic workers. Former Indonesian migrant worker Win Faidah described her ordeal: “No day passed without torture. My eyes were blindfolded, my back and chest were burnt with an iron… I thought I was going to die and I was ready to die.” Her story is tragically not an isolated one.

NGOs Driving Change

Despite the obstacles, grassroots organizations and international partners are carving out space for reform.

Migrant CARE has emerged as one of the most prominent advocacy groups. Its approach, built on counseling, advocacy, research and education, extends from national-level lobbying to village initiatives. Through programs like Villages that Care for Migrant Workers (DESBUMI), Migrant CARE provides communities with the tools to offer legal aid, information and empowerment at the local level.

The Indonesian Migrant Worker Union (SBMI) plays a key role in organizing workers and addressing cases of exploitation. From 2014 to 2024, SBMI reports supporting more than 1.1 million individuals with social and legal services. It assisted more than 7,600 legal cases and helped keep more than 236,000 at-risk children in school. SBMI campaigns also target predatory recruitment agencies that charge illegal fees to vulnerable workers.

ILO complements these efforts by partnering with the Indonesian government to develop protections for domestic workers. Its campaigns focus on fair wages, safe working conditions and recognition of domestic labor as essential work. By building research and policy frameworks, the ILO strengthens advocacy efforts already underway by local NGOs.

Conclusion

Indonesian female migrant domestic workers are essential to the households they sustain and the national economy through the remittances they send home. Yet they remain some of the least protected workers in society, facing systemic neglect, social stigma and widespread abuse. The combined efforts of organizations like Migrant CARE, SBMI and the ILO demonstrate that progress is possible, from community-level empowerment to international advocacy.

Closing the wage gap and securing legal recognition will require sustained political will. However, these NGOs have shown that meaningful change can begin from the ground up.

– Kai Xian, Lim

Kai Xian is based in Lille, France and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Labor Rights and Migrant Workers in Tunisia

Migrant Workers in Tunisia Need Labour Rights Tunisia was ranked among the top 10 worst countries for workers’ rights in 2025 by the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC). Despite being at the epicenter of protests against corruption and economic deprivation in the region more than a decade ago, Tunisia’s systemic issues remain prevalent, and the poverty rate is still around 15%.

The Global Rights Index

The ITUC organizes to defend workers’ rights across the world, is democratically governed and motivated to manage cooperation between unions and major global institutions. It has created a database to track abuses against migrant workers, called the Global Rights Index. The 12th edition of the Index works to catalogue recent anti-democratic acts against workers from governments, revealing a crisis for workers’ rights globally.

The recent Index is paired with the ITUC’s campaign “For Democracy that Delivers,” an attempt to unite labourers’ collective power to successfully defend their rights. More and more governments are reshaping legislation to criminalize civil organizations as “foreign agents,” the ITUC believes. Unions negotiating for workers’ rights have seen judicial action and legal provisions being used to stifle freedom of expression in Tunisia, causing the ITUC to express concern for union figures facing possible prosecution or arrest.

The Business and Human Rights Resource Centre also manages a database to record the human rights violations against migrant workers around the world. It outlines companies and businesses named in the Migrant Worker Allegation Database, containing publicly recorded cases and conveying how vulnerable migrants are worldwide.

Migrants and Workers

Tunisia holds the status of a transit space and gateway for Sub-Saharan Africans to migrate into Europe, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace experts state. European governments often practice blanket policies and actions to prevent migrants from emigrating or seeking asylum, leaving this group to remain in Tunisia or bordering regions with an unstable status. While remaining in Tunisia, a number of migrants have to undertake work in the region to sustain themselves. 

An affiliated union in the Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail (UGTT) was established to organize Sub-Saharan African workers in light of their sizable number in the workforce. The UGTT, a political actor and union representing 800,000 Tunisian members, remains one of the Arab world’s most influential trade unions. Inclusion in this union provides a framework to succeed in strengthening the rights of migrant workers in Tunisia, securing and including them as part of a formal economy.

The International Labour Organization’s (ILO) conventions are agreements self-sanctioned and ratified by Tunisia, of which more than half are enforced according to the Danish Trade Union Development Agency. Despite this, the ITUC’s research stands that these rights are in jeopardy due to the persecution of free speech. Additionally, the government did not sign the four ILO ratifications specific to migrant protections as of 2024.

Anti-migration practices have led to the obstruction of critically inalienable human rights of migrants. Similar treatment is undeniably advancing toward other groups, as evidenced by the ITUC describing worsening rights for all workers in Tunisia. Both vulnerable to wavering legal frameworks, unadopted protective legislation and the degradation of workers’ rights, migrant workers in Tunisia have multidimensional security concerns.

Sub-Saharan African Migrants

Migrant workers from Sub-Saharan Africa faced even greater levels of hostility and economic risks from anti-migrant sentiment in the Tunisian government. Human Rights Watch recounts severe, “racially motivated” abuses after President Kais Saied’s abrasive remarks sparked violence in the first half of 2023. A large number of Black migrants, refugees and asylum seekers faced physical endangerment and economic risks due to targeted firings, increased unemployment and robberies.

Migrants unlawfully losing jobs creates less revenue for the host country, as the OECD claims economic impacts from migration are related to their structural integration into labour markets, salaries and employment. Its research suggests that, generally, migrants do not take more benefits than citizens and that they contribute more in taxes on average.

The Saied government’s lack of protection for the process of seeking asylum directly opposes its state obligation to shelter asylum seekers and refugees. International law also mandates the right to seek asylum from persecution according to Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 

Looking Ahead

Despite increasing research and clarification on economic and humanitarian complexities, the Tunisian administration has held steadfast to expulsion tactics against the unprotected group. Tunisia has been encouraged by various human rights organizations on actions to take in order to uphold its duty to protect asylum seekers, migrants and refugees. Databases like the Global Rights Index and union operations for legislative inclusion are critical to confronting the issues faced by migrant workers in Tunisia.

– Aliyah Omar

Aliyah is based in Alberta, Canada and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Migration to India, Poverty and the Politics of Exclusion

Migration to IndiaMigration to India has long reflected a complex mix of geography, history and regional instability. From persecuted minorities in South Asia to economic migrants seeking work, India has, for decades, absorbed people crossing its borders. In many cases, this migration has offered a lifeline; safety, access to livelihood and new beginnings. However, in recent years, the politics of Hindu nationalism has reshaped how the country views migrants, deepening vulnerabilities and reinforcing cycles of poverty. Yet, amid these challenges, there remain examples of resilience and potential for a more inclusive approach.

1. A Historical Overview

India has historically hosted displaced populations including Tibetans, Afghans, Sri Lankan Tamils and Rohingya Muslims. While not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, India has traditionally adopted a pragmatic, albeit informal, approach to asylum. In many communities, local support networks, religious institutions and NGOs have helped new arrivals find their footing. This social infrastructure has allowed some migrants to gradually improve their living conditions, find employment and send children to school.

However, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of December 2019, marked a key turning point. The law fast-tracks citizenship for non-Muslim migrants from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan, excluding Muslims from its scope, thereby punishing them. Presented by the government as a humanitarian gesture, it draws criticism from citizens and groups for institutionalizing religious discrimination. Consequently, migration to India is increasingly becoming, not a matter of regional urgency or economic contribution, but a question of religious identity.

2. Exclusion and Statelessness

Among the groups most affected are Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar. Many came to India after fleeing violent persecution, hoping for protection. Instead, India detained or labeled them illegal immigrants. In 2024, Rohingya refugees in Assam held a hunger strike to protest indefinite detention. With no formal recognition of their status, access to housing, education and health care remains extremely limited.

For migrants without documents, whether due to fleeing conflict or bureaucratic exclusion, the result is a state of legal invisibility. Without proof of identity, the country denies them welfare benefits, government schooling and formal employment. This leads to entrenched poverty that is less about economic conditions and more about political choices.

3. Hindu Nationalism and the Narrative of Threat

What has shifted in recent years is not the scale of migration to India, but the narratives surrounding it. Hindu nationalist discourse presents Muslim migrants as demographic threats or infiltrators. In this environment, policies such as the CAA and the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC) serve to redefine national belonging.

In Assam, the NRC process has already left thousands, many of them poor and Muslim, stateless. These individuals now face the burden of proving their citizenship through documentation they may never have had. For those arriving in India today, poverty is no longer simply a backdrop; it is often the outcome of systematic exclusion.

4. Labor and Local Integration

Despite these obstacles, many migrants contribute meaningfully to India’s economy. In border states and urban centers, migrants work in construction, agriculture, domestic labor and small-scale manufacturing. Even in the absence of formal protections, many have managed to secure stable income over time. In cities like Hyderabad and Delhi, refugee communities have set up small businesses, language schools and community support services, often with limited resources but strong internal solidarity. 

These contributions challenge the dominant narratives of threat and burden. Instead revealing how migration to India can, when supported by thoughtful policy, contribute to local economies and social resilience.

5. Toward a More Inclusive Future

The path forward depends on how India chooses to balance national interest with humanitarian responsibility. A more inclusive approach would involve expanding legal protections, enabling access to documentation and ensuring that religion is not the basis for citizenship. Small policy shifts, such as temporary work permits, school access for children or municipal registration for housing, could significantly reduce poverty among new arrivals.

At the same time, civil society, legal advocates and local communities have shown that change does not depend solely on national policy. Grassroots efforts continue to offer legal aid, education and medical services to undocumented migrants. These actions, while limited in scale, show what is possible when dignity and inclusion are prioritized. While difficult to find structured organizations, there are groups helping the cause of migrants. For example “an Indian medical specialist who volunteered in several migrant-led organizations, such as a regional group and the Indian consulate-general medical committee, and has successfully helped repatriate bedridden patients and the mortal remains of deceased to India. He simultaneously partners in a law firm specializing in insurance cases for migrants who have met with accidents.” Although the motives of those helping are questionable and often selfish, they do eventually benefit migrants and those in need to a tangible extent.

Looking Ahead

Migration to India reflects both the region’s humanitarian need and the country’s political divides. For many migrants, it offers a last resort against persecution or poverty. Yet too often, their arrival is met with suspicion, exclusion and institutional neglect. Still, the potential for integration remains. Migration continues, but under policies that choose who gets dignity and who remains disposable. Unless these dynamics are addressed, migration will remain a mirror not just of poverty, but of the nation’s growing inequality.

– Maryam Qutbuddin

Maryam is based in Reading, UK and focuses on Business and Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Social Remittances to Ukraine: Exchanging Ideas Across Borders

Social Remittances to UkraineThe story of Ukrainian refugees shows how migration can generate not just financial assistance, but also the transfer of ideas, skills and civic values. These “social remittances” can help Ukraine recover from war, resist aggression and build an economy less vulnerable to poverty.

Remittances, sums of money sent to another place, are often a way for migrants to continue relationships while abroad, a method for supporting their communities from a distance. Beyond financial remittances, some Ukrainian refugees have found another way to support their nation, planning to bring social remittances to Ukraine home with them. These ideas, skills and values can strengthen democratic institutions and create economic opportunity.

Poverty in Ukraine & Financial Remittances

According to the Economic Commission for Europe, poverty rates in Ukraine decreased by an estimated 30.5% from 2016-2021. In 2021, the estimated rate of people below the Ukrainian subsistence minimum (the minimum income required to cover basic living expenses) was 20.6%. Since the Russian invasion in 2022, the poverty rate has been on the rise. While there is a lack of data for 2022, the following year’s (2023) poverty rate in Ukraine was 35.5%, having increased 14.9% in just two years.

The Ukrainian National News reports that in 2024, remittances to Ukraine reached $9.6 billion. The report shares that, according to the National Bank of Ukraine, the top sources for these funds were the U.S., Israel and Germany.

Refugee Relocation

The Council on Foreign Relations estimates that since the Russian invasion, 2.9 million Ukrainians have fled to the Eastern border, entering Russia. Another 1.6 million refugees escaped to Poland, where they joined the 1.3 million Ukrainians that already migrated there. The remaining refugees headed to the Czech Republic, Moldova, Romania, Slovakia and other European nations.

Social/Intangible Remittances

As Silke Meyer, a professor of European Ethnology at the University of Innsbruck, shared,  remittances can extend beyond financial support. Migrants may also send back social capital, networks, knowledge and community norms.

Sociologist P. Levitt describes these as “social remittances,” ways of thinking and living that migrants transfer back to their home. Later research by Grabowska, professor of Social Sciences and Economics at Kozminski University, explains that the concept expanded into “intangible remittances,” encompassing professional and educational practices, attitudes towards mental health, disability, gender roles and political participation. Such exchanges are quietly political and can lay the groundwork for reducing poverty.

The Ukrainian context stands apart because the Russian invasion has forced millions to flee. In this setting, intangible remittances often “emerge[d] as urgent responses to national crisis, moral obligation, or collective recovery,” according to Grabowska. For the women in her study, displacement deepened their attachment to Ukraine. Their intent to bring home what they have learned reflects a will to see Ukraine become stronger, self-reliant and economically resilient.

Migrant Focus on Ukraine

One study participant noted that a work culture fostering development “is something that could benefit [the Ukrainian] workforce back home.” Another expressed a wish to see the hands-on learning and critical thinking she encountered abroad implemented in Ukrainian schools. Others spoke of professional flexibility, cross-cultural respect and greater inclusion for people with disabilities, values that also support long-term poverty reduction.

Grabowska’s work also explores the cumulative advantage effect, a theory explaining how people with more initial resources – money, education or recognition – tend to expand those advantages more quickly. Ukrainian refugees with these resources were better positioned to gather skills and networks abroad, which they then return as powerful remittances to Ukraine.

Unique Predictors

Beyond material resources, “higher civic engagement attitudes and autonomous reflexivity” were strong predictors of which refugees would benefit most from the cumulative advantage effect. War migrants who had a history of community activism and independent decision-making were “more than twice as likely” to gain advantages that could be sent back home. This points to social remittances as not just cultural or personal contributions, but explicitly civic and political, with the potential to influence economic growth and help address poverty in post-war Ukraine.

Future Remittances

The invasion forced Ukrainians into survival-based emigration, but it also created space to imagine a different future for the country. Some refugees plan to return permanently; others foresee a transnational lifestyle or contribution from afar. The only constants throughout the female war migrants’ interviews is their “emotional and symbolic ties to Ukraine” and “desire to contribute to its recovery.” Such commitments to restore and strengthen democratic, inclusive and resilient institutions are inherently political acts of resistance to attempts of domination and can lay the groundwork for reducing poverty by creating more equitable opportunities for all Ukrainians.

Benefits of Remittances

Ukraine is not the sole beneficiary of these contributions. The refugees see themselves as global citizens, fostering cooperation between Ukraine and their countries of residence. In sending back social remittances to Ukraine, they not only help their nation resist aggression but also share ideas that can strengthen anti-poverty efforts both locally and globally.

Whether through peacebuilding, civic participation or inclusive social practices, Ukrainian refugees are shaping conversations about the kind of world they, and their homeland, want to live in, one where the roots of poverty are addressed alongside the wounds of war. 

– Alyse Rhee

Alyse is based in Winter Garden, FL, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Casa Cornelia Law Center: Legal Representation to US Immigrants

Casa Cornelia Law CenterOver the past year, many U.S. immigrants have sought legal representation in response to the current federal administration’s immigration policies. Individuals with attorney representation have a far greater chance of securing legal relief than those without. For this reason, having an attorney to provide case assessment and legal support is crucial.

However, many people cannot afford private attorney fees. For instance, a deportation defense can cost anywhere from $2,000 to $15,000. This creates a problematic situation for vulnerable individuals and their families, as many immigrants do not have the economic means to pay for needed legal services and are forced to forego the opportunity to have an attorney defend them.

Casa Cornelia Law Center helps mitigate this challenge by providing legal support free of charge. The Borgen Project spoke with Casa Cornelia Communications Manager Pedro Anaya to gain further insight into the organization’s work.

Casa Cornelia’s Story

Located in San Diego, Casa Cornelia Law Center was founded in 1993 by Sister Ann M. Durst, a member of the Society of the Holy Child Jesus. Durst envisioned providing free legal services to victims of human and civil rights violations. Over time, the law center grew into an established nonprofit public interest law firm serving Southern California.

Casa Cornelia Law Center believes “justice with compassion is a human right—not a privilege.” Too often, justice becomes a privilege because of the high cost of legal representation. Casa Cornelia bridges this justice gap by providing all its services at no cost to clients.

The organization sustains its free services through donations from individuals and institutional grants. To further its impact, in addition to its dedicated staff, Casa Cornelia recruits, trains and mentors volunteer attorneys from the private bar and volunteer interpreters and translators from the community to expand its mission reach and maximize its limited resources.

Services and Impact

Casa Cornelia offers its services to help unaccompanied children, asylum seekers and victims of serious crimes. As an extension of its services and to further support its clients, the organization coordinates access through referrals to needed social services, such as psychological and medical resources, via a network of trusted agency connections.

In 2024, Casa Cornelia responded to nearly 3,000 diverse cases, helping people from 79 countries and in 55 languages. Around 48% of the cases were asylum seekers, 35% were unaccompanied children and 17% were survivors of violent crimes. It also has the support of 500 volunteers.

The center also supports volunteer training, trauma-informed aid for clients and the maintenance of legal staff.

Looking Ahead

Casa Cornelia Law Center has helped the indigent immigrant community in Southern California for more than 30 years. Through a free legal process, the charity makes justice more accessible for those who do not have the means to hire private counsel. As the needs increase, the law center will continue to pivot to meet the needs in the community.

– Andrea Roji

Andrea is based in San Diego, CA, USA and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Philippines’ Nurse Migration is Fueling a Health Care Crisis

Philippines' nurse migrationThe Philippines is the world’s leading exporter of nurses. While Filipinos account for only 1% of the U.S. population, they comprise 4% of the nursing workforce. Although the U.S. has relied on the heroic contributions of Filipino nurses for centuries, their continuous migration is fueling a crisis at home. Hospitals and clinics across the Philippines struggle with staff shortages and the country’s continued nurse migration has gradually widened the global health care gap.

Brain Drain of Nurses

“Brain drain” refers to the mass emigration of the most highly educated or skilled individuals from a particular country. For many developing countries, the inability to retain such professionals across various sectors, due to sociopolitical or economic factors, can trigger a cyclical downfall of infrastructure and human capital. In the Philippines, decades of nurse migration to the U.S. have resulted in a catastrophic shortage.

The Department of Health sets a standard 1:12 Nurse-to-Patient Ratio. In the Philippines, the ratio regularly stands at 1:20 and has even escalated to 1:50. The nation faces a nurse shortage of roughly 127,000 nurses, with nearly 4,500 posts at public hospitals remaining unfilled, a figure expected to rise to 250,000 by 2030.

Many Filipino nurses are emigrating to the U.S. due to poor working conditions at home, leaving the nation’s health care system understaffed and worsening nurse burnout. While a series of mental health programs and interventions have been suggested as a way to remediate this threat, the problem seems to stem from several structural challenges.

Most notably, these include extremely low salaries, heavy and imbalanced workload and hours, job insecurity and a common delay in the disbursement of benefits. All of this plagues the Philippine health care system amid rising costs of living, inflation, economic hardship and a tense political climate, fueling pressing issues both domestically and geopolitically.

Solution-Oriented Policies and Strategies

The Commission on Higher Education (CHED) has approved many new programs and state universities aim to expand access to medical education, especially for those in the country’s underserved regions. The Medical Scholarship and Return Service Program (MSRS), also known as the Doktor Para sa Bayan Act, is an example of an initiative recently signed into Filipino law to fund medical education in exchange for mandatory local service upon graduation.

The program provides full tuition coverage along with allowances for textbooks, housing, uniforms, transportation, medical insurance and other related expenses. Each year they receive the scholarship, scholars must work for at least one year in hospitals or public health offices in their hometowns or other underserved areas. Students from indigenous, geographically isolated, disadvantaged, or understaffed regions are given priority.

The CHED and the Department of Health implement the program as a direct response to the shortage of medical professionals in such underserved areas. It aims to increase the number of available and qualified health professionals in these areas.

As part of a retention evaluation, the Philippines is also making concerted efforts to address burnout and recruiting practices. The country has begun to mobilize resources and improve policies so that working and living conditions for these nurses are sufficient in their home country. Increasing salaries, providing benefits on time and encouraging and incentivizing filling vacant government positions, particularly in underserved regions, are all critical steps towards change. House Bill No. 5276 and Senate Bill No. 2694 are two examples of proposed legislation to reduce nurse migration and the resulting “brain drain” in the Philippines. Both seek to amend Filipino nursing laws to raise nurses’ monthly basic salary and minimum salary grade.

Organizations Supporting Filipino Nurses at Home and Abroad

Countless organizations also focus on mitigating the Philippines’ nurse migration and brain drain crisis. The Philippine Nurses Association (PNA) is the Philippines’ national organization of nurses, promoting high standards of practice and supporting the welfare of Filipino nurses. Filipino Nurses United (FNU) and The Philippine Nurses Association of America (PNAA) are organizations assisting Filipino nurses based in the U.S.

In addition to facilitating networking and professional development, these organizations advocate for labor rights, social justice and fair working conditions. While addressing domestic retention problems to reduce emigration, ensuring support for Filipino nurses overseas remains crucial.

Filipino nurses in the U.S. often send a large portion of their earnings back home in remittances. Maintaining a higher retention rate for those working abroad helps sustain this economic support, which funds education, local investments and small businesses in the Philippines.

Well-supported Filipino nurses in the U.S. are also more likely to return periodically to assist in their home country. They may donate supplies or share advanced medical knowledge with their communities. These contributions help counter the effects of “brain drain.”

– Kaitlin Reed

Kaitlin is based in Austin, TX, USA and focuses on Technology and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Action Emploi Réfugiés Addressing Immigrant Poverty

Action Emploi RéfugiésFrance is one of the economic and cultural powerhouses of Europe and the Western world. Thanks to a rich culture built on the core values of liberty, equality and fraternity, France has become an increasingly popular destination for foreigners, with at least 7 million immigrants living in France as of 2023.

In France’s lively capital, Paris, the immigrant population is especially dense, as one out of every seven inhabitants is an immigrant. However, life in the city of light is not as glamorous as it may first appear, especially for immigrants. As they attempt to integrate themselves into French society, they are often victims of discrimination based on their racial background, religion and stereotypes.

This treatment can lead to numerous financial problems as immigrants struggle in the professional setting and housing market as a result of these discriminatory behaviors. Furthermore, they can be left exposed, forced to accept exploitative, off-the-books work or live in unsanitary living situations as pests and water leaks dominate low-income housing areas.

Many organizations and initiatives have been created to target immigrant poverty in response to these issues. Among these, two prominent organizations in immigrant advocacy are the French Refugee Council (FRC) and the Action Emploi Réfugiés. These organizations are focused on helping refugees, a highly vulnerable immigrant population, find a foothold in French society through stable employment opportunities.

The French Refugee Council

Founded in 2013, the FRC is an independent, nonprofit organization specializing in providing tangible support to asylum-seekers across France. Indeed, with 480 total volunteers across mainland France, the FRC works to ensure that refugees live fulfilling, dignified lives. The organization empowers these vulnerable groups by fostering solidarity and mutual respect between refugees and natives in their communities.

The FRC works to ease the difficult process of integration while giving refugees a stronger and more influential voice in their communities by operating through five key pillars:

  • Employment opportunities
  • Access to education 
  • Legal support
  • Economic support
  • Community links

As the FRC provides this vital support, asylum-seekers can rebuild their lives and integrate into French society without falling into poverty.

Action Emploi Réfugiés

Founded in 2015 by Diane Binder and Kavita Brahmbhatt in response to the lack of aid given to refugees across Europe, the Action Emploi Réfugiés has many of the same values as the FRC. It works to end immigrant poverty by helping refugees integrate and rebuild their lives with dignity. However, the Action Emploi Réfugiés focuses solely on the employment frontier.

The organization primarily operates through two accompaniment programs, SOCLE and AVEC, which provide refugees with personalized support throughout the job search process. Assistance is tailored to each individual’s qualifications and language skills. These initiatives aim to provide refugees with the skills required to be successful professionally. The organization supports between 350 and 450 people each year and coordinates more than 700 jobs yearly.

Conclusion

Although immigrant poverty remains prevalent in France, especially for refugees, the FRS and the Action Emploi Réfugiés are at the forefront of social change as they provide dignified aid for refugees hoping to live the French life.

– Jack Schuchard

Jack is based in Herndon, VA, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Borders and Survival: Migrant Sex Workers in Thailand

Migrant Sex Workers in ThailandThailand has long been a destination for economic migrants from neighboring Southeast Asian countries like Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia. Many of these migrants, particularly women, are pushed by poverty, political instability or lack of opportunity into Thailand’s informal economy. Among the most marginalized are undocumented migrant sex workers in Thailand, who face unique vulnerabilities at the intersection of gender, class, legality and nationality.

An Underground Yet Thriving Industry

Thailand is often labeled a global hotspot for sex tourism and prostitution. Though estimates vary drastically, the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) reports around 145,000 sex workers in the country. Many believe the number is underestimated due to the informal and criminalized nature of the industry.

Contrary to popular belief, the state prohibits prostitution under the 1996 Prevention and Suppression of Prostitution Act. In practice, however, enforcing regulations is inconsistent and ambiguous due to corruption and economic reliance. Sex is often negotiated in bars or massage parlors, with the actual transaction occurring off-site. This legal grey area not only reinforces the stigma surrounding sex work but also enables systemic corruption, including bribes to police and local officials.

From Neighbor To Undocumented Worker

Many women from neighbouring countries migrate due to poverty, lack of opportunity or political instability in their home countries, especially in Myanmar, where recent unrest has worsened economic conditions. Since 2023, approximately 1.5 million people from Myanmar have migrated to Thailand.

Sex work frequently pays more than other job options that are typically accessible to migrants or women of lower socioeconomic status. Alternatives like domestic work, agriculture or construction are physically demanding and underpaid. Limited legal migration channels for women, especially those with little education, push many to migrate through irregular routes or fall into trafficking.

Once in Thailand, they often remain undocumented and legally invisible. A study published in the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health found that most female migrant sex workers worked in karaoke venues (84.3%), massage parlors (9.1%) and traditional Thai massage shops (8.6%).

Double Stigma: Migrant and Sex Worker

The legal invisibility of undocumented migrant sex workers intensifies their vulnerability. Being both undocumented and part of a criminalized profession, these women face double stigma, as “illegal” migrants and as “immoral” workers. Health access is one of the most pressing issues: while Thailand’s public health care is often praised for its universality, in reality, sex workers report facing discrimination from providers and fear legal consequences if their work status is disclosed. Most migrants do not even have access to the system.

Additionally, authorities frequently use condom possession as proof against sex workers, which deters them from using condoms and makes them more susceptible to HIV infections. As researcher Christopher Hunter observed in the ’90s, “the Thai police are the largest perpetrators of rape and violence against migrant sex workers.” Although dated, these claims continue to echo in recent NGO reports, which document police abuse, extortion and lack of legal recourse for undocumented women.

Grassroots Supports

Where state protections fail, grassroots organizations have stepped in. For example:

  • Service Workers In Group Foundation (SWING).During the COVID-19 pandemic, SWING distributed more than 40,000 food boxes and 30,000 instant food pots and hygiene kits to more than 1,500 sex workers in Bangkok and Pattaya. It has also ensured that more than 1,500 HIV-positive workers could maintain antiretroviral treatment and continued to provide PrEP and HIV testing through both fixed and mobile clinics.
  • Education Means Protection Of Women Engaged in Recreation Foundation (EMPOWER).EMPOWER offers free classes in language, health, law, pre-college education and individual counselling. By 2012, EMPOWER had engaged more than 50,000 sex workers through its student and volunteer programs. The organization estimates it supports around 20,000 sex workers each year.

Conclusion

Migrant sex workers in Thailand embody a layered crisis at the intersection of borders, poverty, gender and legal ambiguity. To address their realities requires more than charity; it requires structural change. Policies on migration, labor and sex work need to be aligned with human rights principles, while also listening to the voices of those most affected. In the meantime, grassroots networks continue to fill the gap left by states.

– Kai Xian Lim

Kai is based in Lille, France and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Migration to Thailand: The New Land of Opportunity

Migration to ThailandThailand is a popular subject on the topic of migration. The Southeast Asian country is beloved for its tropical climate, scenic beauty and historical sites. However, its beauty is not the sole reason for increased migration to Thailand.

Migration is an umbrella term involving the movement of people from one place to another, whether temporarily or permanently. Immigration, a sub-branch of migration, refers to people moving to a new country and settling there either semi-permanently or permanently. Both migration and immigration have increased in Thailand in recent years. Here are three reasons why people migrate to Thailand.

3 Reasons Why People Migrate to Thailand

  1. Economic Opportunities: Thailand has a moderately stable economy which is favorable to workers in neighboring countries. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), Thailand’s “sectors such as fishing, agriculture, hospitality, domestic work and manufacturing are heavily reliant on migrant workers for manpower.” The majority of workers migrating to Thailand are from Cambodia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic and Myanmar seeking better opportunities and higher wages than their respective countries.
  2. Refugee Migration: According to the 2024 Migration Report from the United Nations Thailand, “Thailand hosts at least 5.3 million non-Thai nationals, marking an 8 per cent increase compared to nearly 4.9 million” in the previous report. This sharp increase is due in part to intensifying conflict in Myanmar. Since 2019, Myanmar migrant populations in Thailand have doubled to 1.8 million, with an estimated 150,000 living in refugee camps on the Thai-Myanmar border. In response, the National Screening Mechanism (NSM) launched in 2023 to assist migrants in applying for “protected person” legal status to prevent deportation.
  3. Reduced Cost of Living: Western Expats from Europe and the United States have identified Thailand as a popular residential destination to escape high costs of living. From health care to groceries to living expenses, Thailand offers around a 50% reduction in average cost. With the popularization of the “Digital Nomad Visa” and other offerings, immigrants are able to enjoy reduced cost of living and increased financial flexibility, while contributing to Thailand’s economy.

Impacts of Migration to Thailand

Migration has a profound effect on Thailand’s economy. According to a report from the International Labor Organization (ILO), immigrant workers contribute to virtually all sectors and are “associated with an improvement of labor market outcomes of the native-born population.” Because a large percentage of this population has employment, the report estimates that income per capita will rise significantly. Of course, migrants and low-income, rural Thai residents still face hardships.

In a 2022 report, the World Bank noted that Thailand made “remarkable progress in reducing poverty from 58% in 1990 to 6.8% in 2020.” However, as that progress has slowed, large gaps in wealth equality are revealed, leaving nearly 80% of the poor population in rural areas earning an income that is only 68% of their urban counterparts. This income inequality disproportionately affects the recent and ongoing influx of migrants who take on roles involving fishing and agriculture.

Additionally, there is research that suggests a link between migration to Thailand and public health. In a research paper that BMC Public Health published, migrants “may impact public health by transmitting communicable diseases to the local population.” This impact depends on the type of disease in question. Yet, while a rise in migration is associated with more cases of respiratory and other infectious illnesses, it is also linked to a decline in diseases that can be prevented through vaccination. While health care in Thailand is free to all, regardless of legal status, NGOs have been crucial for migrant groups to secure equal access to health care. According to interviews that Human Rights Watch conducted, the Mae Tao Clinic is a hotspot for Myanmar nationals that offers primary care services to undocumented migrants.

Looking Ahead

Overall, migration to Thailand offers valuable and significant benefits to the growth and development of the country, and in return, migrants enjoy the benefits of improved economic conditions, refugee support and a manageable cost of living. Thailand’s approach to migration is unique and serves as an example to the world of how opening one’s border can lead to unexpected positive outcomes that challenge conventional views on migration.

– Jamaya Newton

Jamaya is based in Somerset, NJ, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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200,000 Invisible Lives: Migration to Malaysia

Migration to MalaysiaIn a cramped, poorly maintained home, a Rohingya mother of three avoids stepping outside – not out of fear of violence, but arrest. Despite fleeing persecution in Myanmar, she now lives without legal protection, access to health care or the right to work. Her story is not unique. For tens of thousands, migration to Malaysia represents a final hope, only to enter a cycle of legal invisibility and daily struggle.

Malaysia hosts one of the largest refugee populations in Southeast Asia. However, the lack of a formal legal framework for refugees leaves them deeply vulnerable to poverty, exploitation and systemic neglect.

Who Comes and Why?

As of May 2025, around 200,260 refugees and asylum-seekers are registered with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Malaysia. More than 179,000 are from Myanmar, including 117,670 Rohingya, 29,620 Chin and 31,730 other ethnic minorities. They fled ethnic violence, forced displacement and persecution. Others come from more than 50 different countries, including Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Palestine, Iraq and Syria.

As of 2025, men make up 64% of refugees and asylum-seekers, while women account for 36%. Alarmingly, more than 50,000 are children under the age of 18, many of whom have never stepped foot inside a formal school.

Migration to Malaysia is often undertaken in desperation. Neighboring countries often turn away refugees or deny long-term protection, and many see Malaysia as a stepping stone to resettlement. However, few are successfully resettled.

Legal Status and Daily Reality

One will find that daily life is arduous for refugees in Malaysia. The country has not signed the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol. Malaysia does not legally recognize refugee status. Under the Immigration Act 1959/63, refugees and asylum-seekers are considered undocumented immigrants and are subject to arrest and deportation. The UNHCR issues refugee cards, but these offer no protection under Malaysian law. The consequences of this legal limbo are wide-reaching, affecting every aspect of daily life for those who experience migration to Malaysia. These include:

  • Work: Refugees are prohibited from working legally. Many work in informal sectors with long hours, poor conditions, low wages and no labor protection. Without labor rights, they face wage theft, exploitation and workplace abuse, with little to no recourse.
  • Education: Public schools in Malaysia do not accept refugee children. Community-based learning centers fill this gap. However, many of these centers are underfunded, overcrowded and unrecognized by the government.
  • Health Care: Refugees do not qualify for subsidized public health care. While some clinics treat UNHCR cardholders, the costs remain prohibitive for many. Many often delay treatment or avoid seeking care altogether due to financial constraints and fear of arrest.

Civil Society Response

In the absence of formal state protection, civil society and humanitarian organizations play a crucial role in supporting those migration to Malaysia affects. ElShaddai, which is based in Klang, provides education and health care to refugee families. In 2022, there were 18 ElShaddai learning centers located in Selangor, Kelantan, Pahang and Sabah serving 1,400 children from marginalized communities. Today, the organization operates more than 20 learning centers across Malaysia to provide preschool to diploma-level education.

Founded in 1991, Tenaganita is a Malaysian human rights organization that supports refugees through legal aid, psychosocial counseling and community empowerment. Its Refugee Action Program works with eight Burmese-led refugee groups to assist in wage negotiation, education access and protection from detention. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the organization coordinated relief efforts that reached more than 2,200 families in more than 100 locations across the Klang Valley.

The Malaysian Social Research Institute (MSRI) supports refugees through its food aid and social service programs, including education, psychological counseling and skills training. As of now, MSRI reported 1,400 families supported and 721 clients served.

A Potential Turning Point

In July 2025, Malaysia’s Home Ministry announced plans to launch a national refugee registration system. The initiative aims to improve data transparency and complement the work of the UNHCR. While the plan’s implementation details remain vague, it signals a possible shift toward greater state involvement and accountability in managing migration to Malaysia.

If effectively executed, the system could lead to better service provision, targeted aid distribution and a path toward formal recognition. However, without accompanying legal reforms, refugees will remain unprotected.

The Path Forward

Migration to Malaysia will continue as long as regional conflict and instability persist. Refugees contribute to Malaysian society – they work, raise families and engage in communities – yet outside of the legal framework.

Malaysia has the opportunity to lead in Southeast Asia by adopting a clear refugee policy. Recognizing refugee status, granting work rights and providing access to basic services are essential steps. A legal and humanitarian approach to migration can ensure that the thousands who seek safety in Malaysia are no longer invisible.

– Kai Xian Lim

Kai is based in Lille, France and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr