Archive for category: Aid

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ISAS in Turkey

isas turkeyTurkey is a nation that has been attempting to build itself back up after years of turmoil and conflict, and when a country is trying to rebuild from attacks on its economy and infrastructure, those in poverty are at the forefront of that battle. Inflation has been plaguing Turkey for years, to the point where the inflation rate reached a high of 13.6% in 2024. This has a direct impact on the country’s poverty rate; nuclear families suffer from a 13.4% poverty rate as of 2024, while households where the owner is single only have a 6.5% poverty rate. This is a rare case of improvement, as the rate for this was 0.8 percentage points higher in 2023.

Such poverty rates also affect education, with 24.7% of people in the country who do not have any sort of university degree living in poverty, and 13.6% of people who do not have a high school diploma. It is a downward spiral; those in poverty typically lack education, which in turn prevents those same people from obtaining jobs and opportunities that would allow them to rise out of poverty and rebuild their lives.

The Integrated Social Assistance System

Fortunately for those in poverty, the government in Turkey established systems to try and help them receive the help that they need. The chief program among the others is the Integrated Social Assistance System (ISAS), which provides a flush of resources to those who apply for it.

Established in 2010, the main purpose of the program is to help citizens of Turkey register for social programs and other assistance programs. When someone registers for the Integrated Social Assistance System, the government databases collect their data to determine their eligibility for programs. Since 2010, more than 30 million citizens have been able to secure applications for various programs.

The ISAS and the resources that come with it are both very easy to use and widely helpful in getting those in poverty access to programs that can help them get back on their feet.

Local Communities

The Borgen Project spoke with a pastor of a local community church who wishes to remain anonymous. The church assists those who are on the Integrated Social Assistance system by distributing packages to them and assisting in the rent payments, alongside helping people sign up for the program.

The pastor spoke about “Since ISAS was introduced in Turkey, we have helped parishioners navigate the application process. Many older people or refugees don’t always know how to deal with digital platforms or the paperwork.”  When interviewed about the effectiveness of the ISAS, the pastor explained, “In some ways, it has helped. Before, assistance was fragmented. Now everything is coordinated, and some families receive help more quickly. But the needs keep growing. The underlying issues like unemployment and low wages, are not going away. Sometimes, despite the social assistance, people do not have enough.” There is always something that can be done to improve the lives of those in poverty every single day.

The Process

An inspection officer checks applicants’ residences to verify and assess the applicants’ status. Should someone pass the assessments, they will receive either a social assistance card, direct cash sent to the residence, or a transfer to the beneficiary’s bank account, depending on which option the person chooses. The holders of a social assistant card can use it to make purchases directly, as the cards are prepaid. Only those who are living in poverty can pass the inspections and use these resources, and they are very popular. More than 2 million people in Turkey have a social assistance card.

The Borgen Project spoke with a single mother living in Turkey, benefitting from the ISAS and its resources, who wishes to remain anonymous. When asked about her experience with the program, she said, “I lost my job during the pandemic, and my husband left a year later. With two children, it was terrifying. I have no family support, so I applied for social assistance through the ISAS portal. It was confusing at first but eventually, a social worker helped me. I now receive regular support for food and heating, which is a lifesaver.”

And talking about what would help her the most going forward, her reply was “More job opportunities—especially flexible ones for mothers. Childcare support, too. Social assistance is essential, but I want to stand on my own feet and provide for my children.”

The Future

With ISAS and other programs in place, those in Turkey who are living in poverty have a chance to get the resources and aid they need so they can make it through each day and eventually rise out of poverty for good.

The Borgen Project spoke with a local high school teacher in Turkey about the effects of the ISAS on those who need it most: the children in poverty. She explained, “Yes, students whose families get regular support from the program tend to perform better in the classroom. But the stigma around government handouts still exists; some children feel embarrassed to admit their families need help, and it can affect their self-esteem around their peers. But when families know they can rely on support, even if it’s small, children can focus on learning. Expanding school-based aid and after-school programs would make a huge difference.” If they receive proper help, then the lives of people living in Turkey, young and old, will be able to flourish.

– John Menechino

John is based in Marietta, GA, USA and focuses on Technology and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Helping Others Helps Us: The Domestic Case for UK Aid

U.K. AidThe primary motivation for giving aid should always be to help rescue the world’s poorest from the desperate clutch of poverty. However, in political discourse, people regularly frame the British government’s giving of aid as an entirely altruistic pursuit that has no tangible benefits for the people of Britain. 

This has led to a severely warped public perception of how the government was spending their money and its knock-on effects. The rise of political voices calling for reductions in U.K. aid, framed as an effortless money-saving measure, ignores the substantial economic returns that said aid generates for Britain. 

The Moral Case for Aid

Before considering the domestic benefits, it is important to remember that aid exists first and foremost to save lives and offer hope in communities where prosperity is scarce and scarcity is the norm. Estimates that the U.K. Department for International Development suggest that U.K. funding has helped to immunize 76 million children globally and thus saved about 1.4 million lives.

Between 2010 and 2015, U.K. aid supported 11 million children in primary and secondary education, 62.9 million people saw better sanitation and access to clean water and emergency food assistance reached more than 13 million people.

One may view these figures as just numbers but it is key to recognize the lived realities they represent. U.K. aid has transformed millions of lives across the globe. The scale of this impact is hard to ignore and should be central to the case for U.K. aid.

Impact on Trade

Aid can be viewed as a zero-sum game. However, trade is a key area that can grow domestically when aid supports and grows the economy of low-income countries. On an individual level, aid can improve people’s purchasing power, opening up communities as new markets for British products and services. More broadly, aid can stabilize national economies and promote competent economic governance.

Economic and political stability creates stronger trading partners and fosters long-term partnerships that can lead to trade agreements. The Aid for Trade initiative specifically promotes commerce between donor and recipient countries while supporting economic growth and development. 

A report from the National Institute of Economic and Social Research has reinforced such benefits. It found that cuts that the Johnson Ministry made to the Official Development Assistance budget cost between £322 million and £423 million in lost U.K. exports. This indicates that, rather than providing savings to the treasury, cuts to U.K. aid actually come at a cost to the U.K. economy.

The Independent Commission for Aid impact found that between 2015 and 2021, the U.K. spent more than $638 million on trade focused programs, with 44% directed to African countries and 20% to Asian countries. This funding has significant potential to open new markets for U.K. businesses. In the U.K., such exports also support around 6.5 million jobs which a government report found to be 21% more productive and 7% better paid than the national average. So, not only does international aid open new markets for businesses, it also provides better paying, more productive jobs that drive innovation, efficiency and long-term economic growth. 

Aid Keeps Us Safer

The use of aid as part of interventions to ensure political and economic stability abroad have much more nuanced outcomes and remain highly controversial. Such interventions usually consist of two components: capacity building, which involves building up the capabilities of a state so it can fulfill its primary functions and legitimacy building, which focuses more on ensuring the people view said government as a legitimate actor.

Such practices can form in the aftermath of military interventions or can be more effectively utilized before such a state failure can occur. The World Bank estimates that for every $1 invested in prevention, about $16 is saved in potential long-term costs. Investing aid before conflict arises can prevent costly military interventions and heavy-handed state-building that often ignores local sociopolitical dynamics. Strengthening pre-existing state structures saves donor countries money and helps prevent conflict, creating a safer, more stable world.

Final Thoughts

Before judging aid based on political convenience, it is important to consider the moral implications and assess where this money can do the most good. The case for increasing international aid must always be framed in these terms. Existing research highlights the inaccuracy of framing such issues in terms of an “us versus them” divide.

When the U.K. government gives aid, it is not wasting money, nor is that money lost to the U.K. forever; it has tangible economic and security benefits that too often go ignored. This reality is key to any political dialogue moving forward to ensure cutting aid is not used as a money-saving political football. 

– Adam Walsh

Adam is based in Burnley, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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South Korea’s and Ireland’s Foreign Aid Leadership

Ireland's Foreign Aid Foreign aid leadership is becoming increasingly vital as traditional donors slash their development budgets. The United States, once a key player through USAID, has dramatically reduced its contributions, despite previous efforts that saved over a million lives annually. The U.S. is not alone. The U.K., France, Germany, and other major players have followed suit. According to the OECD, global official development assistance (ODA) fell by 7.1% in 2024, with the European Union cutting its aid budget by 8.6%. And the worst may be yet to come: 2025 could see the largest aid cut in modern history. The OECD estimates a $35 billion drop in 2025, on top of a $21 billion shortfall in 2024, leaving a $56 billion vacuum where funding for vaccine research, mosquito nets, and food programs once existed.

Amid this widespread retreat, a few countries have emerged as unexpected leaders. While Spain has gained attention for going against the grain, it is not alone. In 2024 and 2025, South Korea’s and Ireland’s foreign aid budgets have been expanded, standing out as outliers of solidarity in an increasingly fragmented global aid landscape

Ireland: A Rising Leader in Foreign Aid

Ireland’s foreign aid commitments have steadily increased in recent years. In 2023, the country’s ODA reached a historic €2.6 billion, amounting to 0.67% of Gross National Income (GNI). However, when excluding in-country refugee costs, the ODA-to-GNI ratio stands at 0.38%

For 2025, Irish Aid received a €35 million boost, bringing its total to €810 million—a 4.5% increase and a record allocation. Across all government departments, total ODA remains above €2 billion, reinforcing Ireland’s commitment to humanitarian response and long-term development. This funding prioritizes emergency responses in conflict zones like Gaza, Sudan and Ukraine.

Notably, Ireland is also investing in multilateral development. In 2025, it will contribute €141 million—a 33.5% increase—to the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA) fund, which supports the world’s poorest countries. The IDA helps low-income nations cope with debt burdens, climate shocks, rising inflation and conflict.

By blending immediate humanitarian aid with long-term financing, Ireland is strengthening its global footprint and pursuing a values-driven foreign policy aligned with the U.N. Sustainable Development Goals.

South Korea: Scaling Aid and Shaping Donor Identity

In 2024, South Korea’s ODA surged by 24.8%, reaching $3.94 billion, or 0.21% of its GNI—the highest ratio since the country joined the OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC). For 2025, the government approved an even larger ODA budget of 6.5 trillion won (≈US$4.5 billion), marking a 3.8% increase and achieving its mid-term aid target well ahead of schedule. South Korea’s aid strategy now prioritizes mutually beneficial cooperation, shifting toward fewer but larger projects that enhance impact and reduce fragmentation.

The OECD DAC’s 2024 peer review commended Korea’s ODA efforts, highlighting its rapid scale-up and growing leadership in the international development arena.

South Korea’s rising influence is especially visible in Africa. At the Korea–Africa Summit, it pledged an additional $10 billion in development aid over six years and signed nearly 50 bilateral agreements across sectors like mining, manufacturing, energy, and trade. Korean companies also expanded their footprint—Hyosung Corp secured a $30 million transformer supply contract with Mozambique, while strategic partnerships were signed with Madagascar and Tanzania to secure critical minerals. Korea also committed $14 billion in export financing to boost trade and investment in African markets.

With a growing focus on South–South cooperation, Korea is positioning itself not just as a financial donor, but as a development partner offering shared solutions—a model increasingly relevant in today’s evolving aid landscape.

Strategic Shifts and Emerging Models

Ireland and South Korea stand out not only for increasing their aid budgets, but for how they are deploying those resources. Ireland has prioritized a balanced mix of humanitarian aid and peace-building, while reinforcing its long-standing commitment to multilateralism. This integrated approach strengthens long-term resilience and global partnerships.

South Korea, meanwhile, is focusing on quality and strategic alignment. Rather than expanding broadly, it is sharpening its engagement, enhancing regional diplomacy and consolidating efforts into fewer, more impactful programs. This reflects a maturing donor model that values effectiveness over volume.

Looking Ahead: Complexities and Opportunities

This progress is not without challenges. In Ireland, growing refugee-related costs and climate obligations must be balanced without diluting its long-term development agenda. Sustaining momentum will require political will and public backing.

For South Korea, the key test is turning reforms into lasting impact. As it moves toward larger-scale projects, transparency and effective delivery will be crucial.

South Korea’s and Ireland’s foreign aid may not match top donors in scale, but their strategies offer something equally vital: a blueprint for high-impact, principled engagement. Through targeted investments, diplomacy, and values-driven action, both countries are showing that smaller donors can lead with purpose.

– Jacobo L. Esteban

Jacobo is based in Cali, Colombia and focuses on Technology and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Can the Private Sector Replace USAID?

Private Sector Replace USAID?The USAID freeze has affected up to $40 billion in humanitarian and development aid worldwide. However, a combination of international donors, corporate responsibility initiatives and development finance investors is working to assist the vulnerable communities. Organized by the World Bank and development investors, initiatives like the International Development Association (IDA) have raised billions that can be used to assist countries affected by the USAID freeze.

Additionally, nonprofit investment funds like Acumen, which focuses on renewable energy in the developing world, can help mitigate the rippling effect of suspending the tens of billions awarded to international organizations on the ground fighting poverty.

The Scale of USAID’s Impact and Its Absence

Before the USAID cuts and freezes, the U.S. provided $64 billion of the $223 billion in international aid. These funds go to a network of governments, international organizations and on-the-ground partners. Roughly half of the $64 billion is administered through USAID. Most of this is distributed through local and international partners. The cuts are likely to force these partners to look for other donors.

USAID’s work has had measurable success: saving six million lives from malaria by 2017 and contributing to the elimination of wild poliovirus in 2020. However, despite those achievements, USAID is under threat. USAID efforts were initially frozen for 90 days starting in January, which was then extended another 30 days. Unfortunately, these cuts are here to stay, despite their devastating effects on communities worldwide.

Can the Private Sector Replace USAID?

Making the private sector replace USAID will be incredibly difficult. Rob Nabors, the North America director for the Gates Foundation, explained, “There is no foundation — or group of foundations — that can provide the funding, workforce capacity, expertise or leadership that the United States has historically provided to combat and control deadly diseases and address hunger and poverty around the world.”

Still, a coalition of governments, NGOs and development investors is working to step in. The IDA is a coalition of 175 countries that periodically evaluates budget priorities to help relieve poverty and assist developing countries in growing their economy. Fifty different countries currently operate as donors. Late last year, IDA donors helped secure $100 billion for the impoverished groups in developing countries.

IDA can assist in achieving many of the goals of USAID, like connecting hundreds of millions of people in Africa to reliable electricity. IDA’s model has also helped 35 countries graduate into developed countries that can act as donors, such as South Korea, highlighting what international aid can accomplish.

The Role of Philanthropy and Development Finance

Additionally, private organizations can help alleviate the harm from the recent cuts. One of the main issues is coordination and focusing funds where they can help the most. The Center for Global Development organization helps host Project Resource Optimization (PRO). Led by former USAID employees, PRO helps donors prioritize the most effective projects. Robert Rosenbaum, an independent consultant for PRO and former USAID staffer, notes, “Private philanthropy cannot replace bilateral aid, but it can lead the way in demonstrating what the future of development should look like: simpler, more transparent and relentlessly focused on results.”

Lastly, international finance can play a major role in replacing USAID. Investors like Nimrod Gerber, a managing partner at Vital Capital, see the freeze as a potential opportunity for a more effective and sustainable funding strategy for humanitarian projects. One of the main ways development investors could assist is by directing the hundreds of billions in African pension funds into projects that return on investment and improve the quality of life of people on the ground.

The Open Road Alliance (ORA) is a great example of this model. The ORA funds loans to organizations, both corporations and NGOs, in the developing world. These function as bridge loans to survive a sudden and unexpected funding crisis, like budget cuts. One of the projects the ORA funded was OnePower, which created electrical mini-grids in rural Lesotho. Not only did this provide increased health care access, but it also paid back its investors. Usually, investors get anywhere between a 2% and 4% return.

A Shift, Not a Replacement

Completely replacing USAID is not a reasonable goal. The ideal is for the U.S. to regain its place as the go-to coordinator and donor of international aid. However, this crisis has allowed many other governments, NGOs and financiers to create inventive ways to fill the gaps.

– Joseph Laughon

Joseph is based in Sacramento, CA, USA and focuses on Good News and Technology for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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The Weaponization of Humanitarian Aid in Myanmar’s Civil War

Weaponization of Humanitarian AidSince the 2021 military overthrow of Myanmar’s democratically elected Aung San Suu Kyi government, the country has faced ongoing turmoil. Years of brutal fighting between the military junta, known as the Tatmadaw and a patchwork of regional resistance forces and ethnic armed groups have left Myanmar devastated.

According to the most recent U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) report on the humanitarian situation in embattled Myanmar, 19.9 million people are “estimated to need humanitarian assistance.” More than 15 million people face acute food insecurity, while almost 6.3 million children are counted among the individuals in need of assistance. This is out of a total population of roughly 54.8 million.

The Weaponization of Humanitarian Aid

“The junta has chosen to use aid as a weapon,” said U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation in Myanmar Tom Andrews in a June article posted to the U.N. News website. After the devastating 7.7-magnitude earthquake that struck central Myanmar this past March, the country was left reeling.

In the weeks that followed, aid groups and international reporting outlets raised an outcry over the junta’s blocking of international humanitarian assistance. John Quinley, director of the international nonprofit Fortify Rights, told the BBC, “They pick and choose when aid can go in and if they can’t monitor it and they can’t use it how they want, they restrict it.”

This has long been a tactic favored by the junta, with examples of such exploitation going back to the previous 49-year stretch of junta rule in Myanmar. Cyclone Nargis ripped through southern Myanmar in May 2008, killing more than 140,000 people, mostly in and around the Irrawaddy Delta. However, the junta delayed and obstructed international aid and relief from entering affected areas for weeks.

Everyone Is an Enemy

The regime feared that such widespread foreign involvement would undermine its authority and spark possible dissent. Thus, it chooses to prioritize its control of its population over its people’s urgent humanitarian needs. Al Jazeera, speaking on the regime’s attitude after the cyclone, stated that, “They see everyone as a potential enemy intent on overthrowing their rule.”

Still, it is not only the junta that has harmed aid delivery. Though on a far lesser scale, anti-junta factions have also impacted food delivery and humanitarian supplies. The New Humanitarian reported in 2023 that after a recent offensive by the Three Brotherhood Alliance, the town of Laukkai in Shan State experienced shortages of basic resources after anti-junta forces blocked parts of the state from junta forces. Crucial roads and bridges were also damaged or destroyed by anti-junta forces in their fight.

Who Is Fighting Back?

The junta, which now fully controls only around 21% of the nation’s territory, continues the weaponization of humanitarian aid. However, many local groups have worked hard to fill the gaps in governmental and international aid. Humanitarian Outcomes reported that most international humanitarian action, done by “formal” entities such as the U.N., is limited to junta-controlled areas. Still, the same report makes note of local, clandestine groups and networks that work to smuggle money and goods into contested areas. Many of these are Burmese diaspora members or other groups operating from the other side of the Thai border.

Aid and support also move across the Indian border and are conducted by several humanitarian and anti-coup groups. The Free Burma Rangers (FBR) is among the most prominent aid organizations formed during offensives by the junta in 1997. It has worked to train 250 “multi-ethnic relief teams,” 71 of which are active in a dozen regions across Myanmar. The FBR teams provide “emergency medical, educational, spiritual, material and general assistance” to civilians in conflict zones.

Another notable aid organization is the Back Pack Health Worker Team. It sends out “mobile back pack teams of three-five trained health workers [who] provide a range of curative and preventative health care services to their communities.” The organization currently operates 113 backpack teams, with 456 total workers. These workers, with a network of nearly 2,000 community-embedded health services, provide health services to more than 292,000 IDPs and war-affected residents across the country.

All of this goes to show that formal humanitarian services often fail to reach many civilians in Myanmar. In their absence, thousands of local organizations and groups are stepping up for their communities and finding ways to circumvent the weaponization of humanitarian aid.

– Alex Degterev

Alex is based in Boston, MA, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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How Security Diplomacy Is Replacing Development Assistance

Security DiplomacyForeign aid has been essential for decades in international development, funding education, health care and infrastructure in low- and middle-income countries. In recent years, governments and organizations have increasingly redirected aid spending toward strategic objectives, emphasizing security, border control and military collaboration. This new trend, sometimes called “security diplomacy,” raises questions about the changing dynamics of foreign assistance and its lasting impact on poverty alleviation.

Assistance from countries such as the U.S., Italy and European Union (EU) members is increasingly allocated to military training efforts, anti-migration enforcement and surveillance technologies, rather than financing educational institutions or hospital facilities. Case studies from Africa and the Mediterranean demonstrate the effects of this transition on recipient states and the challenges it presents to traditional development objectives. This shift exemplifies how security diplomacy and foreign aid are increasingly intertwined in global policy.

Coastal Control Over Community Needs: Italy’s Aid to Libya

In recent years, Italy has invested millions in foreign aid to bolster Libya’s coast guard and border control initiatives, particularly to curtail migration across the Mediterranean. This approach, financed via bilateral agreements and EU-supported frameworks, has faced criticism for prioritizing security containment above sustainable development assistance in North Africa.

According to a 2023 study, Italy allocated at least $37.5 million between 2017 and 2022. This funding was part of a broader strategy of security diplomacy and foreign aid, supporting patrol boats, training and equipment for the Libyan Coast Guard. The principal objective has been to intercept migrant vessels before their arrival in European seas and to repatriate the individuals on board to detention facilities in Libya.

This strategy, ostensibly humanitarian to avert perilous maritime journeys, has faced extensive criticism for facilitating human rights violations. United Nations (U.N.) and human rights groups have reported instances of arbitrary incarceration, torture and forced labor in Libyan detention institutions, to which many returnees are sent. Critics contend that by emphasizing border control, Italy and the EU have neglected investment in Libya’s faltering education and health care systems. These sectors have declined owing to persistent violence and insufficient finance. The financing change establishes a precedent for using assistance as a mechanism for migratory deterrent, rather than for human development.

The Sahel: Development Deferred in the Name of Stability

The EU has allocated billions to the Sahel via the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF), primarily focused on poverty alleviation and migration control. By the conclusion of 2020, the EUTF had mobilized more than $4.8 billion, with 46% of the capital allocated to resilience and economic opportunity. Approximately 31% was explicitly designated for migration management and border control within the Sahel and Lake Chad framework, highlighting the EU’s increasing use of security diplomacy and foreign aid.

Audits conducted by the European Court of Auditors and academics at SWP Berlin have highlighted issues over the Fund’s ambiguous development aims. It indicates that its design increasingly caters to EU migration interests, implying a shift from conventional poverty alleviation to security-oriented measures. Similarly, analyses by think tanks such as the Foundation for European Progressive Studies suggest that mechanisms like the EUTF and the External Investment Plan reflect a shift in EU funding priorities.

Rather than focusing solely on development, these tools now also serve goals related to policing, border security and migration diplomacy. This marks a significant evolution in the EU’s “security–migration–development nexus” in the Sahel. Civil society organizations, like Oxfam and Euractiv, have emphasized the need to reallocate education, employment and health care assistance. They contend that emphasizing border control and stabilization may exacerbate instability rather than mitigate it.

Donor Alternatives That Prioritize Development

Certain donor initiatives, including those spearheaded by USAID, have persistently prioritized locally driven development, especially in the Sahel and Horn of Africa. The USAID Resilience in the Sahel Enhanced (RISE) program prioritizes enduring outcomes like education, food security and conflict prevention by collaborating directly with people instead of relying on security intermediaries.

Similarly, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) have developed frameworks. These are focused on human security, including education, health, economic stability and protection from violence. These paradigms establish development as fundamental to security, rather than as a deterrence mechanism.

Focus on Root Causes: Re-Centering Aid on Human Development

Prominent international institutions, such as the OECD, the World Bank and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), continually underscore the need to address the fundamental causes of instability for sustainable development and migratory governance. The fundamental reasons are poverty, social marginalization, shaky governance, economic instability and environmental shocks.

The OECD asserts that successful development aid must promote inclusive economic growth, education, gender equality, health care and access to social safety systems. These objectives transcend mere humanitarianism; they represent strategic investments in enduring resilience. A global analysis by the World Bank highlights that improving equal access to employment and education is key to reducing migration driven by hardship. This is especially true for adolescents in precarious environments, where limited opportunities often make migration appear to be the only viable path forward.

IOM emphasizes that an exclusive emphasis on border control neglects intricate realities: most migration is internal or regional and is propelled by structural development disparities. Investments in local governance, labor markets and climate resilience might initially reduce the need for irregular migration.

Conclusion

As countries increasingly allocate development financing to border security and migration control, the fundamental purpose of foreign assistance is jeopardized. Across institutions, communities and advocacy networks, there is an increasing acknowledgement that human development, rather than deterrence, is the best sustainable approach to world stability.

– Ray Bechara

Ray is based in Glasgow, Scotland and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Reducing Maternal Mortality in Nigeria: The Abiye Project

Reducing Maternal Mortality in NigeriaNigeria has around 2% of the world’s population, but accounts for nearly 10% of global maternal deaths. In 2008, the Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) identified Ondo State in southwestern Nigeria as one of the country’s most affected regions. At that time, Ondo State’s maternal mortality ratio (MMR) stood at 765 deaths per 100,000 live births.

In response to these shocking statistics, the Ondo State government launched the Abiye Project, meaning “Safe Motherhood,” in 2009. This program has become a pioneering initiative for reducing maternal mortality in Nigeria. The project is reducing maternal deaths by overhauling health care infrastructure, developing community-based services and eliminating financial barriers to maternal care.

Addressing the Four Delays

The Abiye Project was built around addressing the four leading delays responsible for the high rate of maternal deaths in the state:

  • Delays in patients recognizing danger signs and deciding to seek care.
  • Delays in reaching health facilities due to poor infrastructure, unreliable communication channels and lack of access to transport.
  • Delays in accessing proper care due to substandard facilities.
  • Delays in referrals to appropriate services in cases of complications or emergencies.

Before the implementation of the program, these delays had a devastating impact: only 16% of women registered at health facilities ended up delivering there, opting instead for far riskier home births.

The Abiye Project Strategies

  • Community Health Workers (Health Rangers). Health rangers are mobile health workers trained in basic obstetric care, intensive care and family planning support. Each ranger monitors the health of 25 pregnant women in their community, performing regular home visits and checkups.
  • Toll-Free Cellphones. The project provided these to every registered pregnant woman. It ensured free communication with health rangers, other pregnant women and emergency services.
  • A New and Improved Transport Fleet. It also provided a fleet of new ambulances suitable for multiple environments. They included motorcycles and speedboats, ensuring reliable transport is available so all pregnant women can access care safely and efficiently.
  • Facility and Staffing Improvements. It increased the number of Mother and Child Hospitals from two to seven. The government now trains all birth attendants in emergency obstetric and newborn care. It ensures every hospital and clinic is stocked with essential medical supplies.
  • Free Maternal Health Care. It made access to all services related to motherhood and childbirth free of charge at all government hospitals and clinics.

Impact on Maternal Health and Poverty

The results of the Abiye program were both rapid and transformative. Within its first year, antenatal registration surged by an astounding 1,855%, while facility-based deliveries increased by 1,602%.

By 2016, Ondo State’s MMR had dropped to 112 per 100,000, an 84.9% reduction within five years of the project’s inception. This achievement demonstrates how the program’s localized, person-centred strategies are invaluable for reducing maternal mortality in Nigeria.

The Abiye Project also had an impact on poverty levels. In 2022, Ondo State had the lowest poverty level in Nigeria, with around 27% of the population living in poverty, compared to the national average of 63%. These results demonstrate the capabilities of the project’s approach for not only saving lives but also improving the economic stability for all.

Conclusion

The Abiye Project is a powerful case study of how strategic health care interventions and a community-based approach can save lives and reduce poverty. By tackling the four key systemic causes of maternal deaths, it has set a new standard for reducing maternal mortality in Nigeria and beyond.

The project has earned recognition from the World Bank and UNICEF as a model for reform. With the project’s methods continuing to be adapted, the Abiye model has become a flagship in reducing maternal mortality in Nigeria, with the potential to revolutionize maternal care across developing countries.

– Reuben Avis-Anciano

Reuben is based in Oxford, UK and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Breadline Africa: Building Hope – One Container at a Time

breadline africaEstablished in 1993, Breadline Africa is a nonprofit organization operating in both South Africa and the United Kingdom. It focuses on providing infrastructure and support for every childhood education institution in under-resourced communities across South Africa.

The nonprofit has delivered classrooms, libraries, kitchens and safe toilets to areas where children lacked basic resources for more than 30 years. These spaces give young learners the chance to grow and learn in safe, nurturing environments.

What sets Breadline Africa apart is its creative use of shipping containers. The group began by transforming a single container into a functional space, and has since scaled the idea to help thousands of children across South Africa.

Since the First Shipping Container

Breadline Africa redeveloped its first shipping container into a piece of infrastructure in 1996. It was all a part of the Montagu Youth Project, which brought kitchens and classrooms to Rietvlei 2 Primary School.

The organization became known for its ability to convert shipping containers into safe and usable infrastructure for many school children across South Africa. It continues to develop containers into usable infrastructure well into modern times.

In July 2024, Breadline Africa raised millions of dollars to help redevelop hazardous pit latrines into new restrooms for more than 11,000 children across South Africa. With all its work in redeveloping infrastructure, Breadline Africa knew it could continue to aid school children by venturing into different avenues.

Feeding Programs and Run Initiatives

Breadline Africa also provides feeding programs for children across South Africa. These programs first started when the organization developed community kitchens for those in need of food during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The organization’s feeding programs soon became focused on school children through pre-school feeding in Western Cape and Gauteng and food parcels for children whose parents cannot provide them with school lunches. Breadline Africa has fed more than 4 million vulnerable people in need off its feeding programs alone, supporting “26 projects to provide more than 20,000 meals a week.”

The organization also acknowledges that children’s horizons are only broadened by new experiences. It has developed a run initiative that sends hundreds of children under the age of 7 on seaside outings every year, broadening said horizons.

Breadline Africa was able to provide another seaside outing to hundreds of children in January 2025 in Cape Town. For many of those children, that seaside outing was their first time experiencing the beach – allowing them an escape from their impoverished environments.

Breadline Africa’s Impact

Breadline Africa has left a massive impact on many children across South Africa. The organization has developed school houses for children, has raised parents’ involvement in funding for school to 61%, increased the amount of food supplies in schools by 67% and so much more.

Its work shows no signs of slowing down as the need for safe learning spaces and reliable meals continues to grow. Its efforts remain a lifeline for thousands of South African children striving for a better future. Individuals can support Breadline Africa’s missions in several ways.  Donations help fund classrooms, kitchens, toilets and feeding programs that benefit children in under-resourced communities.

– Jaden Hartfield

Jaden is based in Charlotte, NC, United States and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Support for Developing Nations: Encourage the UK Aid Pledge

UK Aid PledgeIn December 2024, the U.K. pledged aid to various developing nations in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia to help stop the spread of global poverty. About £34 million in humanitarian aid going to countries including Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, the DRC, Somalia, Myanmar, and Bangladesh.

Additionally, approximately £61 million will support communities and fund essential programs, including health, improved infrastructure and natural disaster prevention, such as the World Food Program (WFP) initiatives. The International Development Association (IDA) is also assisting in the allocation of foreign aid to developing nations.

UK Aid Pledge to Decrease Poverty

The U.K.’s pledge can help developing nations and encourage their growth, both economically and in resilience when issues occur. IDA has agreed to help facilitate the increased relief from the U.K. to support poverty reduction and uplift projects with the funding received, according to the World Bank.

Developed nations such as the U.K. making essential humanitarian aid such as this is not only crucial to poverty reduction, but also for improving the quality of life for the developing nations receiving the aid. Millions of euros of aid go into providing essential services for developing nations. To name a few: Palestinian refugees receive £13 million, Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh receive £5 million, and Somalia receives up to £5 million.

Keeping the Promise

When the earthquake in Myanmar happened, £10 million in funding helped support the people in need of assistance. This mobilization of support has helped Myanmar rise from the earthquake and prevent the crisis from worsening. The U.K.’s foreign aid support and arrival had not only mitigated adversity, but it also saved more lives.

The U.K. keeping its pledge is critical in this circumstance; the funds that go into preparing for natural disasters and conflicts are vital for protecting the people of developing nations from recovering from these events. Currently, the £1.98 billion in pledged funds are under review.

Maintaining the UK Aid Pledge

The U.K. promised at the end of 2024 to fill in the shoes left behind from cuts across developed nations. This can be the U.K.’s chance to help millions in the Middle East, Africa and Asia improve their life outcomes.

As shown by the Myanmar example, foreign aid can help developing nations recover faster from incidents such as the earthquake, and uplift those in worsening poverty situations. The U.K. is on the right track with its pledge to dozens of countries to relieve citizens of developing nations and to prevent them from spiraling into poverty.

– Anastasia Flerchinger

Anastasia is based in Richland, WA, USA and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Liveaboard Helpers Provide Hope for Africa

Liveaboard helpersHealth care is widely accessible in many parts of the world, but in some places, it is much more difficult to access. Mercy Ships volunteers have been providing help to the less fortunate since 1978. A partnership with MSC in 2011 has helped Mercy Ships enhance its services.

Mercy Ships has impacted more than 2 million lives with the help of its liveaboard helpers. It has done over 119,000 surgeries, trained more than 50,000 people and has had more than 1,500 volunteers each year. Globally, 50% of all human beings live near a coast, making this the reason they use ships. “Two physicians per 10,000 people in sub-Saharan Africa” is the reason it serves the African region.

Providing Surgeries in Africa

Many of the stories by Mercy Ships recount the experiences of people living in countries where inadequate health care is available, as well as those who require surgeries.

According to Mercy Ships, ” In some areas of the world, medical professionals are a rarity. In countries like Sierra Leone, Madagascar, and others across sub-Saharan Africa, hospitals are scarce, and access to quality medical care is limited.” “Many people suffer from treatable conditions simply because there are no doctors or medical resources available to help them.”

In a 2019 Mercy Ships press release said how one child, Aissata from Guinea, was born with a cleft lip. She received assistance from liveaboard helpers through the Africa Mercy ship, which the child, of less than a year old, traveled around 200 miles with her mother to receive assistance from the liveaboard helpers.

“Their family is among the world’s estimated 5 billion people who do not have access to safe, affordable, timely surgery,” said the press release. “In sub-Saharan Africa specifically, 93% of the population cannot get the surgery it needs.” Africa requires places to get surgeries and health professionals.

Partnership

A partnership between MSC and Mercy Ships began in 2011. MSC originally provided cargo, but that turned into much more because of the attention MSC gave to Mercy Ships.

“I spent part of my childhood and early years in the shipping industry in the Horn of Africa, it is a region close to my heart,” said Diego Aponte, the founder. “I saw firsthand the challenges faced by many local communities there and this shaped my conviction that improving the availability of healthcare would bring real and lasting impact for them.”

MSC helps to provide funding, leading the way for Mercy Ships to focus on other areas.

In 2024, MSC Foundation, MSC Group and Mercy Ships partnered to grow the number of Mercy Ships to three.

This new ship will have a two-deck hospital, the ability to house around 600 crew, training areas and six operating rooms. The new ship will operate in sub-Saharan Africa.

In an MSC press release, Gert van de Weerdhof, CEO of Mercy Ships, said, “This new vessel and her future crew will enable us to meet surgical needs while supporting host nations as they develop healthcare systems with their next generation of medical professionals.”

– Matthew Restrepo

Matthew is based in Milton, GA, USA and focuses on Good News and Global Health for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr