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Fragility and the Rule of Law in Venezuela

The Rule of Law in VenezuelaAt the heart of the crisis in Venezuela lies a deeper catastrophe: the collapse of the rule of law. Once a country of relative prosperity, Venezuela is now a fragile state where institutions no longer serve citizens, particularly people experiencing poverty. In 2024, Venezuela’s gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was $4,000, one of the lowest in Latin America.

The country also experienced one of the world’s highest inflation rates, rising consumer prices significantly. The consequences are not confined to its borders. From mass migration to regional instability, Venezuela’s collapse is a global poverty issue that cannot be ignored.

A Broken Justice System

Venezuela currently ranks last in the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index. According to the index, courts are politicized, the judiciary lacks independence and fundamental rights are routinely violated. Dissent is punished with arbitrary detention and torture and legal protections for the vulnerable have all but disappeared.

For those already living in poverty, this legal collapse is devastating. Without functioning institutions, workers can be exploited without recourse, communities lack public services and corruption goes unchecked. When the rule of law fails, poverty becomes entrenched.

A Regime That Fuels Poverty

The regime of President Nicolás Maduro has overseen the dismantling of democratic institutions and the collapse of the economy. Transparency International consistently ranks Venezuela among the most corrupt nations globally. Public resources are diverted to elites while health care, education and infrastructure are neglected.

Inflation reached 400% in 2023 and more than 80% of Venezuelans now live below the poverty line, according to the World Bank. The most impoverished households struggle to obtain food, medicine and clean water. This crisis is not just economic; it is political. The government’s refusal to allow reform or accountability sustains the systems that keep people poor. Aid efforts are often obstructed and humanitarian organizations face restrictions on their work.

The fallout from Venezuela’s collapse has sparked the second-largest migration crisis in the world after Syria. As of 2024, more than 7.7 million Venezuelans have left the country for safety and opportunity. Many have settled in neighboring countries like Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, where strained public systems struggle to accommodate them. This mass migration creates new poverty challenges in host communities, from overburdened schools to job market competition.

Migrants face their own vulnerabilities: exploitation, xenophobia and legal uncertainty. The crisis extends beyond borders, affecting the whole region and highlighting how fragile governance contributes to global poverty. Venezuela’s case reveals a broader truth: poverty thrives where the rule of law fails. Without functioning legal systems, enforcing labor rights, distributing aid effectively or combating corruption is impossible.

Final Remarks

Despite the repression, civil society organizations inside and outside Venezuela continue to document abuses, offer legal aid and support democratic movements. International watchdogs like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International advocate for accountability. At the same time, diaspora-led groups aid migrants and lobby for policy change. These efforts are limited but vital. They keep the possibility of reform alive and help protect the rights of the most vulnerable.

– Charlie Baker

Charlie is based in London, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Securing IMF Loan to Reduce Poverty in Lebanon

Reduce Poverty in LebanonPoverty in Lebanon has nearly tripled over the past decade, with an estimated 44% of the population living under the poverty line. In some parts of Lebanon, up to 70% of residents and 9 in 10 Syrian refugees are living in poverty. This sharp increase in poverty is due to years of political instability, economic mismanagement, corruption, civil war and other armed conflicts. These challenges have affected the health care system and food production.

Most Lebanese hospitals operate at less than 50% capacity due to limited resources. Similarly, 55% of families do not have health insurance and 52% cannot obtain essential medications. Additionally, 1.65 million people in Lebanon face severe food insecurity, which was exacerbated by the 33% decrease in agricultural output in 2020 and Lebanon’s conflict with Israel. With the election of a new president after a two-year impasse, the country’s current challenge is to secure funding for reconstruction, development and to reduce poverty in Lebanon.

IMF and Reforms

In early 2025, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) expressed willingness to provide financial support to Lebanon after the new government requested IMF loans. However, any potential loan program will not be offered until reforms occur. In 2022, the IMF created a loan package worth $3 billion for Lebanon contingent on economic reforms. However, Lebanon never received the funding because the government could not successfully implement the reforms. The challenge for Lebanon now is to successfully administer the required reforms so that the IMF will not refuse the much-needed funding again.

Lebanon has to implement a series of critical reforms to secure an IMF loan program by the end of spring. These include restructuring the financial sector, ensuring fiscal and debt sustainability, improving governance and transparency, reforming state-owned enterprises and enhancing the quality and availability of economic data.

Improving governance and transparency and reforming state-owned enterprises are among the most important reforms that Lebanon can make. The Lebanese state has increasingly ceded control to private actors, leading to a political economy shaped by privatization and minimal state intervention — trends that have significantly impacted the cement and public procurement sectors. These sectors lack oversight, regulation enforcement and national policy agendas, leading to corruption and opaque management of reconstruction funds. This creates delays, cement shortages, substandard work, low competition and exorbitant material prices.

Lessons for Lebanon

Saudi Arabia took on the challenge of improving regulations in its financial sector in 2023. The country strengthened the “legal and regulatory frameworks” for banks. It utilized the IMF’s resources to enhance its stress testing capabilities for banks. Saudi Arabia’s financial sector reforms can promote economic stability by decreasing the risk of banking financial crises — events that can severely increase poverty and income inequality.

Similarly, in 2022, Morocco undertook the challenge of reforming state-owned enterprises, improving the investment climate and fostering a more competitive business environment. The country established a new investment fund and introduced a modernized investment framework. Morocco can improve accountability, fiscal health, transparency and governance with these reforms. Furthermore, Morocco is working towards poverty reduction by prompting private sector growth, job-rich development and improving conditions for consumers and businesses.

Final Remarks

As Lebanon continues to struggle with a lack of accountability, transparency and limited competition, urgent action has to be taken by the newly formed government to implement reforms, for IMF loans are to be secured.

While Lebanon’s challenges are monumental, success stories such as Saudi Arabia’s financial sector reforms and Morocco’s efforts to strengthen competition offer valuable lessons.

These examples show that economic stability, growth and poverty reduction are within reach with the right reforms. Lebanon can secure the IMF loan needed to initiate reconstruction and reduce poverty by prioritizing these reforms and genuinely committing to the people.

– Haley Parilla

Haley is based in Cape Coral, FL, USA and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: Reducing Poverty in Brazil

Reducing Poverty in BrazilBrazil’s president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, also known as President Lula, has returned to lead the country after winning his third non-consecutive term in 2023. When he assumed office, Brazil’s poverty rate stood at 23.5%, based on the poverty line of $6.85 USD per day per capita. Within one year, President Lula managed to reduce poverty in Brazil to 1.7%. Although Lula’s leadership has driven significant progress in Brazil, he continues to face challenges.

Lula’s First Two Terms

On October 27, 2002, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva secured election as Brazil’s president, becoming the first former laborer to achieve this role. During his first term, he tackled issues that burdened Brazil, such as income inequality, the minimum wage and economic record-keeping.

He launched social programs like Bolsa Família and enacted reforms to address these challenges. Despite these accomplishments, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva faced criticism for neglecting education and crime as well as for a scandal involving his party’s illegal campaign funding.

In 2006, Lula triumphed in the presidential election again through two rounds of voting. His leadership fostered Brazil’s prosperity, symbolized by the selection of Brazil to host the 2016 Summer Olympics.

Under Lula’s guidance, Brazil thrived; however, constitutional limits prevented him from pursuing a third consecutive term. Consequently, Lula endorsed Dilma Rousseff to succeed him as Brazil’s leader.

Lula’s Absence From Office and Incarceration

Rousseff secured consecutive election victories, but during her second term in 2014, a corruption scandal implicated Lula, business owners and other Workers’ Party politicians. Over the next few years, dramatic events led to Lula’s incarceration and eventual release. Although Lula faced charges, the Supreme Court of Brazil annulled all accusations against him in 2021, clearing the way for his re-election bid.

Lula’s Reelection and Reconstruction of Brazil

In 2022, Lula campaigned against Jair Bolsonaro, a far-right politician who accelerated Amazon deforestation and mismanaged the COVID-19 pandemic, resulting in more than 600,000 deaths in Brazil. Lula emerged victorious in the election’s second round and began his third term.

Lula reinstated the policies he introduced during his first two terms. Since his return to office, 8.7 million Brazilians have moved above the poverty line. To illustrate this achievement, 10,875 individuals per day escaped poverty after Lula’s return.

Poverty reduction in Brazil is largely credited to Bolsa Família, the social program Lula initiated. Bolsa Família provides financial support to families in poverty on the condition that they ensure their children receive education and healthcare. Inspired by this program’s success, nearly 20 countries have adopted similar initiatives. Its broad reach is evident, as 42.7% of children aged 0-14 benefit from its provisions.

Unsolved Issues

Despite Brazil’s notable progress under Lula’s leadership, the country struggles with persistent racial inequality. Among Brazilians aged 15-29, 10.3 million remain unemployed and disconnected from education.

Of this group, 45.2% are black or brown women, and 23.4% are black or brown men. Altogether, 68.6% of this demographic identifies as black or brown.

What Lula and the Rest of the World Can Learn

Lula has undeniably advanced Brazil’s development during all three presidential terms. Brazil stands to benefit by maintaining Lula’s policies while expanding efforts to support disadvantaged populations, whilst reducing overall poverty in Brazil.

Brazil has already extended aid to previously underserved groups, as evidenced by Bolsa Família’s reach. Taking further steps to address the needs of marginalized communities could perfect the program’s impact.

For the world, Lula’s leadership and Bolsa Família serve as examples of effective governance. Nations facing similar challenges can adopt programs like Bolsa Família, which deliver substantial benefits with relatively simple implementation.

– Nicholas East

Nicholas is based in Ashby, MA, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Implementation of New Social Reforms in Morocco

Social Reforms in MoroccoRecently, the World Bank approved giving $70 million to the Kingdom of Morocco to help boost the country’s decades-long efforts in implementing and extending social reform protection. This will be done through the newly created National Population Registry (NPR), the National Register Agency (NRA) and the Social Registry System (SRS). These are country-wide systems that will also make sure to reach vulnerable populations such as low-income families and women.

According to a 2023 report from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), gender gaps in the Moroccan labor market are quite big, with the gap being around 21% and has been falling since 2004. The labor force in rural areas, in particular, has been declining in terms of the number of women working. The report also mentioned gender disparities in employment rates, in which it was found that unemployment rates were higher for women than they were for men. This presents a major issue, as the report found that if more women were encouraged and able to go to work, Morocco’s economy could be strengthened. There would be more people in the workforce.

Morocco acknowledges its ongoing struggles with gender inequality and its efforts to address this issue through social protection reforms are not recent. These efforts date back to the ’50s and were revitalized in the late ’90s, with a particular focus during the COVID and post-COVID periods.

Moudawana – 2004

Moudawana is Morocco’s family law. First drafted and implemented in the late ’50s, this law was reformed again in 2004. In this law, important rights for women were introduced, such as the right to self-guardianship, divorce, child custody and inheritance. Additionally, the legal age of marriage was raised from 15 to 18 years old. This law was a stepping stone toward improving gender equality in Morocco. The law provides women with self-autonomy and a way to support themselves financially, such as by securing inheritance and the right to self-guardianship.

COVID-19

Fast forward 16 years later, COVID-19 had a profound impact on social reforms in Morocco. It highlighted the need for special protections to be extended to all Moroccan citizens and the need for the country to pay closer attention to low-income individuals and families. At the time of the pandemic, it was found that women experiencing multidimensional poverty were more likely to be living in rural areas.

This is primarily due to a lack of education. According to a study titled “Women’s Poverty in Morocco in the Context of the Covid-19 Pandemic: a Multistory Approach,” “educational deficits explain nearly 60% of the risk of suffering this form of poverty.” In fact, a significant education disparity exists between men and women in Morocco, which undoubtedly contributes to women’s higher rates of poverty. As of 2022, the World Bank reports a 16.5% gap in adult literacy between men and women in Morocco.

In March 2021, during the pandemic, Social Protection Law No. 09. 21 was adopted with the intention of protecting Moroccans against economic and social risks. This law had two phases. The first phase from 2021-2023 would allow the government to focus on the generalization of medical insurance. In contrast, the 2024-2025 phase would require the government to implement unemployment allowances. These medical protections fall under three new registries that the Kingdom of Morocco created and began implementing in 2022.

Post COVID-19

  • NPR – 2022. In early 2022, the NPR was implemented initially as a pilot in Rabat, the capital of Morocco. It is a centralized database containing people’s names and addresses to ensure a record and fair access to social services. Each person is also given a unique identification number.
  • NRS – 2022. The NRS is closely linked to the NPR. However, it is specially referred to as a border system of national databases. The NRS is also responsible for managing and integrating Morocco’s social protection systems.
  • SRS – 2022. Also referred to as the Unified Social Registry (RSU), it is designed to help find vulnerable people for social assistance programs and actually properly allocate the benefits. Unlike the NPR, the SRS does not include everyone. However, it assesses income levels in households and determines whether or not they can receive benefits.

Closing Remarks

These three systems, while still in the beginning stages of implementation, have managed to benefit impoverished women in particular. Often, women in rural areas lack proper identification. In many cases, illiteracy makes it hard to navigate bureaucratic processes. Now that these women have been identified, they are eligible to access government social assistance programs.

Overall, social reforms in Morocco have made steady progress in addressing gender inequality and poverty. While the systems mentioned are new and by no means perfect, the progress has been encouraging to see.

– Aya Diab

Aya is based in New York City, NY, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Women’s Empowerment in Kurdistan

Despite facing both gender and ethnic oppression, Kurdish women have significantly reshaped the political landscape of the Middle East. No other group in the region features a higher percentage of women in leadership roles. Kurdish women serve as guerrillas, human rights activists and members of parliament, championing gender equality while fostering peace, security and social empowerment. Their efforts extend beyond Kurdistan, influencing the Kurdish European diaspora and demonstrating how women’s empowerment is transforming society in Kurdistan.

Political Participation

A defining policy in Kurdish governance is the co-chair system, which legally mandates that all leadership positions be shared equally between men and women. This structure ensures that international diplomats engaging with Kurdish representatives meet with women and men in equal numbers. The ideological foundation of this movement is rooted in “jineology” or “the science of women.” Several Kurdish political organizations embrace this philosophy, with the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) in northern Syria being the most well-known. This region, referred to as Rojava by Kurds, symbolizes Western Kurdistan and serves as a key example of gender equality in action.

While these reforms have created new opportunities for women, challenges remain. Political instability, conservative social structures and ongoing conflict in the region pose obstacles to full gender equality. Women participating in politics and military forces still face discrimination and resistance from traditional societal norms.

Advancing Gender Equality

Committed to promoting gender equality, the YPJ movement has established women-only organizations and mandated that half of all government funds be allocated to women’s initiatives. These ongoing efforts have led to significant legal reforms, including the outlawing of child marriage, a ban on polygamy and stronger mechanisms for women to report domestic abuse, with legal consequences for perpetrators.

The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has also introduced legal protections for women’s rights. The Family Law enacted in 2011 provides statutory protection against gender-based violence, including practices like female genital cutting. However, gaps in enforcement persist and legal loopholes allow some discriminatory practices to continue. Provisions permitting husbands to discipline their wives and laws enabling rapists to avoid prosecution by marrying their victims highlight the ongoing need for legal reform. Despite these challenges, the establishment of such laws marks progress toward safeguarding women’s rights. It is a significant step in transforming Kurdish society.

Economic Empowerment and Breaking Cycles of Poverty

Economic independence plays a crucial role in advancing gender equality. Programs such as the Stronger Women, Stronger Nations initiative support vulnerable women, including Syrian, Yazidi and Iraqi refugees, through vocational training and economic empowerment strategies. These programs provide financial literacy training, employment opportunities and entrepreneurship support, enabling women to secure stable incomes.

Women who participate in these initiatives gain skills in various sectors, including agriculture, tailoring and business management. In addition to improving household income, these programs reduce economic dependence on male family members, offering women greater autonomy and social mobility. Despite these advancements, women in Kurdistan still face barriers to workforce participation, including societal expectations, limited access to higher education and economic policies that do not always prioritize female employment.

Looking Ahead

Kurdish women’s empowerment has already set a precedent for gender equality in the region. However, continued progress depends on further legal reforms, education access and economic opportunities. While Kurdish women’s leadership in governance, law and military forces has been groundbreaking, ongoing advocacy is needed to address legal gaps and social resistance.

By fostering long-term gender equality through political representation, legal protections and economic independence, women’s empowerment in Kurdistan is not only transforming communities but also shaping the future of the Middle East. Their achievements serve as a model for other regions striving for gender justice and social reform.

– Edzhe Miteva

Edzhe is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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How The Coup in Gabon Could Lead to Poverty Reduction

coup in gabonGabon, a coastal country in Central Africa, faces hardships as it struggles to fight poverty and maintain unity in a context of political turmoil. In 2023, there was a coup in Gabon that was widely supported by the people, largely due to corruption and inequality. The country grapples with high rates of poverty, as “35% of the people live below the poverty line earning less than $2 a day” and unemployment rates are just as high.

Background

The previous president of Gabon had been in power for about 14 years following a time when his father had been in power. Citizens of Gabon had doubts about the legitimacy of his presidency and the fairness of their elections, so living in poverty only created higher tensions and a stronger feeling of injustice.

Gabon is known to have an abundance of natural resources that give it “the second highest per-capita GDP in mainland sub-Saharan Africa,” according to the United States Institute of Peace (USIP). The coup in Gabon was spurred on by this knowledge, as impoverished people laid blame on their government and felt unrecognized by those in power. This is why the military’s intervention in the government has been supported by the people and is seen as an act of justice.

Based on the wealth of the country from its oil industry, Gabon has one of the region’s highest yearly incomes. This creates questions on how such a large proportion of the country lives in poverty. The reason is said to be corruption of the government through the fact that “most of the country’s oil wealth goes into the pockets of a small amount of people,” BBC reports. Blatant corruption and discrepancies between the wealthy and impoverished encouraged the coup in Gabon.

Could the Coup Reduce Poverty?

Following the coup in Gabon, there have been a multitude of initiatives aimed at strengthening the stability of the country and bettering the quality of life. The government has a goal to diversify the economy, improve infrastructure, reduce poverty and improve the stability of governance through its “Emerging Gabon 2025” plan.

It seems the new government is attempting to learn from the mistakes of the past administration by implementing a variety of initiatives to improve quality of life and maintain public opinion. It has gained validity from international institutions, like the EU, which attempts to support Gabon “to ensure transparency in the electoral process,” according to the European Commission. External approval from other countries and institutions will only strengthen the legitimacy of Gabon’s new government.

Social Policy

To lift the community, the new government following the coup in Gabon will instate a revised social policy. This policy includes ways to help marginalized and impoverished groups through social programs, income-generating activities and access to public services. With the installation of these new services and continued efforts to address the needs of the country, there are long-term, institutional changes being made to reduce the number of people in poverty.

The World Bank is currently beginning a partnership with Gabon to help them reach these goals. It is striving for lasting change by targeting specific sectors and want results specifically in “greater household resilience and job creation in the non-oil private sector.” Less government corruption, more job opportunities and investment in the public sector are efforts being made to reduce poverty and stop the generational cycle of disparity.

The Future

The coup in Gabon was caused by a multitude of factors, with the unaddressed issue of poverty being one of them. However, the new government has been supported by the people as it attempts to learn from those mistakes and institutionally improve the quality of life. Combined international and domestic efforts will hopefully lead to the reduction of poverty in Gabon.

– Sydney Morrow

Sydney is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Fragility and Rule of Law in South Korea

Fragility and Rule of Law in South KoreaSouth Korea, a nation often celebrated for its economic success and democratic progress, is now grappling with one of the most significant political crises in its recent history. The impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol in December 2024, following his controversial declaration of martial law, has exposed deep-rooted tensions in governance. As authorities attempt to arrest the impeached leader, the events highlight the fragility and rule of law in South Korea, raising questions about the resilience of its democratic institutions.

The Historical Shadow of Martial Law

Martial law has long been a contentious issue in South Korea. The infamous Gwangju Uprising of 1980, where military forces violently suppressed pro-democracy demonstrations, remains a painful reminder of the dangers of unchecked executive power. Indeed, this history amplifies public distrust of martial law declarations and underscores the need for transparent governance.

President Yoon’s decision to impose martial law in early December 2024, citing vague national security threats by attributing them as “North Korea’s communist forces,” revived these fears. Citizens argued that the move lacked sufficient justification, prompting widespread protests.

These demonstrations mirrored the spirit of South Korea’s Candlelight Revolution in 2016, demonstrating the resilience of its civil society in demanding accountability and upholding democratic norms.

Protests: Lack of Evidence and Growing Distrust

The government’s failure to provide evidence justifying martial law further fueled public outrage. The lack of transparency led to accusations of authoritarian overreach, prompting citizens to take to the streets. Protesters and legal experts alike questioned whether the declaration adhered to constitutional principles, revealing the fragility and rule of law in South Korea, according to The Guardian.

These events emphasize the importance of strengthening democratic processes to ensure that emergency powers are not misused. Furthermore, transparency and accountability remain critical in rebuilding public trust in South Korea’s institutions.

Presidential Impeachment and Challenges in Arrest

President Yoon’s impeachment marked a turning point in this crisis. However, his subsequent refusal to cooperate with law enforcement has highlighted significant flaws in the country’s legal framework. On December 31, 2024, a South Korean court issued an arrest warrant for Yoon, citing his alleged abuse of power and unconstitutional actions. Yet, attempts to detain him have faced resistance.

The first arrest attempt on January 3, 2025, resulted in a standoff at Yoon’s residence, with presidential guards preventing investigators from entering. Authorities suspended their efforts, seeking a warrant extension as the original expired on January 6, 2025. A renewed warrant was issued on January 7, but Yoon has continued to evade arrest.

Yoon Suk Yeol has avoided arrest due to his security team’s resistance and the strong support of loyalists rallying outside his residence, BBC reports. Despite losing his powers, Yoon’s security detail blocked police attempts, citing loyalty. The political stalemate reflects broader legal uncertainties and deep divisions within South Korea.

Strengthening Rule of Law in South Korea

The political turmoil in South Korea has underscored the urgency of safeguarding democratic institutions and upholding the rule of law. During this critical period, organizations like People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), Transparency International Korea, and the Asia Democracy Network (ADN) have stepped up to address the crisis, advocating for accountability, reform, and the resilience of democracy.

The PSPD, an NGO that engages “in various democratic movements for participatory democracy and human rights,” hailed the impeachment of President Yoon Suk-yeol as a victory for the people. The organization emphasized that the National Assembly’s decision reflected public outrage over unconstitutional actions, including attempts to suspend democratic institutions. In their statement, PSPD called for President Yoon’s arrest and thorough investigation, declaring:

“Today’s passage of the impeachment motion is the result of the people’s firm determination to not recognize as the head of state someone who has thrown away the democracy and constitutional order they have worked so hard to achieve,” PSPD stated on its website.

Transparency International Korea

Transparency International Korea aims to “raise greater awareness in people, to eliminate the widespread corruption in the society, and to contribute in building a righteous society through anti-corruption activities.” It condemned Yoon’s declaration of martial law, labeling it unconstitutional and a grave assault on democracy. Its statement read: “Democracy is a system where diverse political groups coexist through negotiation and compromise. President Yoon’s rhetoric, labeling opposition as ‘anti-state forces,’ undermines the core values of a democratic society.

Furthermore, Transparency International Korea has called for Yoon’s resignation and impeachment to restore trust in South Korea’s democratic framework.

ADN aims to “promote and advance democratization and democratic governance at all levels of society through effective solidarity and cooperation among civil society organizations and democracy advocates in Asia.” It has expressed solidarity with South Korean citizens, applauding their dedication to defending democratic principles. ADN emphasized the broader significance of the crisis, stating: “This moment serves as a reminder of the collective responsibility to defend and nurture democracy across Asia and the world.”

Together, these organizations highlight the path forward: addressing systemic weaknesses, fostering accountability, and ensuring public trust in South Korea’s democratic processes.

Resilience Amid Crisis: A Hopeful Future

The fragility and rule of law in South Korea have been severely tested but also reinforced through civic action and institutional accountability. However, with President Yoon Suk-yeol now arrested and accountability measures underway, South Korea stands at a pivotal moment in its democratic history.

By supporting the efforts of organizations like PSPD, Transparency International Korea, and ADN, South Korea can turn this crisis into an opportunity for reform and progress. Indeed, this moment serves as a powerful reminder of the collective responsibility to protect democracy—not only in South Korea but across Asia.

Through resilience, collaboration and a commitment to justice, the nation can emerge stronger, reaffirming its place as a leader in democratic governance and the rule of law.

– Mmanoko Faith Molobetsi

Mmanoko is based in Pretoria ,South Africa and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Fragility and Rule of Law in Syria

Fragility and Rule of Law in SyriaFor more than 54 years, the Assad regime ruled Syria with tight control, shaping its political and social landscape. With its recent downfall, rebel forces have filled the power vacuum, facing the immense challenge of rebuilding the country after decades of authoritarian rule and conflict.

Fall of the Regime

The fall of the Assad regime marked a pivotal moment in Syria’s history. Intense military operations, spearheaded by the leading rebel force, the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, increased their influence on growing unrest and dissatisfaction with the regime. These efforts culminated in a series of strategic offensives, ultimately resulting in the takeover of Damascus in early December, 2024.

This victory was celebrated all over Syria but also exposed the fragility and rule of law. The collapse left a significant power vacuum, with various factions vying for control and struggling to establish governance in a deeply divided society.

Stabilization and Rule of Law

The integration of rebel forces into a unified defense ministry is a critical step toward addressing the fragility and rule of law in Syria. Rebel groups, including Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, the Syrian National Army backed by Türkiye and others, allied to create a cohesive defense ministry.

This move indicates a commitment to stability and governance, reducing internal conflicts among factions. While this unity signals progress, the country still faces challenges in establishing a robust framework for governance and the enforcement of laws, particularly in areas previously dominated by Assad loyalists.

Signs of Progress and Ongoing Challenges

Despite the ongoing fragility, there are glimpses of progress in Syria. For the first time after the fall of the Assad regime, Syria’s Christian community celebrated Christmas, symbolizing a shift toward religious freedom and tolerance. This moment marked a hopeful milestone for communities long suppressed under the regime’s rule.

Additionally, efforts to include women in governance are gaining momentum. Aisha al-Dibs, the newly appointed head of the Women’s Affairs Office, has emphasized the critical role of women from all provinces and ethnicities in rebuilding Syria. These developments demonstrate potential advancements in addressing the fragility and rule of law in Syria.

Toward Stability and Governance

The fragility and rule of law in Syria remain at the forefront of the country’s transition from decades of Assad rule. While the fall of the regime indicated the formation of a unified defense ministry marked significant milestones, Syria’s path to stability is fraught with challenges. Promising signs, however, include progress in fostering religious tolerance, increasing the inclusion of women in governance and unifying rebel factions.

Yet, much work remains to be done to establish a cohesive and inclusive government. As Syria rebuilds, addressing the fragility and ensuring the rule of law will be essential for achieving long-term peace and stability.

– Mmanoko Faith Molobetsi

Mmanoko is based in Pretoria, South Africa and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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The Fall of Assad’s Regime and Challenges Facing Syrians

The Fall of Assad’s RegimeIn the past decade, Syria has dealt with “one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises.” More than 5 million Syrian refugees live in the five countries neighboring Syria. Since 2011, Syria has been marred by civil war. The brutal dictator, Bashar Al-Assad, has led a tyrannical regime over the Syrian people. In response to protests following the Arab Spring, the government used “deadly force” against the peaceful demonstrators. This violence escalated into a bloody civil war.

Additionally, “more than 14 million Syrians have been forced to flee their homes in search of safety” since 2011. The United Nations (U.N.) also reports that about 70% of the country’s population needs humanitarian assistance, with 90% living below the poverty line. However, the fall of Assad’s regime has happened and many Syrians are thinking of returning home. Although the fall of Assad’s regime can be seen as a positive development, the future for Syria and its people remains unclear. Here are five obstacles for the Syrian people after Assad fell from power.

Destruction of Infrastructure

Although Assad is gone and Syrian refugees consider the possibility of going back, Syria’s infrastructure has been obliterated by the 13-year civil war. “Basic amenities like clean water, electricity and housing are difficult to find,” Vox reports. For people whose homes were not destroyed, some of them have other people living in them now and “many refugees lack documentation to prove they own their properties.” 

On top of that, the new government will unlikely be able to resolve “property disputes” as they are stretched so thin. The vast majority of the country’s population needs aid. The U.N. Refugee Agency reports that 90% of the population depends on humanitarian assistance. In addition, it is the beginning of winter. If refugees start returning now, they will need “shelter, food and water.” There are continuous obstacles for the Syrian people.

Economic Problems

Syria’s economy is in dismal condition and high inflation presents problems for people in Syria, as well as refugees considering returning. The Central Bank of Syria reports that inflation reached 122% in April 2024. In addition, schools have been destroyed, leaving many children without education. In tandem with that, few job opportunities exist for people to earn a reasonable living. Employment is yet another one of the obstacles for Syrian people. 

During Assad’s reign, countries like the U.S. put heavy sanctions on Syria, hurting the nation’s economy even further. However, the current “de facto leader of Syria, Ahmed al-Sharaa,” is asking for sanctions to be lifted; he asserts that Syria does not pose a threat to other parts of the world as it did under Assad’s regime. The sanctions are currently still in place.

Uncertain Future

Although many feel joy at the end of Assad’s tyrannical and oppressive regime, the future remains uncertain for Syria. Ahmed al-Sharaa is the leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), “the dominant group in the rebel alliance,” which defeated Assad. HTS is designated as a terrorist organization by the U.S., U.N. and others. Also, the group was formerly part of the terrorist organization Al-Qaeda. Many are skeptical about whether or not the new leadership will bring peace to Syria.

Many countries hosting Syrian refugees are eager to send them back. However, too many people returning at once could cause new problems, as the government is already dealing with great hardship. Obstacles for Syrian people in and outside of the nation are ever-present. In the north of Syria, Turkish-backed groups are fighting Kurdish-led groups, which might lead to further violence. Even more, many Syrians are doubting that HTS will bring a peaceful future, as they led an authoritarian rule in the northwest of the country. 

Humanitarian Aid

Syria Relief & Development (SRD) is a nonprofit organization that addresses Syria’s most urgent need for aid. It was founded in 2011 and intends to provide humanitarian relief and encourage sustainable development in Syria. Since 2011, SRD has been involved in more than 18 million humanitarian interventions in Syria. The organization continues to provide support in health care, education, disaster relief and much more. 

Final Thoughts

Syria’s future may be unclear, but there is no doubt that the fall of Assad’s regime has brought great joy to the Syrian people. Obstacles for Syrian people are still present and much aid is still needed. However, there seems to be a hope that Syria will be able to forge a newer and better future.

– Michael Messina

Michael is based in Newburyport, MA, US and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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The UN’s Role in Restoring Human Rights in Syria

Restoring Human RightsOn December 8, 2024, rebel groups in Syria overthrew the government of former President Bashar al-Assad, forcing him to flee to Russia where the Kremlin granted him asylum. As of now, Syria is undergoing a political transition away from the rule of Assad and into a new government that many hope will restore human rights to the country and improve the livelihoods of Syrians after decades of poverty. On the global level, non-governmental organizations and multilateral organizations are working to help Syrians form a government based on international human rights norms. One of them is the United Nations (U.N.) which has been investigating human rights abuses by Syrian officials via its Commission of Inquiry on Syria (COI).

UN’s Critical in Restoring Human Rights to Syria

On December 12, 2024, the U.N.’s Commission of Inquiry on Syria stated that they have a list of up to 4,000 human rights abusers from the Syrian government since 2011 when the civil war started. The commission, which has been investigating and collecting testimonies remotely, now hopes to finally gain access to Syria to help hold accountable those who destabilized the country and exacerbated its poverty. On the other hand, Geir Pedersen, the U.N. Special Envoy to Syria, has called for lifting sanctions on Syria imposed by the U.S. and the EU so work can begin on rebuilding the country and providing necessary aid. That way the UN and even other international organizations, backed by countries around the world, can start restoring human rights back to Syria step by step.

UN’s Political and Humanitarian Aid Efforts in Syria

The U.N. is putting effort into restoring human rights to Syrian institutions and people by providing life-saving aid to the most vulnerable and helping the interim government politically transition properly. Cindy McCain, head of the World Food Program (WFP), has stated that the U.N. is working to deliver food to the approximately 3 million Syrians who are struggling with severe food insecurity.

Similarly, Pedersen recently met with the key political leaders in the interim government to emphasize the need for a government that is inclusive and represents Syrians of all religions and groups. Although the U.N.’s efforts in Syria so far have been critical, it can only succeed with the backing of its member states who are also lending a hand in the rebuilding of a post-Assad Syria.

The Role of Countries in Rebuilding Syria Post-Assad

Restoring human rights values to Syria requires more than the goodwill of the U.N. and its NGO partners. It also requires the vast resources and connections of countries regional and around the world. For example, the Arab League countries have pledged to support the new Syrian government to ensure that the rights of women and minorities are respected while Turkey has recently reopened its embassy in Syria.

On the other hand, U.S. sanctions on Russia could pressure the Kremlin to hand over Assad to Syria or the international criminal court to face trial over his human rights abuses. In other words, the U.N.’s efforts to help Syria build a more inclusive government and lift millions out of poverty require the assistance of countries with the governance structure on which a post-Assad Syria could model itself.

Revitalizing Human Rights Norms in Syria

The overthrow of the Assad regime in Syria marks a new beginning for Syrians who have struggled with poverty, food insecurity and instability caused by the government. It is also a new beginning for international human rights activists who never even dreamed that this day could come sooner than later. The UN’s current efforts in restoring human rights to Syrian institutions is an opportunity to remind countries around the world why human rights still matter in this global era of politics.

– Abdullah Dowaihy

Abdullah is based in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash