Tag Archive for: Poverty in Russia

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Food Systems in Russia: A Taste of Success

Food Systems in RussiaRussia has 11 time zones, 140.13 million people and 17.1 million km2 of territory, which is an incredible logistical challenge but one that the Russian people have faced with optimism and endeavor. Ensuring that people’s food needs are met is one of the core commitments of the state and Russia has enshrined this in a dedicated Food Security Doctrine (as of 2010). In a world of struggle and setbacks, take a look at these feats regarding food systems in Russia for inspiration and resolve.

Key Statistics Regarding Food Systems in Russia

  • Russia covers 95% of its grain demand from homegrown produce.
  • The state provides significant monetary and institutional support for agriculture; this has grown to R300 billion a year (2018 figures)!
  • The ruble value of domestic food production has gone up in leaps and bounds since 2000, with roughly a 600% increase by 2018; output has matched economics, with domestic production showing significant success (e.g. meat has doubled).
  • The focus is on sustainable development with a ban on all GMO products and seeds, except for research in the laboratory.

What’s the History?

Following the breakdown of the Soviet Union, Russia experienced a period of collapse internally. Mass poverty and malnutrition struck the population. When it came to food production, output declined in the organized farms sector and shifted to home production and imports: by the mid-1990s, Russia’s cities depended on foreign imports for more than 80% of all meat stocks, for instance.

People also became vulnerable to price increases in the international trading system. What happened is that as imports became progressively more expensive, so domestic producers became progressively more competitive. This was the germination of domestic advantage and recovery, but state aid hugely bolstered it following the falling out from 2014 events in Crimea. For the first time in post-Soviet history, Russia had the impetus and will to bring about change from within – on a massive scale. Investment had already started in 2000, with a strategy for agricultural development, but now it was a critical need.

The Russian Federation itself “[r]ecognizes that hunger and malnutrition are the perverse manifestations of persistent, structural poverty and inequality, and recognizes the need to end poverty and hunger in all their forms and dimensions.”

The Food Security Doctrine

Interwoven in all this is the Food Security Doctrine, which at its heart commits to self-sufficiency; quality of life through reliable provision of food; sustainable development and modernization of the agriculture and fisheries sectors, including infrastructure; good management of the environment; food safety, including adequate regulation, as well as sanitary, epidemiological, veterinary and phytosanitary surveillance; specialist skills and sector training. It presents extraordinary ambition and the results have followed: currently self-sufficiency measures show that Russia produces 165.6% of its necessary grains (making it an exporter); 100.1% of meat and meat products; 84% of milk and dairy products; and 97.4% on eggs.

The Food Bank Rus Charity

Where poverty does exist, NGOs are working to fill the gap. The Food Bank Rus charity is an organization that collects food and products and distributes them to people in need: people who have had to leave their homes, living in isolation, or simply going without. That includes families in difficult situations or pensioners. It also helps people in emergency situations such as those suffering natural disasters or accidents. About 673,000 kg of food and essential goods were donated to refugees from Donetsk and Lugansk in just a few months in 2022.

Looking Ahead

Food systems in Russia are protected through a highly organized institutional set-up, with action on assessment of food needs, the needs of farmers (especially large farms), and distribution networks to get food out there to people who need it. It is especially laudable in a country with challenging climatic conditions and a world where people profit from food. The key goals of “safe, quality and affordable” products are good news for the nation. So, whether it’s blini, pelmeni or beef Stroganoff, you know that food miles are minimal, food safety is paramount and the government is making sure you have food for the future.

– Gergana Manassieva

Gergana is based in Bristol, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Innovations in Poverty Eradication in Russia 

Poverty Eradication in RussiaPoverty remains a serious challenge in Russia, especially for families with children, people with disabilities and residents of rural regions. While official statistics show gradual improvement, economic shocks, inflation and regional inequality continue to put millions at risk. According to World Bank poverty data, Russia’s national poverty rate has fluctuated in recent years, highlighting the need for sustained and targeted intervention.

Innovations in poverty eradication in Russia have become a key policy focus as the government seeks more efficient ways to reach low-income households. Digital systems, targeted social benefits and partnerships with nonprofits and social enterprises now play a central role in improving access to assistance and stabilizing incomes for vulnerable populations.

Digital Systems Expand Access to Social Support

One major example of an innovation in poverty eradication in Russia is the expansion of digital public services. In 2020, the Russian government centralized access to social benefits through the Gosuslugi platform, allowing citizens to apply online for child payments, unemployment support and housing assistance. The system significantly reduced paperwork and eliminated the need for repeated in-person visits.

According to a World Bank feature examining Russia’s social protection reforms, digital delivery of benefits helped increase enrollment among families who previously struggled to access aid due to distance, cost or administrative barriers.

Financial Inclusion Reaches Rural Communities

Russia has also expanded financial inclusion through biometric identification technology. The Unified Biometric System allows banks to verify identities remotely so individuals in rural or remote areas can open accounts and receive government payments without traveling. The International Telecommunication Union documents the system’s development and purpose in its official project profile.

The Central Bank of Russia formally announced expanded use of biometric identification for financial services, highlighting its role in improving access to banking and state payments. By allowing more people to safely receive income and benefits, financial inclusion reduces long-term poverty risks and strengthens household stability.

Targeted Child Benefits Support Low-Income Families

Families with children are among the groups most affected by poverty in Russia. To address this, the government introduced income-tested monthly child benefits in 2021 for families with children ages 8 to 17. These payments are designed to reach households below a defined income threshold, ensuring assistance is targeted to those most in need.

World Bank analysis shows that targeted cash transfers helped stabilize household consumption during economic downturns, particularly during the COVID-19 period. These payments allowed families to maintain food budgets and cover essential costs despite rising prices, demonstrating how data-driven targeting can strengthen household resilience.

Social Entrepreneurship Creates Employment Opportunities

Another innovation in poverty eradication in Russia is the expansion of social entrepreneurship. In 2019, Russia passed legislation formally recognizing social enterprises and offering tax incentives and grant support. The BEARR Trust provided a detailed overview of the law and its scope.

One example is Delai Dobro, a social enterprise that trains people with disabilities in digital and remote-work skills. The organization then connects participants with online employment opportunities. Program details and participation data are available through the Dobro platform. By creating accessible employment pathways, social enterprises help marginalized groups earn steady income and reduce dependence on long-term assistance.

Nonprofits Strengthen Community-Level Support

Nonprofit organizations play a crucial role in supporting low-income families, particularly in areas where government services are limited. The Help Needed Foundation operates nationwide, funding smaller charities and providing food assistance, counseling and emergency aid. Its 2022 impact report shows that its programs reached more than 500,000 people.

The foundation also trains social workers to help families access benefits, manage debt and navigate social services. Improved outreach ensures that vulnerable households receive timely and effective support.

Looking Ahead

Innovations in poverty eradication in Russia depend on practical tools that reach vulnerable households efficiently. Digital platforms improve access to benefits, targeted child payments help families meet essential needs and social enterprises create new income opportunities for marginalized groups. Combined with nonprofit partnerships and regional development programs, these efforts strengthen economic stability and reduce poverty across the country.

– Aiden Moriarty

Aiden is based in Rowley, MA, USA and focuses on Business and New Markets for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Russia’s Kleptocracy: Domestic Consequences of Corruption

russia's kleptocracyThe Kremlin juggles an imperative to maintain both popular and elite satisfaction. From 2000 to 2008, Russia experienced impressive growth – real GDP increased by 66% and real wages increased by 185%. Benefiting from windfall oil and gas revenues, the government balanced the provision of social services with self-enrichment at the top. The 2008 financial crisis launched Russia into a prolonged period of stagnation. Persistent corruption and a weak rule of law discourage investment and entrepreneurship. Russia’s kleptocracy went from a source of stability to an Achilles’ heel. The aim to keep oligarchs wealthy and happy comes at the cost of national development and welfare. International sanctions and the war in Ukraine in 2022 put greater pressure on the government to minimize the rampant looting of state assets.

Russia’s Kleptocracy

President Vladimir Putin used a recruitment base of KGB veterans (or the siloviki) to fill top posts in the executive branch and the economy. Some run law enforcement agencies – Ministry of Interior (MVD) and Federal Security Service (FSB). Others manage state-owned companies in the energy sector, banking and transportation. The silovarchs use coercive capacities and criminal connections to target businesses and extract corrupt rents.

Putin also dueled out advantages to close friends from childhood, the Ozero dacha cooperative and hobbies. These oligarchs own firms that benefit from state contracts and the public procurement system. Gennady Timchenko and the Rotenberg brothers obtained a fortune building pipelines for Gazprom.

Russia’s kleptocracy not only relies on elite control over state resources, but the lack of rule of law. The Kremlin keeps everyone in permanent legal jeopardy to maintain control. As the regime encourages bureaucrats and businessmen to engage in corrupt schemes, private eyes gather kompromat (evidence of legal wrongdoing) to hold over their heads.

Inequality and Social Policy

Even autocrats care about popular opinion. Social policy is an important tool to win elections. In the run-up to the 2012 presidential election, Putin promised to improve social well-being, build more schools and limit utility expenses, among other things. The Russian newspaper Vedomosti detailed areas the regime fell short. After five years, the number of people below poverty increased by several million, the number of schools declined by 7,000 and costs for heating and electricity rose by 50%.

Corruption adversely impacts economic growth and welfare provisions. The lucrative public procurement system, in which the government hands out state contracts on a non-competitive and personal basis, leads to lower quality of infrastructure and public services. Corruption can also distort the make-up of expenditures. It incentivizes bureaucrats to choose expenditures that provide the best opportunity for self-enrichment. It is easier to collect substantial bribes on large infrastructure projects than on textbooks or teacher salaries.

Anti-Government Protests

The mobilizing potential of inadequate social policy and fraud manifested in 2011 and 2012. The massive anti-government protests put pressure on the Kremlin to fight corruption. Putin launched an anti-corruption drive in 2012. The Kremlin targeted low-level officials and elites with punitive action. Some high profile prosecutions were carried out in the national and regional arenas. The government also attempted to clean up petty corruption in the public sector. They implemented a reduction in the discretion of service providers and harsher penalties for offenders. The performative nature of these measures limited any real impact on corruption.

Russia’s kleptocracy endures. Russia scored 22 on the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) in 2023, where 100 means a very clean public sector. The practice of reiderstvo (illegal business raids) grew by 135% in 2019 compared to the previous year. The number of malicious criminal prosecutions of entrepreneurs increased between 2014 and 2019, as well as mistrust in law enforcement and courts.

Positive Role of Civil Society

Opposition leaders and civil society do exist and function in Russia. Activist Alexey Navalny founded the nonprofit Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) in Russia to fight rampant kleptocracy. FBK produced powerful and evidence-based documentaries on YouTube. “A Palace for Putin” video generated millions of views.

When law enforcement did not investigate the attempted murder of Navalny in 2020, investigative journalists filled the accountability void. Reporters from Bellingcat and Russia’s The Insider stepped forward to expose government wrongdoing.

Transparency International Russia (TI-Russia) uses non-partisan and non-political activities to fight corruption. The movement believes a government crackdown on corruption is not a substitute for independent scrutiny. TI-Russia holds education workshops, designs artwork to teach citizens how to say no to bribes and works with students to find innovative solutions.

After the invasion of Ukraine in 2020, the crackdown on independent media and opposition actors tightened. The government declared more than 40 journalists and news outlets “foreign agents” in 2021.

Corruption can reduce economic growth and effective social spending, increasing poverty and income inequality. Even in a repressive environment, Russia’s determined civil society continues to fight kleptocracy. With a sustained grassroot effort, the momentum for a more equitable Russia can grow.

– Alessandra Lewis

Alessandra is based in Westport, CT, USA and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Forced Migration is Driving Poverty Among Russian Refugees

russian refugeesSince the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, hundreds of thousands of Russian refugees have fled their country due to fear of repression, forced military conscription, and a rapidly shrinking civic space. While their reasons for leaving may differ — from political views to personal safety — one result remains the same: many are now facing poverty and instability in unfamiliar countries.

To better understand the human impact of this forced migration, The Borgen Project spoke with Ekaterina, a 20-year-old woman who left Russia with her sister in 2022. Her story reflects not only personal hardship but also a broader crisis affecting displaced people worldwide.

Life Before and the Urgency to Leave

Before the war escalated, Ekaterina lived a relatively stable life in Saint Petersburg, studying at a university and preparing for her future. However, as political pressure mounted, peaceful protesters were arrested, media outlets shut down, and fear spread quickly.

“People were being arrested for saying what they thought, and even peaceful protests became dangerous,” she told The Borgen Project. “We did not feel safe anymore.”

Faced with uncertainty, she and her sister decided to leave Russia in 2022. With no concrete plan and limited resources, they packed what they could and left their home behind.

Poverty in Disguise: Starting Over with Nothing

Although many Russian migrants are often perceived as educated or middle class, their relocation often pushes them into poverty. Most leave without stable income, savings, or access to local support systems. For Ekaterina and her sister, this meant relying on short-term housing with acquaintances and struggling to find legal work.

“We did not know how anything worked — the documents, the healthcare, even just how to rent an apartment,” she said. “Money was the biggest stress — we did not have savings and could not work right away.”

The sisters depended on public transportation and occasional food support. Emotional stress, legal uncertainty, and cultural barriers added to their hardship.

Gaps in Support for the Russian Refugees

One of the most pressing challenges for displaced Russian people is that many do not qualify for official refugee status, leaving them in a legal limbo. Yet despite these barriers, some organizations have stepped in to help.

For example, founded in 2022, Ark helps Russian political exiles and conscientious objectors by providing legal assistance, housing guidance, and relocation resources across Europe and North America. It also runs Telegram channels and support hotlines for Russian speakers seeking asylum or temporary protection.

In the U.S., organizations like Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS) provide broader resettlement services for asylum seekers, including Russian migrants — but access can vary by location and case status.

Still, as Ekaterina noted, “We were lucky. A few volunteers helped us with paperwork and told us where to get food. But many others didn’t speak English and did not know where to go.”

Migration and Poverty: An Inseparable Link

Forced displacement — whether from war, authoritarianism, or repression — often leads to poverty, regardless of one’s previous economic standing. The loss of home, employment, and legal stability can create long-term economic hardship, even for those who were once secure.

Ekaterina’s story is not unique. Thousands of Russian refugees and refugees from other countries like her are now living in financial and emotional uncertainty. Their experiences reveal that poverty is often not a result of laziness or poor choices, but of circumstances beyond one’s control.

Supporting displaced people through legal aid, housing access, language support, and mental health care is essential not only for recovery, but also for breaking the long-term cycle of poverty.

As she put it, “We did not choose this easily. Most of us had jobs, education and plans. Now we are just trying to survive.”

– Polina Makarova

Polina is based in New York, NY, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Russia’s Resilient Petrostate: Oil Economy and Poverty Reduction

Russia’s Resilient PetrostateEndowed with vast natural resources, Russia holds significant oil and gas reserves. After the financial crisis of 1998, Russia bounced back with an average annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth of 7%. Global demand for oil and gas fueled Russia’s economic recovery. The boom in hydrocarbon revenue contributed to domestic welfare. Between 2000 and 2008, poverty levels decreased by 16%.

Russia is a leader in oil and gas production. Natural resource rents account for 16.7% of Russia’s GDP as of 2024. Around 30-50% of the federal government’s revenue comes from Russia’s hydrocarbon sector. Any abrupt change in demand for energy can stimulate economic growth or trigger a recession. The government adopted various measures and policies to create and sustain Russia’s resilient petrostate.

Stabilization Fund

Minister of Finance Alexei Kudrin set out to limit vulnerability to and dependence on volatile energy prices. Kudrin put the Stabilization Fund into operation in 2004. The Fund accumulated surplus revenues from oil production and exports. The Fund helps the Central Bank accommodate external shocks to maintain a balanced budget and reduce inflationary pressures.

When raw material prices decreased in 2008, Russian GDP shrank by 8%. This prompted Kudrin to create a buffer to withstand larger fluctuations. The Stabilization Fund was split into the National Reserve and the National Wealth Fund in 2008. Despite continued dependence on oil and gas exports, Russia maintained macroeconomic stability.

Private-Public Partnership

President Putin improved state control over natural resources in the early 2000s. While two national champions, Rosneft and Gazprom, dominate, private companies still operate in a semi-competitive environment. Independent firms help generate output and investment in new technologies and infrastructure. Novatek is now a leader in the production of LNG. The Russian style “public-private partnership” improved the ability of the energy sector to absorb fluctuations in oil and gas prices.

Russia’s Pivot to the East

China surpassed America in energy consumption in 2009, which heightened hydrocarbon demand. In the 2010s, Putin launched Russia’s “Pivot to the East.” This shift in policy emphasis to Asia required new oil and gas routes. The Russian government developed production areas in Eastern Siberia and built two vast pipeline systems. The Eastern Siberia-Pacific Ocean (2012) and Power of Siberia (2019) represented a crucial diversification of Russian export markets.

When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, Western governments decided to cut imports of Russian energy. This put more pressure on Russia to redirect export flows toward Asia. Robust global prices for fossil fuel commodities softened the shock of Russia’s “Pivot to the East.” Moreover, Russia overcame unprecedented trade restrictions and avoided a forced oil output reduction.

Russia’s Resilient Petrostate 

The crisis in Ukraine provoked massive Western economic and political sanctions. Oil and gas exports are instrumental in Russia’s relative economic security. A resilient petrostate, Russia recorded GDP growth of 3.6% in 2023 and managed to keep inflation in check at 7.4%. Overall macroeconomic stability allows the Russian government to fulfill the social contract with citizens.

– Alessandra Lewis

Alessandra is based in Westport, CT, USA and focuses on Business and Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Fragility and Rule of Law in Russia

Rule of Law in RussiaThe rule of law is central to any functioning democracy, ensuring the exercise of power within legal limits. However, the rule of law in Russia has become fragile under the leadership of President Vladimir Putin. Since first taking office in 2000, he has consolidated power through the suppression of opposition, constitutional manipulation and influence over the judiciary and legislature, eroding the independence of legal institutions. As legal checks disappear, rising inequality and poverty become characteristic of the Russian state, with the burden falling on those with the least protection. This article explores how Russia’s legal system prioritizes loyalty over justice, reinforcing structural exclusion.

Separation of Powers in Russia

Russia is an authoritarian political system led by President Putin, who has remained among the highest authority ranks since his first election in May 2000. Throughout his years in government, he has reshaped the balance of power to secure his dominance and weaken institutional checks. In 2004, he announced a stage of recentralization, dismantling many regional powers and bringing political authority under tighter Kremlin control. According to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, this shift entrenched centralized, top-down governance rooted in loyalty to the president and dominated by Kremlin-aligned political parties. With control over the courts, most of the media and the legislative branch, the Kremlin continues to repress citizens’ rights domestically while adopting foreign policy decisions that defy international norms, further eroding the rule of law.

The emergence of informal mechanisms has allowed state ideology to shape legal interpretations and enforcement, with unofficial directives treated as binding by the political system. As government transparency declines, informal rules overshadow international law and constitutional provisions, weakening the principle of equality before the law. This undermines the impartiality needed to combat corruption, ensure fair resource distribution, or secure fundamental rights. The breakdown of judicial independence leaves marginalized groups without meaningful legal recourse and institutionalizes exclusion.

The Legislative Branch: The Duma and the Federation Council

Composed of the Duma (lower house) and the Federation Council (upper house), the Russian Federation’s legislative branch should be independent, but the President controls many of its decisions. The Duma confirms that the President nominates the Prime Minister and other state ministers and passes laws that the executive proposes.

Regional governments and parliaments select 85 of the 170 Federation Council members, while the president directly appoints 30. Notably, the president has considerable influence over regional governors through recentralization. The president nominates governors instead of allowing public elections, and regional legislatures, that pro-Kremlin parties dominate, confirm them.

The result is the political sidelining of regional voices and minority populations. Areas marked by inequality have no formal channel to advocate for social support or investment. The lack of regional autonomy or accountability leads to disparities between Moscow’s political elite and the rest of the population, weakening public trust in the rule of law. 

The Constitution and the President

It should be no secret that the Russian Constitution has granted President Putin significant power, raising serious concerns about how far that power has extended and how this shift impacts the rule of law. According to the document, the president is the head of state and the guarantor of the constitution, giving him control over most foreign and domestic policy decisions. Endowing him with sweeping legislative powers, the Constitution allows Putin to appoint security ministers, making these issues almost exclusive to the president’s competence.

In 2020, Putin introduced constitutional amendments that further reduced citizens’ rights while expanding executive power. These changes extended presidential terms, enhanced control over the judiciary and granted former presidents lifelong immunity and a permanent seat in the Federation Council. Legal accountability is virtually absent in a system with no meaningful electoral competition or judicial independence. This structure allows the state to ignore inequality while preserving elite privilege and those outside the core political apparatus face systemic neglect.

Russia and the Rule of Law Today

One of the most significant legal tools for controlling dissent is the 2012 “foreign agents law.” Initially applied to NGOs receiving international funding, it has since expanded to target media outlets, advocacy groups and individuals. The 2022 revisions added the broad and ambiguous “foreign influence” category, allowing the state to label critics as national security threats. As a result, the government has cracked down on civil society groups, especially those advocating for human rights, ethnic minorities and the economically vulnerable, forcing them to operate underground.

Poverty in Russia remains a pressing issue, particularly in rural areas and among minority populations. According to the World Bank, around 12.1% of Russians lived below the national poverty line in 2022, with the rate disproportionately affecting families and those in underdeveloped regions. Weak rule of law exacerbates this problem by limiting access to fair legal recourse, reinforcing corruption and enabling the misuse of public funds intended for social welfare.

Following the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Russia’s courts became even more visibly biased, enforcing laws that serve state narratives. The state now regularly carries out political trials, arbitrary detentions and harsh sentencing. With growing restrictions on freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, the Kremlin reasserts dominance and undermines the rights of its citizens.

In response to these challenges, some initiatives continue to push for reform. The EU-Russia Civil Society Forum and its “Legal Discourse” program seek to enhance the potential of the participation of NGOs in the discussion of legal matters between the European Union and Russia. This platform emphasizes the importance of promoting and protecting values like human rights, the rule of law, separation of powers, government accountability, administrative compliance and judicial independence.

Resistance and Civil Society

Despite growing repression, Russian civil society continues to resist. Journalists, activists and ordinary citizens risk their freedom to challenge state abuse. Though weakened since the 1990s, moments like the 2011–2012 electoral protests and quiet acts of defiance in response to the invasion of Ukraine reflect a resilient spirit. Individual resistance now outweighs mass movements, with citizens using subtle, creative means to oppose the regime.

Organizations such as Global Call to Action Against Poverty and Caritas of Mother of God Archdiocese have been working to fight poverty within the federation. Making information about patient rights more available to citizens, GCAP’s Russia program aims to improve healthcare in impoverished communities. Caritas of Mother of God Archdiocese, formerly known as Caritas Russia, is a national agency operating under the Catholic Church that focuses on providing the poor and victims of disasters, accidents and armed conflicts with medical and social support. Recently, the organization has been supporting families that have fled Ukraine into Russia, supplying them with food, hygiene materials, medicine and bedding.

Looking Ahead

Authoritarian control has severely damaged Russia’s legal institutions, leaving its citizens with a system that silences opposition and allows inequality to grow unchecked. Under Putin, the rule of law in Russia has withered, concentrating power in the hands of the elite while marginalizing large segments of the population. Through constitutional manipulation, centralized political appointments and laws targeting dissent, the state has built a framework that prioritizes loyalty over fairness. 

Yet, resistance endures. Programs such as the EU-Russia Civil Society Forum and grassroots initiatives such as Caritas and GCAP demonstrate that, despite repression and challenges with the rule of law in Russia, the fight for the protection of the vulnerable and the promotion of justice continues. In the face of adversity, quiet resistance remains a tool for fighting for a more inclusive, equitable, and lawful future.

– Rafaela Paquet

Rafaela is based in Montreal, Canada and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Vocational Education in Russia: A Way Out of Poverty

Vocational Education in RussiaIn the industrial towns of Russia’s Far East and the outskirts of Moscow, vocational training centers are quietly changing lives. For young people who can’t afford university — or who need a faster path to a stable income — these schools appear to serve as launchpads. As Russia grapples with persistent income inequality and rising youth unemployment, vocational education and training (VET) centers are playing a crucial role in helping low-income communities escape poverty. By offering practical skills tied directly to real-world jobs, VET programs are helping thousands find their footing in an unpredictable economy.

A Different Path to Opportunity

In Russia, millions of teenagers finish 9th grade and head straight into secondary vocational colleges, where they study everything from welding and auto repair to IT support and nursing. These programs usually last two to four years and often include apprenticeships with local companies. For many students from rural areas or economically struggling families, VET is the only accessible route to employment. Tuition is often free, funded by the government and students gain practical skills without the burden of long-term debt.

According to the Russian Ministry of Education, more than 3 million students are currently enrolled in vocational training. And the demand is growing — not just among students, but among employers looking for skilled workers.

Vocational Education in Underserved Regions in Russia

The impact of vocational training is especially visible outside of Russia’s major cities — in regions like the North Caucasus, Siberia and the Ural Mountains. In these places, job options are limited and many young people feel left behind. VET centers bridge that gap by preparing students for the jobs that actually exist in their regions — whether it’s agriculture, transportation, construction or mining. These careers give people the ability to support themselves and their families. Some centers also offer tailored programs for vulnerable youth, including orphans, disabled students and ethnic minorities. These offer life skills, confidence and a clear path toward economic independence.

Global Standards and Local Solutions

Russia’s vocational system has also been getting a 21st-century upgrade. Through initiatives like WorldSkills Russia, training centers are adopting international standards, modernizing equipment and partnering with businesses to align coursework with real-world needs. From robotics to renewable energy, students are now learning the kinds of skills that can boost not just their own futures, but the country’s economic resilience. It’s a shift that reflects a broader understanding: vocational education isn’t a fallback — it’s a forward-thinking solution.

Overcoming Stigma and Gaps in Skills Training

Despite recent progress, challenges remain. Some training centers — especially in rural areas — still lack qualified instructors or updated facilities. And there’s still a lingering perception among parents and policymakers that vocational paths are somehow “lesser” than academic ones. But for students who finish school with a job offer in hand, those perceptions don’t hold much weight. What seems to matter to them is getting a skill that pays the bills.

Looking Ahead

In Russia, where economic disparities run deep and social mobility can feel out of reach, the chance to earn a living through skill-based training could be a game-changer. These vocational programs are helping to restore dignity, build communities and create opportunities where few existed before. And as more countries face similar challenges, Russia’s growing investment in vocational education could serve as a model for others.

– Polina Makarova

Polina is based in New York, USA and focuses on Good News and Technology for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Updates on SDG 3 in the Russian Federation

SDG 3 in the Russian FederationThe Russian Federation has long borne the burden of chronic diseases. More than 40% of citizens are living with two or more long term health conditions, which cause 86% of deaths in Russia. There are a number of systems addressing this systemic issue, including The Federal Research and Practical Center for Palliative Medical Care in Sechenov University. On June 5th, 2025, the World Health Organization (WHO) designated this center as a Collaborating Centre for Training in Palliative Care. This designation reflects Russia’s dedication to improving Sustainability Development Goal (SDG) 3, Good Health, by improving the quality and accessibility of palliative medical care in the Russian Federation.

What Is Palliative Care?

Palliative care aims to alleviate suffering and improve quality of life among people with serious illnesses. According to the Osteosarcoma Institute, palliative care involves understanding the symptoms and pain that come with an illness and then, working in collaboration with a medical team to focus on comfort. Examples of palliative care include treatment for terminal cancer patients, Alzheimer’s patients, hospice care and pain management.

How Does Palliative Care Affect Poverty?

Access to health care is so crucial in the fight against global poverty, but why palliative care? As the Osteosarcoma Institute states, palliative care is providing care to those with serious and long-term illnesses. The long-term care necessary for these illnesses can get expensive very quickly, and without accessible palliative care, many can find themselves staring down the barrel of poverty. Palliative care also provides stability to people with these illnesses, which allows them to retain work. Essentially, poverty and palliative care share many connections. If somebody lacks access to long term services, they can quickly find themselves in poverty. Below the poverty line, health care access is even less accessible. Therefore, increasing access to palliative care is an effective method to reduce the number of those living in poverty. 

The Center’s Mission and Objectives

Sechenov University organized The Federal Research and Practical Center for Palliative Medical Care in 2019 to develop the palliative medical care system in Russia. Specifically this institution aimed to bring better health care to Russian citizens. Article 36 of the Russian Constitution defines said health care as a social fundamental right. The Center itself focuses on the organizational side of the mission, by developing and implementing programs that will deliver this care to Russian citizens. By training medical personnel focused on palliative care, they are raising the quality of the health care industry across Russia. By bringing this program to Russia, they are ensuring more people have access to this long-term and expensive care. In doing so, they’re also reducing the presence of poverty. 

Global Implications

The Federal Research and Practical Center for Palliative Medical Care, located in Sechenov University, is a center that is establishing a new standard for medical care in Russia. However, its implications reach much farther than that. The center has long partnered with prestigious medical institutions such as Harvard University, Johns Hopkins University and Oxford University. In doing so, they are fostering a new culture in the health care industry and creating a global exchange of research, expertise and medical knowledge. These partnerships develop systems that provide quality palliative care to those in need across the globe. As a result, this institution is strengthening the quality of medical care that Russian citizens have access to. Furthermore, it is cultivating globally competent palliative care and reducing the presence of poverty world-wide.

Challenges on the Path Forward

While major steps have been made toward SDG 3 in the Russian Federation, good health does not come easy. The path to improvement holds a number of challenges: lack of financing, shortfall of medical personnel and distribution of medical care. Specifically, in recent years, as the aggression between Ukraine and Russia deepens, the Russian Federation has prioritized military spending. This leaves the medical industry without the funds they need to progress. As a result of this, there is a blatant shortfall of medical personnel in numerous regions. For example, the Center for Eastern Studies notes that Altai Krai requires more than 1,500 physicians and 1,200 mid-level practitioners.

Moscow, the nation’s capital and largest city, is more fortunate with financial and medical resources. This makes it a hotspot for medical treatment in Russia. Moscow citizens reap the benefits of specialized hospitals, medical professionals and major investments into health care infrastructure. However, those outside the major city receive severely inferior treatment. To work toward the United Nations SDG 3 in the Russian Federation, policymakers must address the uneven distribution of these necessary resources.

A Step Toward Better Care

The World Health Organization’s recent designation of the center as a WHO Collaborating Centre for Training in Palliative Care marks an important step in pursuit of SDG 3 in the Russian Federation. It is a symbol of medical progress in Russia and across the world. Its mere existence fosters global exchange of information that improves the palliative care industry exponentially. By addressing their shortfalls in funding, staffing and infrastructure and redistributing materials more equitably across the nation, the Russian Federation will only continue to propel the medical industry to progress and reduce poverty globally. It is the hope of this center that one day it will not be an isolated example of progress. Instead, it will serve as the national standard for palliative care.

– Caroline May

Caroline is based in Denver, CO, USA and focuses on Good News and Technology for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pixabay

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Examining Child Marriage in Russia

Child Marriage in RussiaIn 2015, the headline “Chechen Police Chief Marries Teen Bride Amid Mounting Scandal” appeared in The Moscow Times, before appearing in The Guardian. The image at the top of the article displays a young girl, simply 17, next to the groom, Nazhud Guchigov. When the story first broke, reporters stated that Guchigov was 57, but later amended this to 46. Guchigov’s marriage was a hot topic for several reasons; allegedly, Guchigov utilized his authority as a police chief to intimidate his bride’s parents and he was already married to another woman, and Guchigov made divisive statements regarding the matter on his Instagram.

About Child Marriage in Russia

In Russia, 254,000 girls were married by 15, and 5.4 million were married by 18. Unfortunately, even the best resources and websites on the matter do not provide much information regarding the population of girls who are experiencing coercion to marry. According to Girls Not Brides, an organization dedicated to eradicating child marriage and advocating for young women in developing countries, under Russia’s Article 12 of the Family Code, both men and women must be at least 18 years old to marry. However, there is other legislation that provides loopholes. Under Article 13 of the Family Code, a boy and a girl can marry at younger than 18, but never younger than 14 under special circumstances.

When dealing with child marriage in Russia, the problem runs significantly deeper than laws concerning the age of consent and getting beyond that red tape. Poverty, gender inequality and deep-rooted practices are all factors that influence the rate of child marriage; these factors are incredibly prevalent in modern Russia.

In 2020, the percentage of Russians living in poverty was 12.1%. While poverty has been decreasing throughout Russia, despite the ongoing war with Ukraine, poverty disproportionately affects women. The persistent pay gap and income gap greatly impact the average earnings of women in Russia. The matter becomes worse. As women tend to make less money, a woman’s poverty is then passed down to her children, affecting their access to higher education. Consider this pattern regarding the cycle of child marriage. Higher education is a wonderful resource when offering girls careers and lives outside of being a housewife, yet Russia’s current economy stubbornly limits a woman to that role.

Poverty and Misogyny in Russia

Poverty also exacerbates misogyny, the root cause behind child marriage in Russia. Russia’s domestic violence rate reflects Russia’s sexism and misogyny. Domestic violence against women is abundant in Russia, where 10% of all domestic violence deaths globally take place. For reference, Russia comprises 2% of the world’s population. There is abundant evidence revealing the link between poverty and domestic violence, and living in poverty can intensify violence towards women to immense extremes. Barbara Niess-May of the Safe House Center provides specific data points to make this point clearer: “In short, being poor further entraps the survivor in the abuse, and often lengthens any process she may go through to escape.” Returning to Russia’s domestic violence, the poverty disproportionately affecting women easily becomes a tool, manipulated by the abuser to keep the victim beneath him.

In a study by Marina Pisklakova-Parker, titled “Gender Issues in Russia,” she found that “71 percent of Russians share the opinion that the main purpose of a woman is to be a mother and a good housewife.” More concerningly, she also reported that “The Russian Human Rights Commissioner Tatiana Moskalkova publicly stated that since 10 April 2020, the number of domestic violence cases had more than doubled from 6,054 to about 13,000 per month.”

The Work of the ANNA Center

Despite the previously mentioned statistics, there is a growing feminist movement within Russia. The government has pledged to end child marriages in Russia by the year 2030; the United Nations has also made it a global goal to end all child marriages. Foreign aid plays a critical role when advocating for girls and women inside Russia, and the efforts have not been in vain. According to Bearr.org, there are 2% fewer domestic violence murders and 6% fewer rapes. Marina Pisklakova-Parker, the previously mentioned researcher, created The ANNA Center, the first domestic violence shelter for women in Russia, in 2015. Following the ANNA Center is the Zona Prava, the Consortium of Women’s Non-government Organizations, Nasiliu and the You Are Not Alone Network as the leading Russian NGOs combating violence against women, which includes child marriage. 

The impact of these shelters is no small feat, and sparked great change throughout the country of Russia. Pisklakova-Parker’s ANNA shelter is open to all women, no matter their income or residential address, two factors that make state shelters inaccessible to many women. To gain entry to a state shelter, women had to bring documentation of their husbands’ finances. In implementing this rule, many women are so longer able to utilize the shelter’s safety, as it would demand that they confront their abusers about their leaving. ANNA has no such rule, and is open to whoever needs the shelter. There is no public information containing how many women ANNA has helped, but in interviews, Pisklakova-Parker speaks positively of the growth of the shelter.

Nasiliu

Operating alongside ANNA, Nasiliu is an online resource for victims of domestic violence. Anna Rivinia established Nasiliu in 2015, beginning as a media project that focused on raising awareness of domestic violence in Russia. As recently as April 18, 2024, Nasiliu has expanded to global outreach for all Russian-speaking victims across the world. Most admirably, Nasiliu provides education on how to combat domestic violence legally within the framework of the Russian legal system.

– Peyton Worsham

Peyton is based in Jacksonville, FL, USA and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Nonprofits Tackling Poverty in Russia

Nonprofits Against Poverty in Russia More than a decade ago, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) halted operations in Russia after Russian authorities accused the organization of interfering in domestic politics. This departure posed challenges for many groups that relied on USAID funding. Despite this, various nonprofits in Russia have adapted to these circumstances and remain dedicated to addressing critical needs including poverty in Russia.

Poverty in Russia

Russia has seen a steady decline in poverty in recent years. In 2023, 13.5 million people—9% of the population—lived below the poverty line, a decrease from 14.3 million the previous year, according to Reuters. However, the years following USAID’s withdrawal saw a rise in poverty, with rates peaking in 2015. This surge largely stemmed from the economic consequences of Russia’s involvement in the Ukraine war in 2014.

Russia’s national poverty line measures the inability to afford necessities like food, clothing and essential services. By international standards, the World Bank reported that only about 2% of Russia’s population lived below the global poverty line in 2021. While these figures reveal progress, significant challenges remain, especially for the most vulnerable populations.

Nonprofits Making Change

Several nonprofits in Russia have taken up the mantle to tackle poverty and improve living conditions for those in need. These organizations focus on a range of issues, from health care and homelessness to children’s health.

  • Global Call to Action Against Poverty (GCAP). An international network of more than 18,400 civil society organizations in the fight against inequality and poverty. GCAP’s Russia National Organization comprises 29 member groups dedicated to reducing inequality and poverty. GCAP focuses on improving health care access in impoverished communities, primarily by spreading awareness of health care rights and services.
  • Nochlezhka. Founded in 1990, Nochlezhka works nationwide to assist and protect the rights of individuals experiencing homelessness. The organization provides shelters, night buses, heating tents, counseling services and halfway homes. Nochlezhka collaborates with hundreds of partners and volunteers to address the needs of Russia’s homeless population effectively.
  • Caritas Russia. Operating under the international Caritas network and affiliated with the Catholic Church, Caritas Russia supports youth, people without homes, individuals battling addiction and those facing unemployment. The organization offers shelters, home-care services, reintegration programs for inmates and released prisoners and camps for children in need.
  • Children’s Hearts.  Since 2002, Children’s Hearts has supported children with heart disease by raising funds and purchasing critical medical equipment for clinics. The organization has assisted nearly 5,000 children, with donations totaling $16 million (more than 1.5 billion rubles).

Looking Forward

Nonprofits in Russia continue their efforts to address poverty amid complex challenges and an evolving national landscape. Their work highlights the importance of collaboration, advocacy and sustained support to combat inequality and improve the lives of vulnerable populations. While greater action is necessary to create lasting change, these organizations provide hope and vital services to those in need.

– Olivia Young

Olivia is based in New York, NY, USA and focuses on Global Health, Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr