The Borgen Project sat down with Brian Endless, a political science professor at Loyola University Chicago and an academic expert on the Rwandan genocide. Since 2007, Endless worked closely with Paul Rusesabagina, the inspiration for the film “Hotel Rwanda,” to raise awareness about misconceptions surrounding the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
How and why did you initially become interested in the Rwandan genocide?
“[My interest] started around the time I started grad school. I had always focused on the Security Council, and I had a lot of experience with it. I was immersed in the genocide from the beginning from an international perspective. I knew what was happening and saw it as a huge failure of the U.N. I saw everything from the perspective of the outside world.
I didn’t really know how little I knew about Rwanda until 2007 when I met Paul Rusesabagina, who had become an international spokesperson for Rwanda. I had no idea about the history of the civil war and internal conflicts that led up to the genocide. From 2007 on, I went on a pretty steep learning curve, picking up everything that I could about what was happening inside of Rwanda.”
Can you summarize your experience learning about and advocating for awareness of the genocide after 2007?
“From extensive talks with Paul and members of the Rwandan expatriate community, I learned that while the international public saw the situation as Hutus killing Tutsis, what was actually happening was the latest in a series of civil wars. I was surprised by the fact that an enormous number of Hutus died during the genocide, and that a Tutsi dictatorship had replaced a Hutu dictatorship, and that a small percentage of Tutsis was ruling and committing substantial human rights violations.
I did an enormous amount of academic reading and I followed a lot of court cases as things came into the public press. I started actively working with Paul and writing speeches for him and things to be published and publicly disseminated. The Hotel Rwanda Paul Rusesabagina Foundation was first campaigning to inform the public that there were still problems. The situation was really just, ‘meet the new boss, same as the old boss’ with a population that was being discriminated against. Rwanda was also a very friendly government to the United States, so it was difficult getting information out and advocating for truth and reconciliation in Rwanda.”
What were the biggest driving factors behind the genocide?
“It’s a story that dates back to pre-colonial times. By 1990, a Hutu government was in charge but didn’t have enormous control over the country. Tutsi groups in Uganda started a civil war to take back the country. Tutsis were largely winning the war in 1993, and there was a peace plan. By early 1994, the peace plan was breaking down. Hutu extremists started to bring out negative views against the Tutsis. In part, it was a plan to try to stop the Tutsi invasion by encouraging Hutus to demonize Tutsis. They focused especially on internally-displaced youth who were pushed out of their homes as the Tutsis invaded.
That’s effectively where the genocide started. The genocide officially started when the plane carrying the president of Rwanda and the president of Burundi was shot down in early April 1994. That triggered the genocide, and Hutu Power radio began to say, ‘It’s time to chop down the tall weeds,’ which was code to kill the Tutsis.”
How did the international community fail to become involved in the Rwandan genocide?
“We had just come out of Somalia, where 18 U.S. army rangers had been killed. The Clinton Administration used this as an excuse to pull us out. What happened was the U.S. public became more against using forces in places they didn’t understand or that weren’t strategic. Rwanda was a place where nobody had close ties. There were really no great natural resources, thus we let it happen and let it go on. People in the U.S. and in Europe didn’t realize it until we saw it on CNN, and our politicians had no interest in getting us involved in another war that could end up like Somalia.”
What do you think should have been done?
“Really the question is: If we’re going to say ‘never again’ after a genocide, we have to decide if we mean it or not. So far, we haven’t meant it. We’re not willing to put resources on the ground even when we know what’s happening, and in the case of Rwanda, we absolutely knew that genocide was happening.”
What do you think can be done to prevent future genocides around the globe?
“I think in the future, a piece of it is: how can we make the American people more interested and more knowledgeable about what happens in other parts of the world? If the press chose to highlight these things, they would become more important. Advocacy groups need to convince both press and politicians that these are issues of interest to Americans. People need to understand that we have some culpability because we have our fingers pretty much every place in the world. People too often think, ‘Oh, that’s not our problem,’ or, ‘Oh, they should solve their own problems.’ A big piece of our own problem is that we don’t look at things from a humanitarian perspective.”
Endless continues to advocate for the elimination of genocide by working with Paul Rusesabagina’s foundation and teaching classes at Loyola University Chicago. Endless’ insights into the Rwandan genocide offer a path to an international community that can genuinely say “never again” to genocide.
– Peyton Jacobsen
Photo: Flickr
Why the Healthcare in Cyprus Needs Improvement
Cyprus, the third largest island in the Mediterranean, is considered a high-income country. Despite the country’s positive economic reputation and the population’s high average life expectancy of 80 years (as of 2012), the country’s Minister of Health, Androulla Agrotou, states that the health care in Cyprus needs reformation to be more economically beneficial and sustainable.
One major issue that affects this economic inefficiency is the inability of the Ministry of Health to offer universal healthcare. In fact, Cyprus is the only EU country that has not implemented a universal health care system. Currently, the healthcare in Cyprus provides two main options: public and private.
Public healthcare is funded by the government and provided by hospitals and primary healthcare centers directly under the Ministry of Health. It is provided in many forms ranging from emergency services to pharmaceutical services, dental care and rehabilitation. Furthermore, public healthcare is offered to everyone in medical emergencies and accidents.
Conversely, private healthcare in Cyprus mostly depends on financing by outside individual pocket payments and voluntary health insurance, such as independent health practitioners and private partnerships between doctors.
Director of the Health Insurance Organization (HIO), Andreas Demetriades, asserts that, since the public and private work in isolation, this arrangement leads to duplication and waste of resources. Demetriades explains that this funding split results in little continuity of care between the private and public sectors, along with poor communication between doctors.
Furthermore, Demetriades cites other issues that affect the quality of medical care in Cyprus, such as that public sector hospitals are poorly organized and inconvenient for users. Since there is no organized system of primary care, and there is an inadequate regulation of private sector providers, this means that poor-quality clinical services are common.
The most common diseases and leading causes of death in Cyprus are prostate cancer among men and breast cancer among women. In a recent article published in the Cyprus Mail, Health Minister, Yiorgos Pamborides, states that the most common form of cancer in Cyprus is breast cancer “with some 550 new cases and 100 deaths per year.”
Fortunately, after the President of Cyprus, Nicos Anastasiades, recently opened Cyprus’ first specialized breast center, defining it as “a prerequisite for a modern state [that comes] at a significant point in [the Cypriot] health sector.”
As a result, Anastasiades is optimistic about the center acting as a catalyst for health reform. He informs that the Council of Ministers submitted two bills for the autonomy of public hospitals and the introduction of the national health system to the House of Representatives.
The absence of a universal health care in Cyprus has been debated for decades. However, now that there are bills granting autonomy to public hospitals and taking steps to alter the way the health system is organized, a new health system in Cyprus that is modern and efficient will be within closer reach.
– Andrea Philippou
Photo: Flickr
Boeing Ecosystem: Striking Manufacturing Deal with Morocco
In September, the country of Morocco signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the aerospace industry giant Boeing, signifying a leap forward in pursuits to increase the industrial presence of the company in the North African region. Boeing aeronautics and astronautics, the world’s leading manufacturer of commercial jets, established a separate joint entity with Safran Power Systems in 2015 and is now manifested as MATIS Aerospace. Investment in the creation of a “Boeing ecosystem” seeks to attract aeronautical suppliers and to facilitate a spike in exports of manufacturing exports in the sector.
In 2013 the Oxford Business Group attributed a $1 billion turnover and the employment of 10,000 individuals to the Moroccan aerospace sector. The nation’s aerospace industry is now ranked 15th internationally and is the host of 120 companies in the sector.
Morocco, through the establishment of the Boeing ecosystem, aims to create over 8,000 jobs and projects annual export revenues to reach $1 billion. Hindered growth forecasts as a result of the European financial crisis have increased the vitality of growth of the job market. In 2012, The World Bank reported unemployment among citizens ranging from 15 to 29 years of age to be 30 percent, which is especially startling considering these individuals constitute 44 percent of the working-age citizenry. The IMA aeronautics institute, strategically located next to the international airport in Casablanca, also provides prospective employees with new hire and continuing education resources and is a state-run collaboration between the aforementioned government and industry.
Strategies for the development of Morocco’s industrial sector from 2014 to 2020 have also been outlined in an Industrial Acceleration Plan (PAI). The Moroccan Ministry of Industry, Commerce, Investment and Digital Economy highlights the establishment of half a million jobs, equally derived from foreign direct investment and a renovated industrial hub. A nine-point rise in the nation’s industrial share of GDP to 23 percent by 2020 has also been recognized as pivotal to reach the plan’s aim for industrial growth.
– Amber Bailey
Photo: Flickr
In Search of Stability: Ten Facts About Refugees in South Africa
Refugees in South Africa face many hardships as they search for safety. A backlog of refugee applicants leads to difficulty finding jobs and poor access to government services. Meanwhile, many refugees experience prejudice and are blamed for escalating crime.
Ahead are 10 facts about refugees in South Africa.
These countries include Angola, Somalia, Liberia, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Many refugees see South Africa as a gateway to other continents such as Europe and North America. South Africa is the wealthiest and most developed part of Africa, making it an ideal place for migrants to seek refuge.
Most African refugees flee their home countries because of financial crises, cost of living, military crime or high rates of unemployment. Corrupt governments can create instability that drives people from their homes. For example, so many people died in the 1998 outbreak of fighting in the DRC that it was labeled the world’s deadliest conflict since World War II.
If migrants are fortunate enough to get past police patrols and wildlife, they may wind up in the hands of gangs known as the Guma Guma. The Guma Guma have terrorized migrants fleeing to South Africa for many years. They operate in disguise and behave ruthlessly.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) “has liberal asylum legislation that incorporates all basic principles of refugee protection including freedom of movement, the right to work and access to basic social services.” This includes access to health facilities and school enrollment.
Refugees live mostly without assistance in urban areas and must seek out government buildings if they require additional help. One of the UNHCR’s focuses in South Africa is building its capacity to serve refugees.
Refugees must obtain a section 22 permit to be protected from deportation. According to the Department of Home Affairs, all migrants who enter the Republic of South Africa must claim to be asylum seekers before receiving asylum transit permits. Migrants then have 14 days to report to the nearest Refugee Reception Office at the Department of Home Affairs.
At the Reception Office, migrants’ fingerprints are recorded and initial interviews are conducted. Permits are valid for six months and allow holders to freely work or study in South Africa until their permits expire.
There is no cost to apply for refugee status in South Africa. This contributes to the volume of people fleeing there.
Due to the high volume of migrants requesting refugee status in South Africa, the status determination process is overwhelmed with applications. Additionally, social service programs face challenges when asylum seekers are allowed to use various services before conclusive decisions are made about their status.
Xenophobia is defined as the hatred or fear of foreigners. Xenophobic violence targeted at migrants began in 2008 and hasn’t let up. In May 2015, approximately 1,000 Burundian and Congolese refugees were forced to flee their South African homes.
After the 2015 surge in xenophobia, the UNHCR put together a three-tiered refugee reintegration package for around 3,000 people. The package included rental subsidies for two months, two months’ worth of food vouchers and one-time provisions of basic nonfood items. The UNHCR is just one of many organizations using their resources and connections to help South African refugees.
While refugees in South Africa face many hardships both on the journey and at the destination, they have international allies. With the support of the UNHCR and others, refugees in South Africa can find the better lives they seek.
– Terry J. Halloran
Photo: Flickr
How ‘Extreme’ is the U.S. Refugee Screening Process?
As global concern about terrorism has grown in the past several years, so has demand for strict security measures regarding the resettlement of refugees. The U.S. refugee screening process was a common theme in the 2016 presidential debates. Both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton spoke on the issue, and some constituents called for “extreme vetting” of refugees coming into the U.S. What many people don’t know is how extensive the existing process is.
The resettlement process begins with applicants identifying themselves to the U.N. Refugee Agency, the UNHCR. Applicants present the UNHCR with all identifying documents and, after an interview, the organization determines whether or not they qualify as refugees. Only applicants who are strong candidates for refugee status move forward in the process. This number equates to less than 1 percent of refugees worldwide.
The average time an applicant spends waiting to be resettled after being approved as a refugee by the UNHCR is anywhere between 18 months and two years. During this time, the applicant’s case is carefully reviewed and screened by a number of different resources.
After receiving official refugee status from the UNHCR, the applicant is referred for resettlement to the U.S. by the U.N., a national embassy or an NGO. The applicant goes through a series of security checks run by law enforcement and intelligence agencies. In the U.S., these bodies include the FBI, the National Counterterrorism Center, the State Department and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS).
The screenings look for any indication that the applicant could pose a threat to domestic security, such as connections to known terrorists or past criminal history. The screening process is repeated if new information comes to light during any point of the resettlement process.
Next, the applicant goes through an in-person interview with a U.S. Homeland Security officer who has been specially trained to interview refugees. Fingerprints are taken at the time of the interview and scanned against the DHS biometric database, which contains watch-list information and details regarding any previous immigration accounts overseas. The applicant then goes through a medical screening and may be treated for communicable diseases if necessary.
Applicants also go through intensive cultural classes and are matched with U.S. partner agencies that will assist them when they arrive at their new homes. Prior to departure, applicants undergo one more security screening to check for any new information. Upon arrival in their new cities, months’ worth of cultural orientation helps them adjust properly to living in the U.S.
Overall, the existing U.S. refugee screening process is methodical and rigorous.
– Peyton Jacobsen
Photo: Flickr
President Obama Visits Greece: Talking Economy and Refugees
As the year comes to a close, President Obama embarks on one last official trip to Europe. One of the stops is Athens, Greece. In his two-day trip, he addresses the future of the country.
President Obama’s visit to Greece sparked a lot of debate about the country’s economic recovery and well as social issues. In the president’s opinion, Greece needs continued debt relief in order to fully stabilize the economy and ensure a prosperous future.
Greece has endured an economic crisis for the past eight years. The crisis began after years of understating the national debt caused the financial markets to deny loan money to the country. By 2010, Greece was moving towards bankruptcy. In order to salvage the economy, Greece received bailouts. As of today, it has been given 274 billion in bailout loans since May 2010. There have also been numerous economic reforms that have caused unrest among the Greek population.
President Obama spoke on the discontent of the Greek people. He argues that other than debt relief, “people need to see hope.” Drawing on the example of Brexit earlier this summer and the recent American election he says, “If people feel that they’re losing control of their future, they will push back.” The “push back” in Greece has been readily present since the beginning of the economic crisis.
The two bailouts given to Greece have come with austerity measures which have been met with anger. The first program included salary cuts of public-sector workers and increase sales tax. The second program increased taxes on certain goods and included pension reforms. As a response, citizens continue to have demonstrations and often clash with law enforcement which has ended in violence.
In anticipation of President Obama’s visit to Greece, a peaceful protest in Athens turned violent when supposed anarchist threw rocks and Molotov cocktails in support of anti-capitalism. “No Hope” was written on buildings.
Nonetheless, President Obama will actively continue to encourage creditors to provide debt relief so Greece can achieve a sustainable economy once again. He also praised Greece for opening up its border to refugees even in the midst of an economic crisis. President Obama said “The Greek people’s generosity towards refugees arriving on your shores has inspired the world. That doesn’t mean that you should be left on your own, and only a truly collective response by Europe and the world can ensure that these desperate people receive the support that they need.”
President Obama’s visit to Greece encouraged continued debt relief to rehabilitate the economy and bring hope to the Greek people.
– Karla Umanzor
Photo: Flickr
Vanuatu: the World’s First Climate Change Refugees
Given the contemporary discussion about refugees, which focuses primarily on those who have been forced from their homes because of conflict or persecution, it is important to evaluate other push factors for refugees around the world. Here are five facts you should know about Vanuatuan refugees — the first climate change refugee.
According to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, which provides the international legal definition of refugee and establishes states’ responsibilities to them, Vanuatu is not home to any refugees. Vanuatu’s official refugee population reached a high in 2010, with a total refugee population of four.
In 2005, the U.N. Environment Programme reported the forced inland movement of nearly 100 villagers in the province of Tegua in northern Vanuatu, citing the people as the world’s first climate change refugees. People in Vanuatu inhabit 65 of the 80 islands in the archipelago, and many live in coastal cities or villages.
Because most of the infrastructure of small island nations is located along shallow coasts, countries like Vanuatu are vulnerable to rising sea levels and ever-increasing tropical storms. Since 2005, thousands of Pacific islanders, such as those from Kiribati, have been forced to move to larger islands like Fiji, where they often experience difficulty integrating into society.
A 2013 report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change revealed that climate change could cause sea levels to rise by as much as 3 feet by 2100. For low-lying island nations, this change could be catastrophic. In Vanuatu, a rise in sea level of this proportion would require the forced relocation of thousands. And Vanuatu wouldn’t be alone; its population of 277,000 represents just a small portion of the hundreds of millions of people around the world who live along coasts.
Over 1,000 people accessed the data set within days of Tropical Cyclone Pam in 2015. The platform aided recovery efforts and initiatives to improve infrastructure and prevent future devastation.
The Capacity Building for the Development of Adaptation Measures in Pacific Island Countries Program, established in 2002, represents just one of many initiatives working with island nations to reinforce infrastructure and make sound development decisions under the looming threat of climate change. Capacity-building programs such as this, complemented by expanded access to mapping data, will help citizens and leaders prepare for large-scale environmental shifts.
– Laurel Klafehn
Photo: Flickr
FARC Peace Deal: A New Hope for Poor Communities
In Colombia, the conflict between the government and Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) has officially ended as of September, after 52 years of unrest. From Havana, Cuba, the historic FARC peace deal between the left-wing rebels and the Columbian government is a vital step on Colombia’s path to prosperity. For Colombians, peace has been given a chance at last, and it is now time for society to create new hope for its children.
According to the Fitch Ratings, the peace deal is already paying dividends and will allow the government to rebuild its revenue base while also reducing debt. The cessation of conflict in previously-uninhabitable areas would prompt investment and allow space for new international markets, especially in mining and agriculture.
Furthermore, President Obama pledged $450 million in aid to Colombia in the next year. While many analysts do not expect a quick change, the economy itself has been recovering for the past decade. With the coming peace package, the economy will receive a much-needed boost.
The peace deal heralds great opportunities for Colombia, but progress will not come without considerable challenges. Reintegration, disarmament and a period of stabilization will have high costs to begin with. Alberto Ramos, head of Latin American Economics at Goldman Sachs, said that “over time, the economic peace dividend is expected to more than offset the initial costs associated with the disarmament and integration of the rebel forces into civil society.”
One possible threat to the FARC peace deal is the reconfiguration of rebel groups, since nothing is stopping guerrilla fighters from forming new extremist political groups and alliances. Violent groups and non-state actors could mobilize individuals to their cause and set their sights on any political power vacuum created by the emerging peace. Therefore, a new security game plan for Colombia is required.
– Noman Ashraf
Photo: Flickr
Six Things to Know About the Education in Yemen
On August 13, 2016, a Saudi-led airstrike killed 10 children at a school in the country’s northern region, and all were under the age of 15. Unfortunately, children in Yemen have become accustomed to this fallout from the civil war that has raged within their country since March of 2015. Currently, education in Yemen has become a crucial subject for the country’s youth, who struggle to continue learning despite the war surrounding them.
Here are some features of what education in Yemen looks like for millions of children today:
In the midst of such difficult times, both teachers and students have proven that education in Yemen is a valuable thing. Although a large number of children currently struggle to find ways to learn, their path is becoming increasingly clear due to the hard work and resolution of educators in their country.
– Emily Marshall
Photo: Flickr
Has the Rwandan Genocide Taught Us to Say ‘Never Again?’
The Borgen Project sat down with Brian Endless, a political science professor at Loyola University Chicago and an academic expert on the Rwandan genocide. Since 2007, Endless worked closely with Paul Rusesabagina, the inspiration for the film “Hotel Rwanda,” to raise awareness about misconceptions surrounding the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
How and why did you initially become interested in the Rwandan genocide?
“[My interest] started around the time I started grad school. I had always focused on the Security Council, and I had a lot of experience with it. I was immersed in the genocide from the beginning from an international perspective. I knew what was happening and saw it as a huge failure of the U.N. I saw everything from the perspective of the outside world.
I didn’t really know how little I knew about Rwanda until 2007 when I met Paul Rusesabagina, who had become an international spokesperson for Rwanda. I had no idea about the history of the civil war and internal conflicts that led up to the genocide. From 2007 on, I went on a pretty steep learning curve, picking up everything that I could about what was happening inside of Rwanda.”
Can you summarize your experience learning about and advocating for awareness of the genocide after 2007?
“From extensive talks with Paul and members of the Rwandan expatriate community, I learned that while the international public saw the situation as Hutus killing Tutsis, what was actually happening was the latest in a series of civil wars. I was surprised by the fact that an enormous number of Hutus died during the genocide, and that a Tutsi dictatorship had replaced a Hutu dictatorship, and that a small percentage of Tutsis was ruling and committing substantial human rights violations.
I did an enormous amount of academic reading and I followed a lot of court cases as things came into the public press. I started actively working with Paul and writing speeches for him and things to be published and publicly disseminated. The Hotel Rwanda Paul Rusesabagina Foundation was first campaigning to inform the public that there were still problems. The situation was really just, ‘meet the new boss, same as the old boss’ with a population that was being discriminated against. Rwanda was also a very friendly government to the United States, so it was difficult getting information out and advocating for truth and reconciliation in Rwanda.”
What were the biggest driving factors behind the genocide?
“It’s a story that dates back to pre-colonial times. By 1990, a Hutu government was in charge but didn’t have enormous control over the country. Tutsi groups in Uganda started a civil war to take back the country. Tutsis were largely winning the war in 1993, and there was a peace plan. By early 1994, the peace plan was breaking down. Hutu extremists started to bring out negative views against the Tutsis. In part, it was a plan to try to stop the Tutsi invasion by encouraging Hutus to demonize Tutsis. They focused especially on internally-displaced youth who were pushed out of their homes as the Tutsis invaded.
That’s effectively where the genocide started. The genocide officially started when the plane carrying the president of Rwanda and the president of Burundi was shot down in early April 1994. That triggered the genocide, and Hutu Power radio began to say, ‘It’s time to chop down the tall weeds,’ which was code to kill the Tutsis.”
How did the international community fail to become involved in the Rwandan genocide?
“We had just come out of Somalia, where 18 U.S. army rangers had been killed. The Clinton Administration used this as an excuse to pull us out. What happened was the U.S. public became more against using forces in places they didn’t understand or that weren’t strategic. Rwanda was a place where nobody had close ties. There were really no great natural resources, thus we let it happen and let it go on. People in the U.S. and in Europe didn’t realize it until we saw it on CNN, and our politicians had no interest in getting us involved in another war that could end up like Somalia.”
What do you think should have been done?
“Really the question is: If we’re going to say ‘never again’ after a genocide, we have to decide if we mean it or not. So far, we haven’t meant it. We’re not willing to put resources on the ground even when we know what’s happening, and in the case of Rwanda, we absolutely knew that genocide was happening.”
What do you think can be done to prevent future genocides around the globe?
“I think in the future, a piece of it is: how can we make the American people more interested and more knowledgeable about what happens in other parts of the world? If the press chose to highlight these things, they would become more important. Advocacy groups need to convince both press and politicians that these are issues of interest to Americans. People need to understand that we have some culpability because we have our fingers pretty much every place in the world. People too often think, ‘Oh, that’s not our problem,’ or, ‘Oh, they should solve their own problems.’ A big piece of our own problem is that we don’t look at things from a humanitarian perspective.”
Endless continues to advocate for the elimination of genocide by working with Paul Rusesabagina’s foundation and teaching classes at Loyola University Chicago. Endless’ insights into the Rwandan genocide offer a path to an international community that can genuinely say “never again” to genocide.
– Peyton Jacobsen
Photo: Flickr
Syrian Psychologists from Yale University Treat Refugees
Throughout the Syrian refugee crisis, physical care for refugees, such as the provision of medical attention, housing, and sustenance, has been a crucial concern. Mental health, however, is another facet that must be addressed. In response, two Syrian psychologists have made the mental health of Syrian refugees their concern.
In 2013, psychiatrists Andres Barkil-Oteo and Hussam Jefee-Bahloul met at Yale University, according to Huffington Post. They quickly discovered they had many of the same interests — one of which being the desire to find a way to utilize their mental health expertise to aid Syrians and Syrian refugees.
Although the two had left their homeland of Syria for psychiatry training in the U.S. before the major uprising in 2011, they still felt very connected to the crisis and wanted to find a way to help from abroad.
In 2014, the two friends worked together to create the Syrian Telemental Health Network, an online platform allowing experts and specialists around the world to train and assist mental health workers treating Syrians. The primary purpose of this platform is to address the rise of mental health problems among Syrians and the difficulties Syrian mental health workers are facing in treating them, both of which are repercussions of the Syrian war.
The remote network allows mental health workers in Syria to upload case information as well as video and audio recordings of patients to seek direction and help from specialists worldwide. Typically, this U.K.-based network sees about 10 to 15 cases each month. Because of the platform, knowledge from resources worldwide is brought to Syrian mental health workers, which is pertinent since mental health care has been in short supply within Syria.
According to the World Health Organization (WHO), even before the conflict broke out, there were a mere 70 psychiatrists in Syria serving 21 million people. Only two public psychiatric hospitals existed: one at Damascus that now operates at partial capacity because of security concerns and one in Aleppo that is now closed.
While the Syrian Telemental Health Network has aided many Syrian mental health workers and refugees, there are still many more Syrians facing mental health disorders in need of treatment despite limited resources.
In a recent article by CCTV America, it is reported that WHO estimates approximately 600,000 Syrians are currently suffering from severe mental health disorders while an additional 4 million are suffering from mild to moderate mental health disorders.
These two Syrian psychologists remain dedicated to their mission and are currently seeking out more funding to put more resources into the platform to increase the numbers of mental health workers and victims being helped.
Since leaving Yale University, Jefee-Bahloul became an assistant professor of psychiatry at the University of Massachusetts and Barkil-Oteo joined Doctors Without Borders to provide psychiatric care to refugees in Greece.
– Alex Fidler
Photo: Flickr