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Elderly Poverty Among Algerian Migrant Workers 

Algerian Migrant Workers Abdelkader Bounaga, an Algerian pensioner living in Marseille, was “enlisted” in the 1960s to fill the labor deficit in post-war France. He arrived in Marseille in a wooden boat carrying French soldiers being repatriated after Algeria’s independence. He is in the “Chibanis” group, meaning “grey-haired” in Arabic. Elderly Poverty in Algeria could deteriorate due to demographic changes. In 1966, the ratio of people at working age to people at retirement age was 6.7:1. In 2008, the ratio rose to 8:1, but in 2021 it fell again to below 6:1. This means that more old people are relying on the support of their employed family members today that in 1960.

Therefore, elderly poverty in Algeria could worsen as the demography changes over the coming years. However, the Chibanis who left Algeria in the 1970s looking for a more stable income face the additional challenge of isolation. Tahar Ben Jelloun expresses a common sentiment when he calls the state of the Chibanis “the highest solitude.” Here is more information about Algerian migrant workers in France.

Immigration to France

Poverty in Algeria was one of the reasons for immigration to France in the 1960s. French colonialism in the region had left the natives in a worse position. With the appropriation of land and exploitation of labor, it was hard to earn a living in Algeria.

In general in France, poverty rates decrease with age, dropping to 10% of people over 65. On the other hand, the poverty rate among elderly migrants in Europe is much higher at 25%. Among the migrant population, elderly poverty has increased by 4%, whereas for their native-born counterparts, it has decreased. Accommodation for elderly people has improved over the last few years, but elderly migrants are more likely to live in substandard housing.

Rather than relying on their younger family members, Chibanis often continue to support their families back home in Algeria using their pensions and social benefits. With their families back home and little community or purpose in France, the Chibanis become stuck in perpetual exile. This is what the sociologist Malek Sayad calls the “double absence.” Absent at home, they miss out on key milestones with their families. Absent in France, they struggle to integrate or form a community, and their language skills fall behind.

In addition to the solitude of their lifestyles, the Chibanis did not find the economic prosperity in France that they hoped for. When they arrived in the 1960s, the work available was arduous and menial, paying as little as 80 cents per hour. Today’s Chibanis were the hands that built the roads, factories and school buildings of modern France. Yet, many experience elderly poverty due to the difficulty in obtaining their pensions.

French Bureaucracy

The complex French bureaucracy standing between them and their pensions is hard to navigate for people whose language and literacy skills are low. If a Chibani mistakes the month on which he or she left France for Algeria, and accidentally stays too long, they return to huge debts.  If they exceed the six-month limit, the government revokes their benefits and demands a refund of the amount paid.

Movement between France and Algeria has been commonplace since France’s colonization in 1830. Algerians, especially from the impoverished area of Kabylia, emigrated to France to do the hardest and lowest-paid jobs, according to Musée de l’histoire de l’immigration. This was a method for active young men to support their families back home. The influx of cheap labor suited the managerial class, who also used them to break workers’ strikes.   

Raising Concerns

Concern about the elderly poverty of Algerian migrant workers spread in France in the early 2000s. One article cites the 2007 film Indigènes as a catalyst for public engagement with the question of the treatment of foreign veterans. That year Rachid Bouzidi, a special adviser for the Employment, Social Cohesion and Housing Ministry, stated “We believe that everyone has the right to live with their family in a decent and dignified way,” according to Radboud Repository article.   

However, the Chibanis have experienced several years of precarious social status due to their migratory lifestyle between France and Algeria. They must reside in France to keep their benefits, but their homes and families are overseas. 

Activists like Zohra Hamani fight for the visibility and security of Chibanis. President of the charity Les Bons Samaritains Fisabillillah, Hamani said to Al Jazeera.: “We owe all these beautiful French cities to the Chibanis.” Les Bons Samaritains Fisibillillah provides a free breakfast every morning at the centre, which is followed by the opportunity to receive legal and health advice. 

Conclusion

Algerian migrant workers living in France are more likely to live in poverty and face the additional challenge of isolation from their communities back home. The French government’s six month stipulation forces these elderly people into isolation and estrangement. However, there are charitable organizations fighting to amplify their voices and rectify the neglect of the French government. 

– Io Oswald

Io is based in Paris, France and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Poverty among Migrant Workers in Singapore

Migrant Workers in SingaporeFor many people, dorm rooms evoke memories of sharing close quarters in college or the halcyon days of summer camp. However, in Singapore, dorm rooms mean something very different: the cramped and inhumane living conditions of the migrant workers who form the backbone of Singapore’s economy.

About Migrant Workers in Singapore

Migrant workers, primarily from China, Indonesia, the Philippines, India and Bangladesh, compose 38% of Singapore’s labor force and play a particularly crucial role in the construction, manufacturing, maritime and service industries. A particularly large contingent of these foreign workers are classified as migrant domestic workers (MDWs). These workers, who are predominantly female and make up 4.4% of Singapore’s population and 7.3% of its labor force, are particularly vulnerable to domestic abuse and overworking.

Unhealthy Living Conditions

Human Rights Watch has reported that up to 20 workers are packed into the same room and forced to share a single bathroom. These cramped living conditions are often unsanitary and proved particularly hazardous during COVID-19 when strict government lockdowns forced workers to remain in hot, crowded dorms that lacked proper ventilation. In the early days of the pandemic, 90% of Singapore’s COVID-19 cases were among migrant workers.

Migrant workers in Singapore often find themselves in precarious positions because their work permits and legal status in the country are tied to their employers. Foreign domestic workers are especially vulnerable to exploitation because they are excluded from many labor protections, including paid days off and limits on working hours. In addition, foreign workers are barred from organizing and taking part in labor unions.

The International Labor Organization (ILO) has also found a concerning decline in positive attitudes toward migrants, even toward the foreign domestic workers that many Singaporeans come into personal contact with every day.

Solutions

Despite the many challenges facing migrant workers in Singapore, various nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are working to address these issues. Its Raining Raincoats is a charity focused on providing services for migrant workers in need, with the broader goal of ensuring that they are welcomed and integrated into Singaporean society. The charity runs various welfare programs that ensure migrants have access to dental and vision care and assist them with salary and employment issues. It also provides English language, financial literacy and first aid classes. In 2023, the charity raised more than $1.2 million for migrant workers and distributed more than 650,000 essential items, including meals, bikes, phones and glasses.

Additionally, the Migrant Workers’ Center, established in 2009 as a collaboration between the National Trades Union Congress and the Singapore National Employers Federation, is an NGO that advocates for the uniform application of fair employment practices. It provides free legal advice, humanitarian assistance and peer support networks, among other services. It also offers an associate membership for just $6 a year, which allows migrants to access critical health and disability insurance in addition to benefits.

Despite public opinion and the dearth of substantive government action, these NGOs are working to improve the lives of migrant workers in Singapore.

– Josephine Koch

Josephine is based in New York, NY, USA and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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7 NGOs Safeguarding Overseas Filipino Workers

7 NGOs Safeguarding Overseas Filipino WorkersThe Philippines, a nation marked by vibrant culture and rapid economic development, faces significant challenges, including widespread poverty and a vast economic disparity between social classes. These ongoing issues compel many Filipinos to seek employment overseas. Known as Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs), these individuals often face difficult working conditions, including exploitation and harsh work environments, while striving to support their families through remittances. These financial contributions are vital, lifting many households out of poverty and supporting the broader Philippine economy.

Despite the vital role they play, OFWs often contend with insufficient protection and recognition of their rights. To address these issues, the Philippine government and various nongovernmental organizations are actively working to improve conditions for OFWs, advocating for their rights and providing essential services to ensure their welfare and security. This concerted effort aims to safeguard the well-being of OFWs and optimize the benefits of their economic contributions to the country. Here are some of the NGOs supporting OFWs:

Unlad Kabayan

UNLAD Kabayan focuses on enhancing the business skills of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). Earning higher wages than their counterparts in the Philippines does not always translate to financial savvy; many OFWs, despite years of working abroad, return home without substantial savings. Established in 1996, UNLAD Kabayan equips OFWs with essential knowledge to effectively invest their earnings and start businesses. The organization also supports OFWs in adjusting back to life in the Philippines, aiding their reintegration into Philippine society. This comprehensive approach aims to ensure that OFWs can secure their financial futures and contribute positively to their communities.

The Economic Resource Centre for Overseas Workers

Filipinos working abroad often encounter numerous challenges, from accidents and financial shortages to mistreatment by employers, including unpaid wages. The Economic Resource Centre for Overseas Workers, a nongovernmental organization, provides essential economic resources to support these individuals during such difficulties. The organizations’s efforts help mitigate the impact of unexpected adversities, ensuring that OFWs have the necessary support to address their immediate financial needs.

ATIKHA

Many OFWs seek employment abroad with plans to retire in the Philippines once they have accumulated sufficient funds. However, some opt to migrate permanently to their host countries, drawn by better economic opportunities. Such migrations can be costly, requiring substantial support for the workers and their families. This is where ATIKHA, a dedicated organization, excels. Its primary goal is to assist OFW families during their migration process, providing the necessary guidance and resources to facilitate their transition to a new country.

KAKKAMPI

Founded in Geneva, Switzerland, KAKKAMPI is an association dedicated to supporting Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). The organization provides a broad spectrum of services, including funding classes and loans, designed to enhance financial security for OFWs. Through these ongoing efforts, KAKKAMPI aims to safeguard OFWs from exploitation and ensure they have the financial resources necessary to succeed.

WE AIM OFW

WE AIM OFW collaborates closely with the Philippine government to support the One Model and Great Community (OMG) initiative. This comprehensive program encompasses various aspects such as financial support, housing funds, livelihood programs and scholarships. The organization empowers Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) to manage their earnings wisely and contribute positively to their communities, ensuring their financial stability and community development.

Center For Migrant Advocacy

Founded in 2002, the Center For Migrant Advocacy dedicates itself to enhancing the welfare of overseas workers globally. The organization achieves its goals through policy advocacy, networking, information dissemination, direct assistance and capability building. Key initiatives include encouraging overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) to report any abuses they or their peers endure. By raising awareness of OFW rights and welfare, the organization plays a crucial role in protecting these rights. Additionally, the Center For Migrant Advocacy offers various volunteer opportunities, empowering individuals to contribute to meaningful change.

Global Filipino Movement

The Global Filipino Movement, established by various Christian groups, provides emotional and spiritual support to overseas Filipino workers (OFWs). Recognizing the Philippines’ predominantly Christian background, the organization acknowledges the significant role faith plays for OFWs facing loneliness and hardship abroad. The NGO delivers ministry services to OFWs and their families, helping them cope during challenging periods. Active for 13 years, the Global Filipino Movement has been instrumental in bolstering the resilience of Filipino families through tough times.

Looking Ahead

The ongoing efforts to support OFWs can potentially bring about the security of their financial futures, thereby positively impacting both home and host countries. Continued advocacy and support could be vital in addressing the challenges faced by OFWs and maximizing the benefits of their contributions.

– Neil Misola

Neil is based in Kitchener, Ontario, Canada and focuses on Business and Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Migration to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf – A Racial Perspective

Migration to Saudi ArabiaA recent report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) declared that systematic mass killings are taking place at the Saudi-Yemeni border. The casualties are migrants from North Africa, particularly Ethiopia. 

In the lead-up to the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar, the migration system across the Gulf faced increasing scrutiny regarding human rights. But since the tournament’s conclusion, the urgency for reform has vanished. As Gulf countries embark on ambitious construction projects to move away from oil dependency, issues of labor are becoming more pressing than ever.  

Saudi Arabia’s recent potential Crimes Against Humanity (according to HRW) beg for a new mode of analysis to understand the pervasive nature of human rights abuses regarding migration to Saudi Arabia. A racial perspective reveals that the system of migration in the Gulf is an essential piece of statecraft. 

The Kafala

The kafala is the sponsorship system used for migration across the Gulf, Lebanon and Jordan. Each migrant is bound to a sponsor, or kafeel, who is a citizen of the respective country. The kafeel is responsible for the migrant and pays for their lodging and other expenses. Without a sponsor, there is no approval for migration to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf.  

The kafeel also has authority over the migrants they are sponsoring. They can allow or deny migrants to exit or re-enter the country and can cancel their migrant’s iqama (residency permit) whenever they want.  

This power results in countless abuses. According to reports, more than 6500 workers died during the construction of stadiums in the build-up to the Qatar World Cup. Whilst families and witnesses asserted that the cause of death was from squalid living conditions, on-site mismanagement and heat exhaustion, Qatar listed these deaths as natural causes. 

Other abuses include rentier-seeking, with some kafeels confiscating up to a year’s wages as fees to process the iqama. Migrants often live in poor conditions without adequate access to sanitation or health care.

Sexual and violent abuse is also rampant against female domestic workers. A total of 89 Kenyan migrant women died between 2019 and 2021 in Saudi Arabia. Indonesian worker Tuti Tursilawati was executed in Saudi Arabia in 2018 for murdering her employer. The Saudi courts ignored her claims of self-defense against rape. Migrants are not just poor, but also completely demeaned, disregarded and maltreated – sometimes to the point of death.

International efforts have resulted in slight concessions through Saudi Arabia signing many labor treaties. However, the actual implementation of these have been very poor. Meanwhile, Qatari kafala reforms mostly concerned more secular language to make it more internationally palatable. The persistence of the kafala has puzzled many pundits across the world – perhaps incorporating race can provide some answers. 

Racializing the Problem

All migrant workers must register under the kafala. Bina Fernandez asserts that among migrants there is a racial hierarchy. White, often corporate professional, migrants evade the abuses of the kafala and have much higher living conditions and mobility. Even outside of the kafala, this symbolically superior whiteness, which is part of the West’s colonial legacy, is expounded through them being called expats, whilst black and brown workers are called immigrants. Asian and African laborers are at the bottom of this hierarchy, working in dirty, dangerous and demeaning jobs. 

Asian and African workers are spurred by poverty to migrate to the Gulf. For example, Ethiopia’s poorest 20% have experienced little growth in recent years. Therefore, they take the treacherous journey to the Gulf to access higher wages and send back money to their home country as remittances.  

Migrant workers make up huge proportions of the Gulf, approaching 40% and surpassing 75% of Saudi and Qatari populations respectively. This reliance on outsourced labor breeds insecurity, especially as Asian and African workers, who do not have legitimizing whiteness, represent most migrants.

The kafala is a tool of surveillance for Gulf governments. By privatizing migration, they evade responsibility for abuses, but also informally allow them to control the migrant population. Laws prohibiting migrants from unionizing or assembling are evidence of this.

Citizens of the Gulf perpetrate this abuse to abet the racial insecurity that a large migrant population stokes, as well as to protect their investment. Access to citizenship is very slim and there are multi-generational migrants who still require a kafeel. Coupling this with its function of surveillance, it appears the kafala is a tool that serves to maintain the Gulf countries as ethnocracies. 

The Future?

Gulf countries are currently trying to diversify away from oil, especially Saudi Arabia, which is embarking on the construction of the megacity, Neom, to increase tourism revenue. How this could coexist with a very restrictive migration policy remains to be seen.

Saudi efforts to decrease their reliance on migrant workers threaten the country’s fragile social contract, which promises a very high standard of living in return for submission to a totalitarian rule. Asking citizens to take on jobs currently performed by black and brown laborers contradicts this.

Policies regarding migration to Saudi Arabia started becoming more aggressive during the COVID-19 pandemic when migrants underwent inhumane conditions in various detainment camps. Yet, HRW’s report marks a clear escalation. It details how hundreds (likely thousands) of migrants have been killed through the systematic use of rifles, mortar shells and rocket launchers at the Saudi-Yemeni border. There have been other instances of abuse, including rape. Ethiopian migrants make up the bulk of the casualties, showing how stark the consequences of such a racial hierarchy can be under cultural and political approval.

Most NGOs, including HRW, focus on gathering information to address migrant issues in Gulf countries. These organizations collect data on abuse and poverty, which are often lacking. Gulf countries maintain control through oil resources and authoritarian rule, limiting the presence of in-person migrant assistance NGOs. To fully tackle the challenges of migration in the region, there is a need to consider the racial dynamics of the kafala system. Merely abolishing kafala could prove insufficient, as recent developments in Saudi Arabia show that the problem runs deeper than a policy change.

– Ryan Ratnam
Photo: Flickr

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The Impact of COVID-19 on Migration

COVID-19 on Migration
The novel coronavirus spread at dramatic rates since its discovery in Wuhan, China in late 2019. Some countries including China, Vietnam, New Zealand and Norway have successfully stopped the spread with an aggressive response; other countries, however, have been unwilling or unable to make similar progress. Worldwide confirmed cases currently top 20 million. While the virus is certainly transforming many aspects of life, the impact of COVID-19 on migration has become especially significant.

How COVID-19 Affects Refugees

About 80 million people have experienced forcible displacement from their home countries throughout the world. Additionally, 72 million of those asylum seekers are currently living in developing countries that lack the resources to aggressively fight a pandemic like COVID-19.

The International Rescue Committee estimates that up to 1 billion cases of COVID-19 could hit fragile countries housing the world’s refugees, such as Afghanistan, Syria and Yemen. Yemen has struggled with a major humanitarian crisis since its civil war escalated in 2015. Today an estimated 24 million people within the country are in need of assistance, with half of those individuals being children.

In most refugee camps, social distancing is impossible. One can find a prominent example of this difficulty in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. This camp crams more than 850,000 Rohingya refugees into a very small, dense area. These refugees have severely limited access to health care. The lack of clean water for handwashing could prove disastrous when attempting to combat COVID-19. In addition, malnutrition and poor sanitation make refugee camps like Cox’s Bazar a potential hotbed for viral transmission. Medical depots at the camp only have 300 beds available and will be overrun if an outbreak emerges. These makeshift hospitals lack the lifesaving respirators needed for those in critical condition. In addition, medical workers must deal with COVID-19 on top of other preexisting health crises. Diseases like cholera, malaria and tuberculosis remain a constant issue.

The impact of COVID-19 on migration is evident in the record low numbers of refugee resettlement. For the time being, the United Nations has suspended relocation. People living in these unsuitable conditions are in dire need of help. Rather than taking in these refugees, most countries have chosen to lock down their borders without exception.

The Fate of Migrant Workers

Many industries in developed and undeveloped countries alike rely on a steady stream of foreign laborers. In the age of COVID-19, there is a premium on skilled workers in key industries like healthcare. As such, some countries have expedited the migration process for doctors, nurses and scientists.

Other job types have not experienced such demand. In countries like the United Arab Emirates, migrant workers are unemployed or have unpaid wages as a result of the pandemic. These men and women have no income to send back to their families and home villages, and many face a difficult decision: return home to their families where work is even rarer or scramble to find another job under their visa before being deported.

An Opportunity for Change

The long-term impact of COVID-19 on migration remains unclear. Asylum seekers in refugee camps will likely be the last on the priority list when vaccines become available, thus delaying their relocation even further. Until refugees obtain similar health protections to citizens, coronavirus will never fully resolve.

As lockdowns gradually end, the countries hit hardest by COVID-19 will face the immense task of rebuilding their economies. As part of this process, there will likely be a focus on hiring citizens over migrant workers. Governments may choose to distribute funds to domestic industries and put foreign aid on the back burner.

There is, however, a chance to reimagine human mobility. Portugal, Ireland and Qatar moved to ensure everyone has access to health care, regardless of their citizenship status. Several European Union countries have emptied their immigration detention centers to avoid outbreaks. Italy’s new amnesty law has granted 200,000 work permits to migrant workers.

Migrant workers are a major contributor to the global GDP, performing jobs across skill levels. Foreign labor is vital to successful economies, and a more fluid entry system would help expedite the road back. It is finally in the self-interest of governments worldwide to provide an easier path for these workers and mitigate the negative impacts of COVID-19 on migration.

– Matthew Beach
Photo: Pixabay

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How COVID-19 Affects Migrant Workers

How Migrant Workers Have Been Impacted By COVID-19Over the past several months, there have been many media stories about how the ongoing pandemic has impacted the American economy, as well as many others around the world. Any reader is likely aware of how harmful the crisis has been to many working- and middle-class people in America. One group that has not received as much attention, however, are migrant workers. Not only have migrant workers been made more vulnerable than usual in the current climate, but their struggles have also intersected with poverty on a global scale.

Migrant Workers During COVID-19

What makes this situation an international crisis rather than a solely American one is remittances. Many migrant workers travel from developing nations to more wealthy ones, where they can earn more money or simply find jobs in order to support their families. These workers send part of their paycheck back home to their loved ones, many of whom live in extreme poverty. Last year alone, migrant workers across the planet sent home $554 billion. This is over three times the amount of international development aid given by wealthy nations. Importantly, remittances frequently go toward crucial essentials, like food, education and medicine.

Experts predict that COVID-19 will be one of the factors that lead to the first global increase in poverty in over 20 years. Migrant workers were already living in difficult conditions prior to the outbreak, and recent events have worsened their circumstances. Many put themselves in danger in order to travel abroad to provide for their families. Furthermore, all of the migrants in the U.S. without Social Security Numbers were ineligible for the stimulus checks sent out in early 2020. When migrant workers are unable to support their relatives back home, their families — who in many cases had to pool resources to “invest” in a family member traveling abroad — are plunged even further into poverty.

A Potential Solution

However, state legislators have the opportunity to provide leadership on how to properly support migrant workers in the U.S. during this time. In April, Massachusetts Democrats put forward Bill H.4726, or “An Act To Provide Equal Stimulus Checks to Immigrant Taxpayers” in the Massachusetts state legislature. The bill would provide financial stimulus support to undocumented taxpaying Americans. Though not all migrant workers are undocumented, this bill would serve as a policy response to the crisis that includes undocumented workers who pay taxes. 

Legislation like this, paired with an extended and expanded financial stimulus plan, would help to combat poverty at home and around the globe. No matter what someone’s immigration status is, they should be able to rest knowing that they and their families, wherever they may be, will not get sick or go hungry. Massachusetts still needs to vote on this bill, but its very existence shows that the United States is not powerless in this situation.

The Role of the US

The United States has the ability to help impoverished people in developing nations, who are suffering in numerous ways from the COVID-19 crisis. U.S. support does not just have to come in the form of international aid, as our domestic affairs impact the rest of the world. By making sure that migrant workers are included in coronavirus relief efforts, the U.S. would help reduce poverty among migrant workers and their families.

– Brendan O’Halloran
Photo: Flickr

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How Volunteerism in India is Saving Lives

volunteerism in IndiaAs the effort to contain the spread of COVID-19 continues globally and conditions remain unclear for many people throughout India, what started out as a 21-day lockdown has since been extended for high infection areas until June 30th. The country has slowly started re-opening a variety of businesses and organizations by the Ministry of Health Affairs despite a spike of 68,566 reported cases from May 25 to June 3. The vulnerability of poor and homeless people throughout India poses an additional threat to the already fragile hunger crisis underway. Luckily, volunteerism in India is saving lives.

Migrant Workers and Homelessness

There are currently more than 1.7 million homeless people living in India. During a nation-wide lockdown, this is extremely problematic with lacking resources and little capacity at homeless shelters. Previous to the lockdown, an estimated 250 million Indian people were living underfed or malnourished. According to statistics gathered over the course of the last three months, these numbers have increased by 22.2 million. Many migrant workers trying to return home were forced to isolate in conditions that put their health and livelihood at risk. In many of these places, following social distancing guidelines is extremely difficult if not impossible.

Homeless shelters in India are working to get as many people off of the street as possible; however, this comes at a price. When the country went under strict order and work was quickly put to a halt, migrant workers had no choice but to begin their journey home. Many shelters houses more than 10,000 migrant workers and homeless people. This results in limited masks and sanitizers becomes an added issue on top of limited food and space. For nothing more than “a ladle of poorly cooked food poured roughly into a plate or plastic envelope”, masses of people would stand in line for hours, uncertain of when their next meal may come.

How Volunteerism in India is Saving Lives

Once lockdown restrictions began to lift, the community of India wasted no time giving back to those most vulnerable. The reliance on government programs during crisis can be taxing, specifically when there is not near enough meals to cover the amount of people in need. Many charities and organizations saw this need and teamed up with locals to shine a light on the issue. Together, they urged the government to provide aid as soon as possible. Here are a few stories of how volunteerism in India is saving lives.

Project Mumbai

Khaana Chahiye, created by Project Mumbai, in an initiative that continues to work tirelessly to provide meals for thousands of migrant workers and displaced people during the lockdown and pandemic. The initiative does not discriminate against who receives the meals; however, the focal point of this initiative is to feed as many homeless and migrant workers as possible. During this time, the organization averages an output of 70,000 meals per day to the poor. Luckily, the consistency of this output has sustained the lives of thousands. The organization also offers ways for civilians to bring attention to areas in need not being reached.

How An Individual Has Made a Difference

Local Tagore Government Arts and Science College Principal Sasi Kanta Dash, PhD, has always dreamt of helping his community. Dr. Dash knew that the lockdown could go on for a number of months and saw the need for positive change. At the beginning of the lockdown, he gathered a group of volunteers and started by feeding 250 people on the very first day, and the “immense satisfaction at the end of the first day catalyzed the actions on the future”. Over the course of 40 days, Dr. Dash has served more than 10,000 meals to the elderly, sick and poor across India.

The reality for thousands of people in India means limited access to preventative measures for the coronavirus, extreme food scarcity and the uncertainty of what tomorrow will bring. Although this can be daunting, with the help of local heroes like Dr. Dash and Project Mumbai, the goal of sustenance for all becomes that much closer.

– Katie Mote-Preuss 
Photo: Flickr

Child Labor in Guatemala’s Coffee Industry

Child Labor in Guatemala's Coffee Industry
Many coffee consumers do not recognize what goes into making their morning cup of joe. Coffee is one of the major crops that child workers cultivate across the globe, including Guatemala, where major U.S. companies such as Starbucks, Dunkin Donuts and Kirkland source their coffee beans. Guatemala is working to reverse the damage the decades-long civil war (1960 to 1996) inflicted upon its children, indigenous population and industries, but the country still needs to do a lot. Here are 10 facts about child labor in Guatemala’s coffee industry.

10 Facts About Child Labor in Guatemala’s Coffee Industry

  1. Guatemala is the ninth biggest coffee exporter in the world. Sharing 2.7 percent of the world’s coffee market, Guatemala is one of the largest coffee exporters in the world. Coffee, along with bananas, sugar and spices, accounts for 40 percent of all agricultural export revenue for the country. Major U.S. companies such as Starbucks, Kirkland and Dunkin Donuts source their coffee beans from Guatemala.
  2. The minimum employment age is 14. Guatemalan law prohibits children under the age of 14 from employment unless they are in extreme circumstances; however, the Guatemalan government has failed to enforce this labor law. According to the U.S. Department of Justice’s human rights report in 2018, approximately 1 million children between the ages of 5 and 17 are working in Guatemala. Child labor in Guatemala’s coffee industry is more prevalent in rural areas where extreme poverty is more common.
  3. Children as young as 5 years old are working in hazardous conditions. According to the U.S. Department of Labor’s report on Guatemala’s labor condition in 2018, child coffee workers were using machetes and other tools that can pose a physical danger. Furthermore, the investigators found that child workers were also mixing and applying pesticides during their work. This is a violation of the International Labor Union’s (ILO) conventions on child labor, as it clearly puts under-aged children in work conditions that can harm their health and development.
  4. Guatemala’s child labor is linked to migrant coffee workers. Coffee harvest in Guatemala depends on a seasonal influx of migrant workers. These migrant workers come from the Guatemalan Highlands. Many migrant workers bring their wives and their children to a coffee farm. In order to increase the family income, children as young as 7 or 8 years old participate in coffee picking. Since these workers are not permanent workers, they usually do not demand year-round wages and benefits. This drives the wage down for coffee harvesters, which can limit access to food, health care, housing and education for their children.        
  5. Many coffee workers are internal migrants. The native population of Guatemala, most of whom are of Mayan descent, make up around 40 percent of the total population of the country. Many are migrant workers and they do not always speak Spanish, leaving them in a vulnerable position when negotiating labor conditions with their employers. Oftentimes, they do not receive payment for their labor, but rather buy food from the plantation owner on credit. As a result, many of these internal migrant families find themselves trapped by debt. Some plantation owners also withhold these families’ identification papers, making it extremely hard for them to leave their employers.
  6. Fluctuating coffee prices have major impacts on the poor coffee farmers and children of Guatemala. While demand for Guatemala’s coffee is increasing, many coffee farmers in Guatemala find themselves in poverty. The World Bank, in its 2019 article about Guatemala’s economy, stated that 48.8 percent of Guatemala’s population lives in poverty. When coffee prices rise, poor coffee worker families will withdraw their children from school to have them work as an extra field hand, causing an increase in child labor in Guatemala’s coffee industry. When coffee prices fall, however, these families’ income decreases, which can also prevent their children from attending school.
  7. Children work under the watch of armed guards. Danwatch’s 2016 exposé documented migrant workers and their children picking coffee under the watch of armed guards. Under these kinds of conditions, it is not surprising that organizing a labor union is a major challenge for these workers. Labor union representatives of Guatemala can sometimes become the target of violence, armed attacks and even assassination. According to data from the International Trade Union Confederation, people murdered more than 53 union representatives between 2007 and 2013. 
  8. Major companies, such as Starbucks, are working with multiple certification organizations to produce ethically sourced coffee. Since 2004, Starbucks has complied with C.A.F.E (Coffee And Farmer Equity) Practices by working with organizations such as the Fair Trade U.S.A., Fairtrade International, Rainforest Alliance and Utz. According to Conservation International’s (CI) 2018 report on the Starbucks C.A.F.E Practices from 2011 to 2015, 100 percent of the participating farms did not use children in their labor force. Furthermore, 100 percent of the participating farms ensured that children on the farm would have access to school education.
  9. The Guatemalan government has aid programs to alleviate child labor. According to the report on child labor and forced labor that the U.S. Department of Labor published in 2018, the Guatemalan government is sponsoring multiple programs that will alleviate child labor. One of these programs is the Conditional Cash Transfer for Education and Health Program (Mi Bono Seguro), which provides financial assistance to families with children as long as their children’s attendance to school is satisfactory. 
  10. Many nongovernment organizations are working to alleviate poverty for Guatemalan coffee workers. One organization, Pueblo a Pueblo, provides tools, training and support to the impoverished coffee farmers in Guatemala. One of the ways Pueblo a Pueblo does this is by teaching beekeeping to Guatemalan coffee farmers during the non-harvesting season of the year. The organization also assists Guatemalan coffee farmers impacted by the recent coffee rust epidemic. Watch this documentary for more information on Pueblo a Pueblo’s work. 

It can be easy for one to forget that a common food item, such as coffee, has a human cost in producing it. Stemming from the country’s civil war, child labor deeply links to the instability in Guatemala’s economy and government. When coffee farmers struggle to make ends meet, the danger of exploitation and violence increases for many poor coffee pickers and their children. These 10 facts about child labor in Guatemala’s coffee industry show, however, that there are many people and organizations that are working to assist children and coffee workers in Guatemala. Through financial assistance, education and training in other agricultural disciplines, a better future awaits the children of Guatemala.  

 – YongJin Yi
Photo: Flickr

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Facts About Migrant Workers in Qatar

Migrant Workers in Qatar

When one thinks of the Gulf state of Qatar, sky-high skyscrapers, double-decker airplanes and sprawling shopping malls come to mind. Ever since the discovery of oil in the region in 1939, the Qatari economy has seen rapid growth. In 2018, the CIA World Factbook ranked Qatar as second highest for GDP per capita, making it one of the wealthiest nations in the world. But this also makes it important for people to learn about the state of migrant workers in Qatar.

Migrant Workers in Qatar

The progress in Qatar has its drawbacks. When FIFA selected Qatar to host the 2022 World Cup, the treatment of migrant workers in Qatar was brought to the spotlight. A research brief from the UK Parliament found that Qatar has 1.5 million migrant workers or 90 percent of its total labor force comprises migrant workers.

While foreign workers continue to report incidents of exploitation and segregation, Qatar has made substantial improvements to its labor laws and is cooperating with organizations like Amnesty International and the International Labor Organization in the process.

The Kafala System

Gulf states—including Qatar—use the kafala (Arabic for sponsorship) system as an employment framework to recruit migrant laborers from abroad to work in low-paying jobs.

Under the kafala system in Qatar, migrant workers have documented a range of abuses, among them, are delayed and unpaid wages, excessive working hours, confiscation of passports, inaccessibility to healthcare and justice, sexual violence as well as deception in the recruitment process. In short, the kafala system binds a migrant worker into an exploitative employer-employee relationship.

By giving an employer control over a migrant worker’s job and residential status, the kafala system encourages workplace abuses. With over 95 percent of Qatari families employing at least one housemaid, some migrants choose to become domestic workers in the homes of Qatari nationals, where they are often subjected to sexual violence.

Furthermore, The Guardian reported in October 2013 that many Nepalese workers have died since the beginning of construction projects for future World Cup sites. These Nepalese workers live in segregated labor camps outside Doha where they endure unsanitary conditions and scant water supplies.

Labor Laws in Qatar

Under pressure from international nonprofits, Qatar has implemented a series of labor laws to improve working conditions for workers. In December 2016, a new law allowed migrant workers to return to Qatar within two years if they had previously left without their employer’s permission. It also increased the penalty for employers found guilty of confiscating their employees’ passports and created a committee to review workers’ requests to leave Qatar.

While this made no reference to the kafala system, the law fell short of addressing kafala’s main shortcoming, i.e. workers still need permission from their employers to switch jobs.

In order to help domestic workers who are often victims of forced prostitution, Qatar introduced a domestic workers law in August 2017. Instating legal protections for over 173,000 migrant domestic workers, the law sets a limit of 10 hours for a workday and mandates 24 consecutive hours off every week, as well as three weeks of annual paid leave. Though in its early stages, the law promises to alleviate the alienation and abuse of domestic workers, some of whom work up to 100 hours per week.

The Qatari government is gradually repealing the kafala system. In October 2017, the government expanded the Wage Protection System and mandated payment of wages by electronic transfer.

On September 5, 2018, an Amnesty International press release reported that the Emir of Qatar issued Law No. 13, which bans employers from preventing migrant workers from leaving the country.

Conclusion

Qatar’s World Cup bid may have been a blessing in disguise. Qatar started its stadium projects using slave-like labor, and now it has slowly opened up to the critiques and suggestions from external nonprofit organizations. As an example, the International Labor Organization has forged a technical cooperation agreement with Qatar and together they have worked to unravel the kafala system. These changes will turn this wealthy country into a more equitable one.

– Mark Blekherman
Photo: Flickr

 

Addressing the Benefits and Consequences of Tourism in Thailand

tourism in Thailand
Thailand is a unique country that attracts over 32 million tourists each year. Tourism made up 20.6 percent of Thailand’s GDP in 2016 and supported about 6.1 percent of jobs. Bangkok, Thailand’s capital, was the most visited city in 2017. It is clear the tourism in Thailand is impacting the country.

Thailand’s 2004 Tsunami Recovery

Tourism both aided and hindered Thailand in its post-tsunami state. With a high need for jobs and funds, many luxury hotels were able to reopen within months. Unfortunately, some groups such as migrant workers had a difficult time receiving aid, if they even received any at all.

The event was also a catalyst for the marginalization of those in a lower socioeconomic status as many were barred from returning to their homes in popular tourist areas such as the beach. It is estimated that upwards of 10,000 were either prevented from returning or an attempt was made to prevent them from returning.

The Marginalized in Thailand

The country’s social bias against migrant workers, immigrants and refugees is one of Thailand’s biggest criticisms. People in these marginalized groups are at a legal disadvantage compared to Thai citizens. Migrant workers are at the will of their employer, needing a “termination and employer transfer form” (in other words, permission from their current employer) in order to switch jobs. Research by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 2010 found 33 to 50 percent of employers in the fishing, domestic and manufacturing sector used this law to their advantage to prevent losing migrant workers as employees.

There are also multiple reports of migrant workers being punished by law in what seem like uncertain situations. One example is the fourteen migrant workers who filed a complaint against their employer for exploitation, thus damaging the company’s reputation. This resulted in the employer filing a lawsuit against the workers with potential consequences being imprisonment and fines. 

Another unfortunate example occurred in 2015 when two migrant workers from Myanmar were sentenced to death for the murder of two tourists; the case was marred by police misconduct such as the mishandling of evidence and the alleged torture of the workers. While it is difficult to find an exact number of migrant workers convicted of a crime in Thailand, it is becoming increasingly clear to the world that this is a human rights issue that needs to be addressed.

Sex Tourism in Thailand

Prostitution was outlawed in the 1960s, but Thailand still has a growing trade revolving around paid sex. There is no way to get a real number on those traveling for sex tourism in Thailand, but NGOs estimated 70 percent of male travelers were visiting specifically for the sex industry in 2013. Prostitution does not have a social stigma in Thailand like in other countries and many Thais have accepted it as part of the culture, creating growth in the industry despite questionable legalities.

Medical Tourism in Thailand

Many tourists travel to Thailand because of the low-cost medical treatment. In 2006, about 200,000 tourists traveled to Thailand explicitly for medical treatment. By 2011, that number rose to half a million.

According to insurance company Thai Expat Club, Thailand was third in the world as the most likely destination for health tourism in 2016. Many medical tourists are saving at least half of what they would pay in the US. Add on recovery by the beach or in a resort and it is no wonder Thailand has become the medical hub of Asia.

Tourism’s Impact on the Environment

With tourism in Thailand increasing, trash increases as well. Unfortunately, Thailand’s infrastructure has been unable to keep up. A common assessment has been waste left over from beach parties. It is estimated that Ko Phangan Full Moon beach parties leave about 12 tons of debris per day behind which mostly goes into landfills or the ocean.

Many groups are currently trying to highlight this issue which will hopefully create a springboard for biodegradable materials and other environmentally conscious decisions. Some of the organizations partnering with Thailand to address the waste issues are the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, which collaborates with Thailand to protect environmental laws, and the International Union for Conservation of Nature, which works on conservation within the country.

Tourism in Thailand is drawing in great opportunities such as growing jobs, a developing medical field and cultural awareness. However, there are some points of contention with prostitution, the waste problem and an increasing awareness of the marginalized in Thai society. Curbing environmental problems and working toward a more equal society will create a stronger Thailand and, ultimately, a stronger world.

– Natasha Komen
Photo: Flickr