Archive for category: Migration

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Social Remittances to Ukraine: Exchanging Ideas Across Borders

Social Remittances to UkraineThe story of Ukrainian refugees shows how migration can generate not just financial assistance, but also the transfer of ideas, skills and civic values. These “social remittances” can help Ukraine recover from war, resist aggression and build an economy less vulnerable to poverty.

Remittances, sums of money sent to another place, are often a way for migrants to continue relationships while abroad, a method for supporting their communities from a distance. Beyond financial remittances, some Ukrainian refugees have found another way to support their nation, planning to bring social remittances to Ukraine home with them. These ideas, skills and values can strengthen democratic institutions and create economic opportunity.

Poverty in Ukraine & Financial Remittances

According to the Economic Commission for Europe, poverty rates in Ukraine decreased by an estimated 30.5% from 2016-2021. In 2021, the estimated rate of people below the Ukrainian subsistence minimum (the minimum income required to cover basic living expenses) was 20.6%. Since the Russian invasion in 2022, the poverty rate has been on the rise. While there is a lack of data for 2022, the following year’s (2023) poverty rate in Ukraine was 35.5%, having increased 14.9% in just two years.

The Ukrainian National News reports that in 2024, remittances to Ukraine reached $9.6 billion. The report shares that, according to the National Bank of Ukraine, the top sources for these funds were the U.S., Israel and Germany.

Refugee Relocation

The Council on Foreign Relations estimates that since the Russian invasion, 2.9 million Ukrainians have fled to the Eastern border, entering Russia. Another 1.6 million refugees escaped to Poland, where they joined the 1.3 million Ukrainians that already migrated there. The remaining refugees headed to the Czech Republic, Moldova, Romania, Slovakia and other European nations.

Social/Intangible Remittances

As Silke Meyer, a professor of European Ethnology at the University of Innsbruck, shared,  remittances can extend beyond financial support. Migrants may also send back social capital, networks, knowledge and community norms.

Sociologist P. Levitt describes these as “social remittances,” ways of thinking and living that migrants transfer back to their home. Later research by Grabowska, professor of Social Sciences and Economics at Kozminski University, explains that the concept expanded into “intangible remittances,” encompassing professional and educational practices, attitudes towards mental health, disability, gender roles and political participation. Such exchanges are quietly political and can lay the groundwork for reducing poverty.

The Ukrainian context stands apart because the Russian invasion has forced millions to flee. In this setting, intangible remittances often “emerge[d] as urgent responses to national crisis, moral obligation, or collective recovery,” according to Grabowska. For the women in her study, displacement deepened their attachment to Ukraine. Their intent to bring home what they have learned reflects a will to see Ukraine become stronger, self-reliant and economically resilient.

Migrant Focus on Ukraine

One study participant noted that a work culture fostering development “is something that could benefit [the Ukrainian] workforce back home.” Another expressed a wish to see the hands-on learning and critical thinking she encountered abroad implemented in Ukrainian schools. Others spoke of professional flexibility, cross-cultural respect and greater inclusion for people with disabilities, values that also support long-term poverty reduction.

Grabowska’s work also explores the cumulative advantage effect, a theory explaining how people with more initial resources – money, education or recognition – tend to expand those advantages more quickly. Ukrainian refugees with these resources were better positioned to gather skills and networks abroad, which they then return as powerful remittances to Ukraine.

Unique Predictors

Beyond material resources, “higher civic engagement attitudes and autonomous reflexivity” were strong predictors of which refugees would benefit most from the cumulative advantage effect. War migrants who had a history of community activism and independent decision-making were “more than twice as likely” to gain advantages that could be sent back home. This points to social remittances as not just cultural or personal contributions, but explicitly civic and political, with the potential to influence economic growth and help address poverty in post-war Ukraine.

Future Remittances

The invasion forced Ukrainians into survival-based emigration, but it also created space to imagine a different future for the country. Some refugees plan to return permanently; others foresee a transnational lifestyle or contribution from afar. The only constants throughout the female war migrants’ interviews is their “emotional and symbolic ties to Ukraine” and “desire to contribute to its recovery.” Such commitments to restore and strengthen democratic, inclusive and resilient institutions are inherently political acts of resistance to attempts of domination and can lay the groundwork for reducing poverty by creating more equitable opportunities for all Ukrainians.

Benefits of Remittances

Ukraine is not the sole beneficiary of these contributions. The refugees see themselves as global citizens, fostering cooperation between Ukraine and their countries of residence. In sending back social remittances to Ukraine, they not only help their nation resist aggression but also share ideas that can strengthen anti-poverty efforts both locally and globally.

Whether through peacebuilding, civic participation or inclusive social practices, Ukrainian refugees are shaping conversations about the kind of world they, and their homeland, want to live in, one where the roots of poverty are addressed alongside the wounds of war. 

– Alyse Rhee

Alyse is based in Winter Garden, FL, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Casa Cornelia Law Center: Legal Representation to US Immigrants

Casa Cornelia Law CenterOver the past year, many U.S. immigrants have sought legal representation in response to the current federal administration’s immigration policies. Individuals with attorney representation have a far greater chance of securing legal relief than those without. For this reason, having an attorney to provide case assessment and legal support is crucial.

However, many people cannot afford private attorney fees. For instance, a deportation defense can cost anywhere from $2,000 to $15,000. This creates a problematic situation for vulnerable individuals and their families, as many immigrants do not have the economic means to pay for needed legal services and are forced to forego the opportunity to have an attorney defend them.

Casa Cornelia Law Center helps mitigate this challenge by providing legal support free of charge. The Borgen Project spoke with Casa Cornelia Communications Manager Pedro Anaya to gain further insight into the organization’s work.

Casa Cornelia’s Story

Located in San Diego, Casa Cornelia Law Center was founded in 1993 by Sister Ann M. Durst, a member of the Society of the Holy Child Jesus. Durst envisioned providing free legal services to victims of human and civil rights violations. Over time, the law center grew into an established nonprofit public interest law firm serving Southern California.

Casa Cornelia Law Center believes “justice with compassion is a human right—not a privilege.” Too often, justice becomes a privilege because of the high cost of legal representation. Casa Cornelia bridges this justice gap by providing all its services at no cost to clients.

The organization sustains its free services through donations from individuals and institutional grants. To further its impact, in addition to its dedicated staff, Casa Cornelia recruits, trains and mentors volunteer attorneys from the private bar and volunteer interpreters and translators from the community to expand its mission reach and maximize its limited resources.

Services and Impact

Casa Cornelia offers its services to help unaccompanied children, asylum seekers and victims of serious crimes. As an extension of its services and to further support its clients, the organization coordinates access through referrals to needed social services, such as psychological and medical resources, via a network of trusted agency connections.

In 2024, Casa Cornelia responded to nearly 3,000 diverse cases, helping people from 79 countries and in 55 languages. Around 48% of the cases were asylum seekers, 35% were unaccompanied children and 17% were survivors of violent crimes. It also has the support of 500 volunteers.

The center also supports volunteer training, trauma-informed aid for clients and the maintenance of legal staff.

Looking Ahead

Casa Cornelia Law Center has helped the indigent immigrant community in Southern California for more than 30 years. Through a free legal process, the charity makes justice more accessible for those who do not have the means to hire private counsel. As the needs increase, the law center will continue to pivot to meet the needs in the community.

– Andrea Roji

Andrea is based in San Diego, CA, USA and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Philippines’ Nurse Migration is Fueling a Health Care Crisis

Philippines' nurse migrationThe Philippines is the world’s leading exporter of nurses. While Filipinos account for only 1% of the U.S. population, they comprise 4% of the nursing workforce. Although the U.S. has relied on the heroic contributions of Filipino nurses for centuries, their continuous migration is fueling a crisis at home. Hospitals and clinics across the Philippines struggle with staff shortages and the country’s continued nurse migration has gradually widened the global health care gap.

Brain Drain of Nurses

“Brain drain” refers to the mass emigration of the most highly educated or skilled individuals from a particular country. For many developing countries, the inability to retain such professionals across various sectors, due to sociopolitical or economic factors, can trigger a cyclical downfall of infrastructure and human capital. In the Philippines, decades of nurse migration to the U.S. have resulted in a catastrophic shortage.

The Department of Health sets a standard 1:12 Nurse-to-Patient Ratio. In the Philippines, the ratio regularly stands at 1:20 and has even escalated to 1:50. The nation faces a nurse shortage of roughly 127,000 nurses, with nearly 4,500 posts at public hospitals remaining unfilled, a figure expected to rise to 250,000 by 2030.

Many Filipino nurses are emigrating to the U.S. due to poor working conditions at home, leaving the nation’s health care system understaffed and worsening nurse burnout. While a series of mental health programs and interventions have been suggested as a way to remediate this threat, the problem seems to stem from several structural challenges.

Most notably, these include extremely low salaries, heavy and imbalanced workload and hours, job insecurity and a common delay in the disbursement of benefits. All of this plagues the Philippine health care system amid rising costs of living, inflation, economic hardship and a tense political climate, fueling pressing issues both domestically and geopolitically.

Solution-Oriented Policies and Strategies

The Commission on Higher Education (CHED) has approved many new programs and state universities aim to expand access to medical education, especially for those in the country’s underserved regions. The Medical Scholarship and Return Service Program (MSRS), also known as the Doktor Para sa Bayan Act, is an example of an initiative recently signed into Filipino law to fund medical education in exchange for mandatory local service upon graduation.

The program provides full tuition coverage along with allowances for textbooks, housing, uniforms, transportation, medical insurance and other related expenses. Each year they receive the scholarship, scholars must work for at least one year in hospitals or public health offices in their hometowns or other underserved areas. Students from indigenous, geographically isolated, disadvantaged, or understaffed regions are given priority.

The CHED and the Department of Health implement the program as a direct response to the shortage of medical professionals in such underserved areas. It aims to increase the number of available and qualified health professionals in these areas.

As part of a retention evaluation, the Philippines is also making concerted efforts to address burnout and recruiting practices. The country has begun to mobilize resources and improve policies so that working and living conditions for these nurses are sufficient in their home country. Increasing salaries, providing benefits on time and encouraging and incentivizing filling vacant government positions, particularly in underserved regions, are all critical steps towards change. House Bill No. 5276 and Senate Bill No. 2694 are two examples of proposed legislation to reduce nurse migration and the resulting “brain drain” in the Philippines. Both seek to amend Filipino nursing laws to raise nurses’ monthly basic salary and minimum salary grade.

Organizations Supporting Filipino Nurses at Home and Abroad

Countless organizations also focus on mitigating the Philippines’ nurse migration and brain drain crisis. The Philippine Nurses Association (PNA) is the Philippines’ national organization of nurses, promoting high standards of practice and supporting the welfare of Filipino nurses. Filipino Nurses United (FNU) and The Philippine Nurses Association of America (PNAA) are organizations assisting Filipino nurses based in the U.S.

In addition to facilitating networking and professional development, these organizations advocate for labor rights, social justice and fair working conditions. While addressing domestic retention problems to reduce emigration, ensuring support for Filipino nurses overseas remains crucial.

Filipino nurses in the U.S. often send a large portion of their earnings back home in remittances. Maintaining a higher retention rate for those working abroad helps sustain this economic support, which funds education, local investments and small businesses in the Philippines.

Well-supported Filipino nurses in the U.S. are also more likely to return periodically to assist in their home country. They may donate supplies or share advanced medical knowledge with their communities. These contributions help counter the effects of “brain drain.”

– Kaitlin Reed

Kaitlin is based in Austin, TX, USA and focuses on Technology and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Action Emploi Réfugiés Addressing Immigrant Poverty

Action Emploi RéfugiésFrance is one of the economic and cultural powerhouses of Europe and the Western world. Thanks to a rich culture built on the core values of liberty, equality and fraternity, France has become an increasingly popular destination for foreigners, with at least 7 million immigrants living in France as of 2023.

In France’s lively capital, Paris, the immigrant population is especially dense, as one out of every seven inhabitants is an immigrant. However, life in the city of light is not as glamorous as it may first appear, especially for immigrants. As they attempt to integrate themselves into French society, they are often victims of discrimination based on their racial background, religion and stereotypes.

This treatment can lead to numerous financial problems as immigrants struggle in the professional setting and housing market as a result of these discriminatory behaviors. Furthermore, they can be left exposed, forced to accept exploitative, off-the-books work or live in unsanitary living situations as pests and water leaks dominate low-income housing areas.

Many organizations and initiatives have been created to target immigrant poverty in response to these issues. Among these, two prominent organizations in immigrant advocacy are the French Refugee Council (FRC) and the Action Emploi Réfugiés. These organizations are focused on helping refugees, a highly vulnerable immigrant population, find a foothold in French society through stable employment opportunities.

The French Refugee Council

Founded in 2013, the FRC is an independent, nonprofit organization specializing in providing tangible support to asylum-seekers across France. Indeed, with 480 total volunteers across mainland France, the FRC works to ensure that refugees live fulfilling, dignified lives. The organization empowers these vulnerable groups by fostering solidarity and mutual respect between refugees and natives in their communities.

The FRC works to ease the difficult process of integration while giving refugees a stronger and more influential voice in their communities by operating through five key pillars:

  • Employment opportunities
  • Access to education 
  • Legal support
  • Economic support
  • Community links

As the FRC provides this vital support, asylum-seekers can rebuild their lives and integrate into French society without falling into poverty.

Action Emploi Réfugiés

Founded in 2015 by Diane Binder and Kavita Brahmbhatt in response to the lack of aid given to refugees across Europe, the Action Emploi Réfugiés has many of the same values as the FRC. It works to end immigrant poverty by helping refugees integrate and rebuild their lives with dignity. However, the Action Emploi Réfugiés focuses solely on the employment frontier.

The organization primarily operates through two accompaniment programs, SOCLE and AVEC, which provide refugees with personalized support throughout the job search process. Assistance is tailored to each individual’s qualifications and language skills. These initiatives aim to provide refugees with the skills required to be successful professionally. The organization supports between 350 and 450 people each year and coordinates more than 700 jobs yearly.

Conclusion

Although immigrant poverty remains prevalent in France, especially for refugees, the FRS and the Action Emploi Réfugiés are at the forefront of social change as they provide dignified aid for refugees hoping to live the French life.

– Jack Schuchard

Jack is based in Herndon, VA, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Borders and Survival: Migrant Sex Workers in Thailand

Migrant Sex Workers in ThailandThailand has long been a destination for economic migrants from neighboring Southeast Asian countries like Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia. Many of these migrants, particularly women, are pushed by poverty, political instability or lack of opportunity into Thailand’s informal economy. Among the most marginalized are undocumented migrant sex workers in Thailand, who face unique vulnerabilities at the intersection of gender, class, legality and nationality.

An Underground Yet Thriving Industry

Thailand is often labeled a global hotspot for sex tourism and prostitution. Though estimates vary drastically, the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) reports around 145,000 sex workers in the country. Many believe the number is underestimated due to the informal and criminalized nature of the industry.

Contrary to popular belief, the state prohibits prostitution under the 1996 Prevention and Suppression of Prostitution Act. In practice, however, enforcing regulations is inconsistent and ambiguous due to corruption and economic reliance. Sex is often negotiated in bars or massage parlors, with the actual transaction occurring off-site. This legal grey area not only reinforces the stigma surrounding sex work but also enables systemic corruption, including bribes to police and local officials.

From Neighbor To Undocumented Worker

Many women from neighbouring countries migrate due to poverty, lack of opportunity or political instability in their home countries, especially in Myanmar, where recent unrest has worsened economic conditions. Since 2023, approximately 1.5 million people from Myanmar have migrated to Thailand.

Sex work frequently pays more than other job options that are typically accessible to migrants or women of lower socioeconomic status. Alternatives like domestic work, agriculture or construction are physically demanding and underpaid. Limited legal migration channels for women, especially those with little education, push many to migrate through irregular routes or fall into trafficking.

Once in Thailand, they often remain undocumented and legally invisible. A study published in the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health found that most female migrant sex workers worked in karaoke venues (84.3%), massage parlors (9.1%) and traditional Thai massage shops (8.6%).

Double Stigma: Migrant and Sex Worker

The legal invisibility of undocumented migrant sex workers intensifies their vulnerability. Being both undocumented and part of a criminalized profession, these women face double stigma, as “illegal” migrants and as “immoral” workers. Health access is one of the most pressing issues: while Thailand’s public health care is often praised for its universality, in reality, sex workers report facing discrimination from providers and fear legal consequences if their work status is disclosed. Most migrants do not even have access to the system.

Additionally, authorities frequently use condom possession as proof against sex workers, which deters them from using condoms and makes them more susceptible to HIV infections. As researcher Christopher Hunter observed in the ’90s, “the Thai police are the largest perpetrators of rape and violence against migrant sex workers.” Although dated, these claims continue to echo in recent NGO reports, which document police abuse, extortion and lack of legal recourse for undocumented women.

Grassroots Supports

Where state protections fail, grassroots organizations have stepped in. For example:

  • Service Workers In Group Foundation (SWING).During the COVID-19 pandemic, SWING distributed more than 40,000 food boxes and 30,000 instant food pots and hygiene kits to more than 1,500 sex workers in Bangkok and Pattaya. It has also ensured that more than 1,500 HIV-positive workers could maintain antiretroviral treatment and continued to provide PrEP and HIV testing through both fixed and mobile clinics.
  • Education Means Protection Of Women Engaged in Recreation Foundation (EMPOWER).EMPOWER offers free classes in language, health, law, pre-college education and individual counselling. By 2012, EMPOWER had engaged more than 50,000 sex workers through its student and volunteer programs. The organization estimates it supports around 20,000 sex workers each year.

Conclusion

Migrant sex workers in Thailand embody a layered crisis at the intersection of borders, poverty, gender and legal ambiguity. To address their realities requires more than charity; it requires structural change. Policies on migration, labor and sex work need to be aligned with human rights principles, while also listening to the voices of those most affected. In the meantime, grassroots networks continue to fill the gap left by states.

– Kai Xian Lim

Kai is based in Lille, France and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Migration to Thailand: The New Land of Opportunity

Migration to ThailandThailand is a popular subject on the topic of migration. The Southeast Asian country is beloved for its tropical climate, scenic beauty and historical sites. However, its beauty is not the sole reason for increased migration to Thailand.

Migration is an umbrella term involving the movement of people from one place to another, whether temporarily or permanently. Immigration, a sub-branch of migration, refers to people moving to a new country and settling there either semi-permanently or permanently. Both migration and immigration have increased in Thailand in recent years. Here are three reasons why people migrate to Thailand.

3 Reasons Why People Migrate to Thailand

  1. Economic Opportunities: Thailand has a moderately stable economy which is favorable to workers in neighboring countries. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), Thailand’s “sectors such as fishing, agriculture, hospitality, domestic work and manufacturing are heavily reliant on migrant workers for manpower.” The majority of workers migrating to Thailand are from Cambodia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic and Myanmar seeking better opportunities and higher wages than their respective countries.
  2. Refugee Migration: According to the 2024 Migration Report from the United Nations Thailand, “Thailand hosts at least 5.3 million non-Thai nationals, marking an 8 per cent increase compared to nearly 4.9 million” in the previous report. This sharp increase is due in part to intensifying conflict in Myanmar. Since 2019, Myanmar migrant populations in Thailand have doubled to 1.8 million, with an estimated 150,000 living in refugee camps on the Thai-Myanmar border. In response, the National Screening Mechanism (NSM) launched in 2023 to assist migrants in applying for “protected person” legal status to prevent deportation.
  3. Reduced Cost of Living: Western Expats from Europe and the United States have identified Thailand as a popular residential destination to escape high costs of living. From health care to groceries to living expenses, Thailand offers around a 50% reduction in average cost. With the popularization of the “Digital Nomad Visa” and other offerings, immigrants are able to enjoy reduced cost of living and increased financial flexibility, while contributing to Thailand’s economy.

Impacts of Migration to Thailand

Migration has a profound effect on Thailand’s economy. According to a report from the International Labor Organization (ILO), immigrant workers contribute to virtually all sectors and are “associated with an improvement of labor market outcomes of the native-born population.” Because a large percentage of this population has employment, the report estimates that income per capita will rise significantly. Of course, migrants and low-income, rural Thai residents still face hardships.

In a 2022 report, the World Bank noted that Thailand made “remarkable progress in reducing poverty from 58% in 1990 to 6.8% in 2020.” However, as that progress has slowed, large gaps in wealth equality are revealed, leaving nearly 80% of the poor population in rural areas earning an income that is only 68% of their urban counterparts. This income inequality disproportionately affects the recent and ongoing influx of migrants who take on roles involving fishing and agriculture.

Additionally, there is research that suggests a link between migration to Thailand and public health. In a research paper that BMC Public Health published, migrants “may impact public health by transmitting communicable diseases to the local population.” This impact depends on the type of disease in question. Yet, while a rise in migration is associated with more cases of respiratory and other infectious illnesses, it is also linked to a decline in diseases that can be prevented through vaccination. While health care in Thailand is free to all, regardless of legal status, NGOs have been crucial for migrant groups to secure equal access to health care. According to interviews that Human Rights Watch conducted, the Mae Tao Clinic is a hotspot for Myanmar nationals that offers primary care services to undocumented migrants.

Looking Ahead

Overall, migration to Thailand offers valuable and significant benefits to the growth and development of the country, and in return, migrants enjoy the benefits of improved economic conditions, refugee support and a manageable cost of living. Thailand’s approach to migration is unique and serves as an example to the world of how opening one’s border can lead to unexpected positive outcomes that challenge conventional views on migration.

– Jamaya Newton

Jamaya is based in Somerset, NJ, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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200,000 Invisible Lives: Migration to Malaysia

Migration to MalaysiaIn a cramped, poorly maintained home, a Rohingya mother of three avoids stepping outside – not out of fear of violence, but arrest. Despite fleeing persecution in Myanmar, she now lives without legal protection, access to health care or the right to work. Her story is not unique. For tens of thousands, migration to Malaysia represents a final hope, only to enter a cycle of legal invisibility and daily struggle.

Malaysia hosts one of the largest refugee populations in Southeast Asia. However, the lack of a formal legal framework for refugees leaves them deeply vulnerable to poverty, exploitation and systemic neglect.

Who Comes and Why?

As of May 2025, around 200,260 refugees and asylum-seekers are registered with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Malaysia. More than 179,000 are from Myanmar, including 117,670 Rohingya, 29,620 Chin and 31,730 other ethnic minorities. They fled ethnic violence, forced displacement and persecution. Others come from more than 50 different countries, including Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Palestine, Iraq and Syria.

As of 2025, men make up 64% of refugees and asylum-seekers, while women account for 36%. Alarmingly, more than 50,000 are children under the age of 18, many of whom have never stepped foot inside a formal school.

Migration to Malaysia is often undertaken in desperation. Neighboring countries often turn away refugees or deny long-term protection, and many see Malaysia as a stepping stone to resettlement. However, few are successfully resettled.

Legal Status and Daily Reality

One will find that daily life is arduous for refugees in Malaysia. The country has not signed the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol. Malaysia does not legally recognize refugee status. Under the Immigration Act 1959/63, refugees and asylum-seekers are considered undocumented immigrants and are subject to arrest and deportation. The UNHCR issues refugee cards, but these offer no protection under Malaysian law. The consequences of this legal limbo are wide-reaching, affecting every aspect of daily life for those who experience migration to Malaysia. These include:

  • Work: Refugees are prohibited from working legally. Many work in informal sectors with long hours, poor conditions, low wages and no labor protection. Without labor rights, they face wage theft, exploitation and workplace abuse, with little to no recourse.
  • Education: Public schools in Malaysia do not accept refugee children. Community-based learning centers fill this gap. However, many of these centers are underfunded, overcrowded and unrecognized by the government.
  • Health Care: Refugees do not qualify for subsidized public health care. While some clinics treat UNHCR cardholders, the costs remain prohibitive for many. Many often delay treatment or avoid seeking care altogether due to financial constraints and fear of arrest.

Civil Society Response

In the absence of formal state protection, civil society and humanitarian organizations play a crucial role in supporting those migration to Malaysia affects. ElShaddai, which is based in Klang, provides education and health care to refugee families. In 2022, there were 18 ElShaddai learning centers located in Selangor, Kelantan, Pahang and Sabah serving 1,400 children from marginalized communities. Today, the organization operates more than 20 learning centers across Malaysia to provide preschool to diploma-level education.

Founded in 1991, Tenaganita is a Malaysian human rights organization that supports refugees through legal aid, psychosocial counseling and community empowerment. Its Refugee Action Program works with eight Burmese-led refugee groups to assist in wage negotiation, education access and protection from detention. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the organization coordinated relief efforts that reached more than 2,200 families in more than 100 locations across the Klang Valley.

The Malaysian Social Research Institute (MSRI) supports refugees through its food aid and social service programs, including education, psychological counseling and skills training. As of now, MSRI reported 1,400 families supported and 721 clients served.

A Potential Turning Point

In July 2025, Malaysia’s Home Ministry announced plans to launch a national refugee registration system. The initiative aims to improve data transparency and complement the work of the UNHCR. While the plan’s implementation details remain vague, it signals a possible shift toward greater state involvement and accountability in managing migration to Malaysia.

If effectively executed, the system could lead to better service provision, targeted aid distribution and a path toward formal recognition. However, without accompanying legal reforms, refugees will remain unprotected.

The Path Forward

Migration to Malaysia will continue as long as regional conflict and instability persist. Refugees contribute to Malaysian society – they work, raise families and engage in communities – yet outside of the legal framework.

Malaysia has the opportunity to lead in Southeast Asia by adopting a clear refugee policy. Recognizing refugee status, granting work rights and providing access to basic services are essential steps. A legal and humanitarian approach to migration can ensure that the thousands who seek safety in Malaysia are no longer invisible.

– Kai Xian Lim

Kai is based in Lille, France and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Migration to Côte d’Ivoire

Migration to Côte d'IvoireTo many people’s surprise, migration in Africa generally consists of people staying within the continent, opting to move across regions instead of across oceans. Located on the Western coast of Africa, Côte d’Ivoire has long been a popular destination for migrants with its lush rainforests and urban center, attracting large groups of people throughout history for various reasons. When looking at the reasons why people are migrating to Côte d’Ivoire today, poverty has become a central factor behind migration to Côte d’Ivoire.

Historically 

Côte d’Ivoire was a French Colony until 1960, when the country gained independence and joined the United Nations (UN) in the same year. Since its independence, the country has experienced periods of political instability, however, despite its challenges the country remains resilient, fostering a strong sense of national identity that continually makes it an attractive destination for migrants in Western Africa.

Since gaining independence, Côte d’Ivoire experienced an economic boom encouraging migrants to come from the sub-region, representing the first migration country in the region. This allowed migrants to come in and contribute to the labor force, helping fuel the economic boom. 

Côte d’Ivoire is the main migration destination in West Africa and is the second most popular destination on the continent after South Africa, with the country taking in roughly 2.5 million migrants annually constituting just under 10% of their population. Looking more closely at where migrants are coming from, about 90% of migrants coming into Côte d’Ivoire are nationals of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), with the majority of them coming from Burkina Faso.

Why Côte d’Ivoire?

There are numerous reasons why people migrate to Côte d’Ivoire with the most popular being economical with the country offering better business and job opportunities as well as better education for children. 

There is a predominance of immigrants from Burkina Faso, when looking at migration to Côte d’Ivoire. Burkina Faso shares their southern border with Côte d’Ivoire and the country is currently facing a humanitarian crisis with more than 2 million internally displaced people, causing them to flee to neighboring countries, primarily Côte d’Ivoire. The situation in Burkina Faso has left large groups of people impoverished and without access to basic services, leading them to migrate south in search of better opportunities.

Migration to Côte d’Ivoire is not perfect as the country has experienced periods of instability. The country, however, works with numerous branches of the U.N. so that their ability to keep their borders open is not impacted. The number of refugees and asylum seekers from nearby regions has steadily increased since 2022, reaching just more than 55,000 in 2024, causing them to rely more heavily on support from international organizations.

Managing Migration

International Organizations have become a key factor in helping Côte d’Ivoire strengthen their infrastructure so that they can maintain their open borders as well as provide a smooth transition for immigrants coming in, as well as people returning to the country. Examples include the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which focuses on strengthening protection for migrants when the enter the country, U.N. Development Programme (UNDP), who works to keep migrant children in schools while also working with Côte d’Ivoire’s government in overseeing projects that work within sustainable development goals (SDGs). Lastly the World Food Programme (WFP) helps provide school meals for kids throughout the year.

Since the country became a member of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in 2000, which is a branch of the UN, it has helped manage migration flows into the country as well as protecting the dignity of migrants once inside the country. It does this by helping the government with projects aimed at the intersection of migration and development, counter-trafficking, reintegration measures and support for migrants.

The IOM focuses mainly on border management, working with migrants as they come into the country. These efforts include providing migrants the necessary information for them on safe and secure migration paths as they enter the country. It does work with the communities at the border in order to strengthen their capacity to support migrants as they come in, by developing programs aimed at peacebuilding, counter-trafficking and managing natural resources.

Looking Ahead

Côte d’Ivoire has become the most popular destination in Western Africa, taking in millions of migrants annually due to its attractive, growing economy, with most of the migrants to Côte d’Ivoire coming from neighboring countries like Burkina Faso. This is due to Burkina Faso experiencing a major refugee crisis, causing Burkinabe migrants to flee south in order to escape poverty. Due to the large number of migrants coming into Côte d’Ivoire, the country has relied on the help of international organizations, largely backed by the U.N., to help support the flow of people into the country, in order to create better conditions for migrants to help get them out of poverty.

– Olivia Peters

Olivia is based in Newport, RI, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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The Divide Between Wealth and Poverty in Abuja

poverty in abujaNigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, has one of the youngest populations in the world, with more than 50% of its citizens aged less than 30. However, survival is a daily struggle for the majority due to limited opportunities and weak job creation. Nigeria’s social and economic situations have made migration attractive to the youth, with more than 3.6 million Nigerians leaving the country between 2022 and 2023.

Similarly, internal migration has become a growing trend in Nigeria, as those without the means to move abroad relocate to urban centers in pursuit of greener pastures. According to the United Nations (U.N.), approximately 49% of Nigerians now live in urban areas compared to 16% in 1960, highlighting the significant shift toward urbanization over the decades.

Internal Migration to Abuja

With terrorism, banditry and kidnappings in the north, along with separatist agitations in the southeast, internal migration to Abuja has been on the rise, especially among those who prefer it over Lagos. Abuja, Nigeria’s capital, is often seen as a city of wealth and opportunity. Skyscrapers, luxury estates and high-end shopping malls paint a picture of prosperity. However, beyond this facade lies a harsh reality for many residents. While the city continues to grow economically, this growth benefits only a small fraction of the population.

Poverty in Abuja

For the majority, poverty in Abuja is a daily struggle. Following a change in administration in 2023, Nigeria’s government removed fuel subsidies and floated the currency, increasing the nation’s inflation rate to more than 30% in September 2024. The government announced a new minimum wage of $43 per month in July 2024 to ease the financial burden on its citizens. However, it has yet to be implemented for primary school teachers and nurses in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

Consequently, more than 50% of people living in Abuja experience poverty, according to the Global Data Lab. Low-income earners, including cleaners and security guards, are the most vulnerable. Housing costs are exorbitant, with rents for studio apartments in Abuja ranging from $1,000 to more than $1,300 per year. Meanwhile, the average Nigerian employee earns less than $1,000 annually, forcing many into overcrowded slums or makeshift housing.

Despite Abuja’s reputation as a thriving metropolis, its wealth remains concentrated in the hands of a few, leaving the rest to struggle to make ends meet.

No Middle Ground

Abuja’s wealth gap is striking. In upscale areas like Asokoro and Maitama, luxury cars ply smooth roads, while nearby communities like Mpape and Dakibiyu struggle with poor infrastructure, scarce clean water and unreliable electricity. This stark contrast reflects the deep economic divide, where prosperity is concentrated among the few while many struggle to make ends meet.

The wealthiest 20% of Nigerians control 42% of the national income, while the most impoverished 20% share a mere 7%. This imbalance suggests that economic opportunities are disproportionately accessible to the affluent, leaving a significant portion of the population struggling to ascend the economic ladder.

Increased inflation has reduced purchasing power, making necessities harder to afford. The financial strain has sparked public outcry, with protests in major cities, including Abuja, as citizens demand relief from soaring living costs.

Can Change Come?

The Federal Government of Nigeria has implemented several economic reforms, including devaluing the Naira to stabilize the economy. However, these measures have also contributed to increased living costs, prompting debates about their efficacy and impact on the vulnerable population, especially those in the informal sector.

Therefore, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) like Oxfam have highlighted the urgency of implementing progressive taxation and increasing social investments to bridge the widening economic divide. In pursuit of this goal, Oxfam actively works to enhance livelihoods, promote gender equality, strengthen governance and deliver humanitarian aid, all while creating sustainable economic opportunities for vulnerable populations.

Another NGO, the Ambience of Hope Exceptional Foundation, launched Operation Feed Abuja Municipal Area Council in December 2023, targeting vulnerable people in the city. The foundation distributed food items, sewing machines, generators, wheelbarrows, hair dryers, grinding machines, and more to uplift residents. Similarly, in 2024, the World Bank committed $12.2 billion to Nigeria’s economy to drive diversified growth, job creation and social inclusion, focusing on youth, women and marginalized communities.

Conclusion

While Abuja stands as a symbol of Nigeria’s aspirations and growth, it also embodies the profound challenges of economic inequality. Observing the city’s dual realities underscores the pressing need for policies that foster inclusive growth, ensuring that prosperity is accessible to all residents, reducing poverty in Abuja.

– Staff Reports
Photo: Flickr

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Migrant Communities in Portugal: Gentrification and Deportation

Migrant Communities in PortugalGentrification in traditionally working-class neighborhoods in cities like Lisbon, Portugal, is increasing house prices. At the same time, the government’s recent plans to deport thousands of migrants are raising concerns. Together, these changes threaten multiethnic neighborhoods and immigrant identities across Portugal. However, many organizations are resisting this by empowering migrant communities in Portugal through a range of projects.

Deportation and the Rise of Populism

The recent rise in far-right populism and political strategy ahead of a general election has led to plans to deport 18,000 irregular migrants across Portugal. Luis Montenegro, leader of the center-right party Democratic Alliance and current Prime Minister, has faced criticism for announcing the deportation plans just before a snap election in May 2025 to gain voters. However, the Democratic Alliance didn’t win a majority. The head of the Socialist Party, Pedro Nuno Santos, resigned after winning the same number of seats as Chega, a relatively new far-right party rooted in anti-immigration rhetoric.

According to a Portuguese Migration and Home Affairs Office publication, attitudes toward immigrants among Portuguese people depend on their country of origin. Attitudes toward migrants from the Indian subcontinent, including countries such as India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal, are more negative. Moreover, 68% of the public believe Portugal’s immigration policies are too liberal. They also think that the presence of immigrants impacts their salaries, despite the country’s economic growth depending on sectors where most employees are migrants (such as agriculture and construction).

Gentrification and Touristification

Like many popular destinations, Portugal has become a victim of its success within the tourism industry. Lisbon had 5.6 million visitors in 2023 alone. Thanks to the rise of Airbnb, house prices are rapidly increasing while the availability of public housing is diminishing. In addition to touristification, digital nomads arriving in Portugal with higher salaries have contributed heavily to gentrification.

Although rent and house prices have risen by 120% in cities such as Lisbon, wage levels have remained stagnant. This means many people cannot afford to continue living in the neighborhoods where they grew up. Moreover, some of the neighborhoods most affected by gentrification are home to some of the most multicultural communities in Portugal, meaning that immigrants and working-class people are being pushed to the peripheries of their cities.

Organizations Empowering Migrant Communities

Despite the deportations of migrants and the cultural erosion of their neighborhoods, some grassroots organizations are stepping up. They support and empower migrant communities while resisting the effects of mass tourism, digital nomadism and far-right politics.

  1. The Lisbon Project. One of the most notable organizations empowering migrant communities in Portugal is the Lisbon Project. It is a nonprofit organization (NGO) founded in 2016 to strengthen migrant and refugee communities across Lisbon and make them feel a sense of belonging. The charity currently has 5,952 registered community members from 250 countries, with the top nationalities being Bangladesh, Nepal, India, Pakistan, Nigeria and Algeria.

    Focusing on integration and empowerment, the Lisbon Project operates across various domains, including community life, education, employability and social care. Some of its specific projects include the Benevolence Program, which provides free items such as furniture and home appliances to new arrivals). Others include the Portuguese Welcome Course and free Community Dinners, among many others. Despite currently only operating in Lisbon, the organization aims to expand into three hubs across Portugal by the end of 2030.

  2. Renovar a Mouraria Foundation. Renovar a Mouraria is another Lisbon-based NGO. However, it focuses its support on the multicultural Mouraria neighborhood, which has become a home to multiple immigrant and refugee communities in Lisbon. However, due to the neighborhood’s abandonment and marginalization, residents have been affected by drug trafficking, rising social tensions and gentrification.

    Working with various stakeholders, including the Lisbon City Council, Renovar a Mouraria has been coordinating community-strengthening services since 2008. These include integrated social support, migrant regularization, Portuguese language courses and vocational training. In addition to providing practical services, the NGO has fostered creativity and communication in the neighborhood. One example is Secondary Residence, a collaborative project where a group of residents produced a collective reflection. It was based on their interactions with local people and their experiences living in Mouraria.

  3. The Portuguese Refugee Council (CPR). Similarly, the CPR is empowering migrant communities in Portugal and addressing their marginalization by deconstructing myths about refugees. It is also providing designated spaces, including three Refugee Reception Centers.

    Operating since 1991, the CPR has supported 14,640 refugees and asylum seekers in Portugal through advocacy, legal support, international protection and training sessions. Moreover, the CPR runs multiple services and projects specifically supporting child refugees, such as the CPR daycare and the Shelter for Refugee Children.

Final Remarks

Multiculturalism and the rich history of working-class neighborhoods across Portuguese cities deserve celebration and preservation. Thanks to the amazing organizations empowering migrant communities in Portugal, resettled populations can continue to thrive and network, fostering creativity, cultural exchange and positive integration.

– Clodagh Dowson

Clodagh is based in Wiltshire, UK and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr