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Child Marriage in Andorra

Child Marriage in Andorra

Despite Andorra’s modest geographic size, the country is known for its Romance Catalan language and strong diplomatic spirit. Above all these fascinating features, Andorra has a lengthy history of underage marriages as defined by the 1995 Andorra Marriage Law. With the approval of the child’s guardians, this law permits 16-year-olds to marry. The United Nations (U.N.) Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) are two active organizations that aim to end child marriage and bring social stability.

Reproductive Freedom for Young Girls

According to the CRC, teenagers in early marriages have the right to seek reproductive and sexual health facilities when in need. Particularly, many teenage females suffer the most from these early marriages. They typically endure domestic violence from their partners. Additionally, they can fall pregnant at an early age, which may trigger mental health problems down the road.

However, the country criminalizes abortion in all circumstances and doesn’t offer domestic exceptions, even for rape, incest or health risks. As a result, people who seek abortions, including underage girls, are forced to travel to Spain or France. In response, the CRC in September 2023, expressed grave concern over Andorra’s total ban. Similarly, CEDAW recommended legal reform so that women and girls, including minors, don’t have to leave the country to access essential reproductive care.

UN Push Leads to Andorra Child Marriage Ban

In 1996, Andorra implemented a recommendation from the U.N. Committee to standardize the minimum legal age for marriage at 18 for both boys and girls. However, despite this early move, concerns persisted over loopholes in the country’s legal framework that still allowed underage marriages under certain conditions. In 2023, the issue resurfaced when the U.N. took note of recent amendments to the Qualified Act on Persons and Families. These reforms reinforced the prohibition of child marriage. These updates provided a more explicit and enforceable legal ban, making the country’s stance on the issue more straightforward.

The U.N. Committee suggested an act to standardize the minimum legal age for marriage at 18 for both boys and girls. Andorra implemented this recommendation in 1996. The U.N. brought up the subject again in 2023 after seeing that the Qualified Act on Persons and Families, a recently amended law, had been reinforced to outlaw child marriage. This allows for a more straightforward and apparent ban on this issue.

That same year, CEDAW called on Andorran communities to end underage marriage entirely. The Committee criticized provisions that permitted marriage as early as age 14 with judicial approval and age 16 under specific circumstances. CEDAW urged Andorra to fully align with international standards by establishing 18 as the absolute minimum legal age for marriage, without exceptions.

Further back in 2015, during the Universal Periodic Review by the U.N. Human Rights Council, Andorra had already agreed with CEDAW’s recommendations to strengthen child protection laws. As part of its broader human rights commitments, Andorra ratified the Council of Europe Convention to prevent and combat violence against children and conflict-related crimes. Under this framework, forced marriages, whether involving adults or minors, are now classified as a form of sexual abuse.

Final Remarks

Andorra has taken a pivotal stance against child marriage, guided by unwavering support for the two global groups. Andorra continues to establish child rights that adhere to universal standards. Legislative modifications and the cautious assembly to hold meetings helped examine these pressing issues and served to support this. Andorra’s commitment to safeguarding adolescents’ health assists in minimizing the adverse social and health effects of unlawful marriages.

– Janae Bayford

Janae is based in Centennial, CO, USA and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

Reducing The Gender Wage Gap in Venezuela

Gender Wage Gap in VenezuelaWomen in the U.S. have been dealing with gender inequality and the lack of parity for decades, but people rarely discuss the gender wage gap in Venezuela. The gap has reduced since the 1990s, but the wages of men in Venezuela (and Latin America in general) still average around 25 percentage points higher than women. Here is more information about the gender wage gap in Venezuela.

About the Gender Wage Gap in Venezuela

As of 2021, in Venezuela, women have a labor participation rate of 40%, while males have a rate of 65%. According to the NGO Centre for Justice and Peace (CEPAZ), 70%+ of Venezuelan women live in poverty. The gender wage gap in the U.S. has been stable for the past 20 years, while the gender wage gap in Venezuela has been slowly growing. The different reward systems for the worker’s characteristics, the tendency for men to have more education compared to women, and the state of the Venezuelan economy are suspected to be the main reasons for the wealth disparity. 

Early education greatly influences Venezuelan men and women. In 2020, Venezuela scored 0.71 on the Gender Gap Index, meaning that women are approximately 29% less likely than men to have equal opportunities in education, the economy and politics. With the correlation between education and higher incomes being strong, it is evident why women tend to suffer from the gender wage gap in Venezuela. 

The Gender Wage Gap and Poverty

Women in the country are shortchanged in other ways, especially regarding policy decision-making. With the Venezuelan crisis of corruption, uber-inflation, disease and high crime and mortality rates, the fact that 54% more women than men between the ages of 20 and 59 do not participate in the labor market for family reasons reveals how the gender wage gap in Venezuela is not only aiding in harmful gender stereotypes but also poverty for females in the country.

The lack of opportunities for decent work and foreign aid are key variables to the problem, which are complicated to fix overnight. Female poverty in Venezuela is so prevalent that people deemed it a crisis in 2020, with the pandemic exacerbating it. Venezuela’s decaying public health system has resulted in a lack of sexual and reproductive health services, which indirectly leads to large families with very little money to support them. 

US Aid to Venezuela

The U.S. may have donated roughly $2.8 billion to the country since 2017, yet Venezuela is suffering one of the worst humanitarian crises in the history of the Western Hemisphere. On the surface, the gender wage gap in Venezuela is about the unrelenting problem of unequal incomes between females and males, in general, after all this time. But in a broad context, it proves how little foreign assistance and a poor economy can impact gender inequality. Many Americans say that the U.S. is doing enough when 4.5% of the budget for military affairs is allotted for foreign aid. Therefore, more can be done. 

CEDAW’s Efforts

On fixing the gender wage gap in Venezuela, organizations like CEDAW (The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women) are overlooking the country’s progress in gender equality overall. The group originated in 1979 as a voice of advocacy for women’s rights worldwide. Its job is to ensure that the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women undergoes implementation. It checks that countries regularly instill human rights treaties. So far, the group has adopted a law on gender equality in Mongolia, a law in Rwanda prohibiting sex-based discrimination in access to land and much more. 

In May 2023, the committee completed an in-depth review of Venezuela’s status. While it commended Venezuela for having more girls studying science subjects (which is a giant step for improving the gender wage gap there), it observed that more work is necessary in the country regarding gender equality. The Commission against Gender-based Violence of Universidad de Los Andes’s letter to CEDAW confirmed that the Venezuelan regime had not secured the human rights of women in different sectors such as politics, education and health care. The Committee focused on the lack of parity; only 19% of Venezuelan women are mayors of municipalities. Since then, CEDAW has advised civil society organizations to improve gender-based discrimination. 

The Women’s Development

In 2001, the Women’s Development emerged to provide economic and non-economic relief to women in Venezuela. The bank, designed to serve women in poverty, has given more than 40,000 “microcredit” loans to groups of women aspiring to be entrepreneurs. It also offers training and workshops to women to become more self-sufficient. 

– Bridelle Toumani
Photo: Flickr

Eliminating Gender Inequality in Taiwan

Gender Inequality in Taiwan
The Republic of China, commonly known as Taiwan, is ranked first in Asian countries in the U.N. Gender Inequality Index for gender equality. This means that Taiwan has been successfully empowering, educating and creating equal opportunities for its women. But despite this fact, gender inequality in Taiwan endures.

The Gender Wage Gap

One perpetuating issue is the gender wage gap. The gender wage gap in Taiwan is at 15.8%, meaning women would have to work a total of 58 more days to earn equal pay.

In an effort to combat the wage gap, the Taiwan Ministry of Labor (MOL) established ‘Equal Pay Day’ in 2012 to raise awareness of the issue.

As things stand, there are several issues that may be contributing to this issue of inequality. Primarily, women have historically experienced discrimination due to the potential for maternity leave. Some Taiwanese women shared similar experiences. Hiring committees will often ask them if they are pregnant or intend on getting pregnant, and the answer can play a huge role in whether employers will hire them.

However, the overall heightened awareness about gender inequality and the work of the MOL has resulted in tangible progress. Back in 2012, women earned 16.6% less than men. In the last few years, the gap has closed by 0.8%.

Taiwan has also continued to increase the number of women in positions of political power and/or the workforce. About 51% of women over the age of 15 were in the labor force as of 2015, with an average monthly income of $1,346. As for political positions, female lawmakers make up 42.5% of the parliament, Legislative Yuan. Currently, the following are some programs addressing gender inequality in Taiwan.

Taiwan Women’s Center

The Taiwan Women’s Center, which originated in 2008, is an organization that aims to spread gender equality. Its conference rooms in Taipei City, its headquarters, host discussions, seminars and training courses about feminism. Members discuss potential solutions to relevant issues regarding how Taiwan can create a gender-equal society.

The website features videos on the history of gender equality in Taiwan. It also provides links to other organizations striving to make Taiwan a safe and equal country for everyone, regardless of age, gender, ethnicity or sexuality.

Gender Equality Committee of the Executive Yuan

The Gender Equality Committee of the Executive Yuan, established in 1997, works to sustain and enforce government laws and legislation that protect women’s rights.

Some historical accomplishments of the GEC include the establishment of the Commission on Women’s Rights Program (CWRP), the passing of the Enforcement Act of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the establishment of the Department of Gender Equality.

The website includes a tab with various programs that can help kickstart “gender-responsive actions.” These “toolkits” aim to educate and inspire women to participate and be active in the fight for gender equality.

The Awakening Foundation

The Awakening Foundation is a nonprofit and nonpartisan group that has aided many in the fight for gender equality. Established in 1982, it originated as a magazine to protest against the way people treated women in Taiwanese culture. Some of the foundation’s original projects focused on ending child sex trafficking.

Currently, it aids Taiwanese women by lobbying for feminist reforms, providing legal assistance and counseling, as well as monitoring a hotline that reaches about 2,000 citizens per year. Recently, the Awakening Foundation has been working on mandating paid parental leave, as well as educating the public with articles on why women play a vital role in the advancement of politics.

Looking Ahead

Although Taiwan has made significant progress toward gender equality, progress is still ongoing. The current initiatives continue to push for a world where gender equality is the norm. With continued support and education on the issue, and based on the progress so far, there is a chance that one day, gender inequality in Taiwan will become an issue of the past.

– Alex Hasenkamp
Photo: Wikipedia Commons

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NGOs Advocating for Women’s Rights in Cambodia 

Women’s Rights in Cambodia
Women in Cambodia make up over 50% of the population but are still fighting for basic rights and gender equality. Cambodian women are struggling to participate politically, socially and economically because the country’s history and cultural traditions frequently value women less than men. Here is some information about women’s rights in Cambodia.

The State of Women’s Rights in Cambodia

Women’s rights in Cambodia have come a long way in the past years, but the country has not completely abolished gender inequalities. Women in Cambodia still struggle with the wage gap, finding opportunities for higher education, gender-based violence and erasing stigmas and stereotypes. Due to these issues, many NGOs have stepped in to help create change and spread awareness.

The Convention of Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)

Cambodia emerged as a country from conflict and unequal power dynamics between sexes. Since 1992, Cambodia has slowly been pushing toward improving women’s rights along with empowering women to exercise their rights. Implementing CEDAW into its constitution was the first step to put Cambodia on the right track.

The Cambodian government ratified CEDAW in article 31.1 of its constitution in 1992. CEDAW, also known as the “Convention of Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women” is an international treaty protecting women from discrimination. It takes precedence over laws in Cambodia and many consider it a “fundamental legal basis for implementation.” The constitution also includes further efforts to end discrimination against women in article 45.1.

NGO-CEDAW

The implementation of CEDAW led to the creation of NGO-CEDAW in 1995. NGO-CEDAW is a nonprofit organization that ensures the implementation of CEDAW by creating a good relationship with the government and training all Cambodian women on CEDAW. The organization persuaded the Ministry of Women’s Affairs to adopt the Law on the Prevention of Domestic Violence and the Protection of Victims in 2005 and the Anti-tracking law of 2008. NGO-CEDAW also works with the government to “recommend amendments to the domestic violence law.”

The Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO)

Besides NGO-CEDAW, human rights groups like the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO) advocate for women’s rights in Cambodia. The Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights emerged in 1992 and focuses on two programs; monitoring and protecting, and promotion and advocacy. LICADHO is responsible for investigating human rights violations against women and children by the state, providing medical assistance and social work to victims, monitoring prisons to ensure living stable conditions and providing legal advice and representation to unions and victims. LICADHO also creates public reports about human rights cases to inform the public and educates and informs at-risk youths. LICADO brings reform to a national level by working with other NGOs to influence the government.

The Cambodian Committee for Women (CAMBOW)

One in five women in Cambodian report experiencing physical violence since age 15 and half of those women disclosed that they had never told anyone because they believe “there are conditions that justify violence against women.” The Cambodian Committee for Women (CAMBOW) promotes the protection of women by educating, training, advocating, researching and working with national and regional networks to address serious issues that are common in Cambodia such as domestic violence, rape and human trafficking. CAMBOW emerged in 2000 and is an alliance of 35 NGOs and networks that participate in activities involving ending violence against women and children, raise awareness on women’s rights through popular media campaigns and coordinate the exchange of information between the 35 NGOs.

The Asia Foundation

The Asia Foundation has worked in Cambodia for decades, focusing on increasing women’s and girl’s rights and security, creating economic opportunities and advancing women’s involvement in politics and everyday decision making. The Foundation has discovered that helping empower women is one of the best ways to eliminate poverty and increase development. The Foundation works with local organizations and community leaders to create positive change and teach women the skills they need to reach their full potential. Specifically, the Foundation has provided 116 scholarships to young women in poor families to go to college, offered 1,800 victims of trafficking legal and social support and trained 778 officials from the Royal Government of Cambodia on the National Minimum Standards for the Protection of the Rights of Victims of Trafficking. The Foundation also creates worldwide networks for female councilors and meets with government representatives to inform them of everyday challenges that women face.

International Women’s Day

On March 8, 2019, five NGOs joined Cambodian women to celebrate International Women’s Day at Olympic Stadium after security forces shut their march down earlier. The Women’s Network for Unity (WNU), Women’s Information Center (WIC), The Cambodian Centre for Human rights (CCHR), Rainbow Community Kampuchea (RoCK) and Gender and Development for Cambodia (GADC) encouraged all women to come together to highlight women from all classes, ages and sexualities to share their personal stories. The celebration wanted to show the government that Cambodian women are demanding greater respect and representation; specifically asking for new policies and improved living conditions for all women. On International Women’s Day on March 8, 2020, Cambodian civilizations celebrated by coming together at Democracy Square in Phnom Penh and putting together a fashion show with slogans to promote respect for women’s rights.

Many more NGOs are working to make women’s rights in Cambodia a priority that people respect, uphold and protect. Progress does not occur in one night and as long as these NGOs continue to encourage women to break cultural and social norms, come forward and stand up for themselves, Cambodia as a nation will come to see that men and women are equal.

– Lauren Peacock
Photo: Pixnio

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The Two Sides of Women’s Rights in Bahrain

Women’s Rights in Bahrain
Bahrain, a small Middle-Eastern country off the coast of the Arab Peninsula, consists of Bahrain Island and 30 smaller islands. Due to its coastal location, Bahrain has greater access to ocean travel and, in consequence, a wider range of influences than its Arab-Islamic neighbors. These influences have made Bahrain a more ethnically and religiously diverse nation, and, while still conservative, more liberal and accepting in its interpretation of Islam. However, women’s rights in Bahrain have lacked in many ways.

The openness regarding interpretations of Islam has brought positive change for female rights and Bahraini women are the most liberally educated in the MENA (Middle-Eastern North-African) region. However, Bahraini law is a complicated combination of royal decrees, civil and criminal codes and Sharia law (religious Islamic law that comes from the Quran and the Hadith). As a result, while the secular part of Bahraini law advances women, the religious part holds them back. Here is a breakdown of these opposing legislative forces in the improvement of women’s rights in Bahrain.

The Background

Since he took the throne in 1999, the political and economic reforms of hereditary leader Hamad bin Isa Al-Khalifa have sparked the improvement of women’s rights in Bahrain. Bahrain’s 2002 constitution set women equal to men, guaranteeing gender equality in, “political, social and economic spheres, without breaching the provisions of Islamic law.” While this seems hopeful, the constitution also stated that “the family is the cornerstone of society, the strength which lies in religion, ethics and patriotism,” meaning the nation still believes in a traditional and conservative role for women.

Even more, no provisions exist in the constitution explicitly banning discrimination on the grounds of gender in the workplace or any other sphere of society. While popular protests have demanded a fully elected legislature in 2005 and increased democratic representation, an end to discrimination against Sunnis and the creation of an anti-corruption agency in 2011, no revisions have occurred to the 2002 constitution and the constitution has not given additional rights to Bahraini women.

CEDAW

Bahrain joined the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 2002. CEDAW is an international treaty from the United Nations that defines what constitutes discrimination against women and sets out an agenda to eliminate it. Bahrain made great strides for women by joining CEDAW, providing its female citizens with adequate healthcare, education and employment opportunities. However, the nation joined the treaty with reservations about CEDAW’s articles that contradicted the Sharia, which included the prohibition of discrimination within governmental policies, the right for a woman to pass citizenship to her husband and children, freedom of movement regarding residency and equality in marriage and family life.

Islamic law mandates that men receive more inheritance than women and that children take citizenship from their fathers. Moreover, it states that it is unacceptable for women to live outside their married houses. Thus, while CEDAW improved women’s rights in Bahrain, the country’s commitment to Sharia law prevents Bahrain from truly accepting these social reforms.

Political Rights

In Bahrain, women have the right to vote and stand in local and national elections. Bahrain was the first nation to grant universal female suffrage in 2002 and, by the 2006 elections, 16 female candidates ran for the Council of Representatives and women made up 50.2% of the vote. While women have won elections, they have an exceedingly difficult time getting elected and even running, making women underrepresented in decision-making positions.

Only 39 female candidates ran in the 2018 parliamentary elections in comparison to 330 men. However, since adopting its new constitution, the Bahraini government has made considerable efforts to elect more women through its Supreme Council of Women, a semi-governmental body that the king’s wife runs. The Supreme Council of Women has had a powerful influence and, in 2018, Bahraini citizens elected six women to Bahrain’s lower house of Parliament, doubling their previous number and setting the record as an all-time high of elected female representatives in the nation.

Education

In 2007, Bahraini women made up 72% of the students at Arabian Gulf University and 67% of the University of Bahrain, exceeding the percentage of men at these universities. However, despite dominating the student population, Bahraini women frequently do not work in the workforce. Due to the strong traditional values of Islam, many subjects are unavailable to female students. Technical subjects are only available to male students, and textile classes are limited to females. While women receive the opportunity for education, they must study subjects that have low demand in the workforce, increasing their likelihood of unemployment.

Economic Rights

True economic equality is hard to achieve in Arab nations and the majority of the Bahraini workforce is male. Women only make up around one-fifth of the working population. However, the Bahraini government encourages women to work, creating incentives for employers to hire Bahraini women. For example, the government implemented a rule stating that hiring a Bahraini woman counts as hiring two citizens, helping companies increase their percentage of indigenous employment so they can employ more foreign workers (who tend to work for cheaper). Despite this government encouragement, Bahraini women face hard social pressures to stay at home and take care of their family, as is customary in Islamic tradition.

Social Rights

In May 2009, the government passed its first personal status law, a huge step for women’s rights in Bahrain. The new law granted women the right to consent to marriage and have conditions in a marriage contract. It also allowed women to take a separate residence if their husband marries a new wife.

Many laws exist that are discriminatory towards women. In Islamic court, a woman’s testimony is worth half of a man’s (however in civil court, testimonies are equal). In addition, no laws exist to protect women from gender-based violence. If a man assaults a female relative, he may face a few days in jail, but then only has to sign a pledge and pay a fee. Even more, spousal rape is legal and a rapist may avoid punishment if he agrees to marry his victim. These laws have deep roots in Islamic law, which grants men and women unequal rights in social and family life.

NGOs

In conjunction with the Supreme Council of Women, many NGOs have been fighting and advocating for women’s rights in Bahrain. Specifically, the Bahrain Women’s Union has had an especially strong impact on the advancement of women’s rights. While 456 NGOs exist in Bahrain, only 19 focus on women’s rights, and 12 of those 19 are a part of the Bahrain Women’s Union. The group aims for women to be more active politically and fights all forms of gender discrimination in Bahrain. After its creation in 2006, the Bahraini Women’s Union worked toward ratifying CEDAW and passing the personal status law. Other influential NGOs in Bahrain include the Awal’s Women’s Society, which provides free legal advice to abused women and the Batelco Anti-Domestic Violence Center, which rehabilitates domestically abused women.

The state of women’s rights in Bahrain is complex and manifold. The nation’s complicated combination of religious and secular law stops many gender discrimination reforms from reaching their full potential. Many NGOs and international organizations are actively helping to advocate for and win rights for Bahraini women but this work does not exempt these women from the societal norms pressuring them into traditional roles in the household. While Bahrain still has a long way to go, its relatively liberal interpretation of Islamic law and openness to equality leaves hope for the continued advancement of women’s rights.

– Georgia Bynum
Photo: Flickr

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Online Human Trafficking During COVID-19

human trafficking during COVID-19The United Nations has warned of a recent increase in human trafficking taking place through social media. According to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) perpetrators are approaching victims on social media and messaging platforms. Experts correlate this surge of online human trafficking with the lockdowns governments have implemented to combat COVID-19 that has left millions of people jobless and struggling to survive.

The Human Trafficking Crisis

Human trafficking has long posed a threat to the safety and well-being of the world’s most vulnerable populations. The U.N. has stated that between 2017 and 2018, approximately 75,000 trafficking victims were identified in 110 countries. During this period, 70% of victims were female, 77% of whom were then trafficked for sexual exploitation and 14% for forced labor.

There are several factors that make a person more vulnerable to human trafficking. The most pressing factor, however, is financial struggles or poverty.

Online Human Trafficking and COVID-19

Human trafficking is on the rise as millions are made desperate by the economic consequences of COVID-19. People employed in informal sectors have been particularly impacted by layoffs, while earlier this year migrant workers were left stranded far from home when borders closed and travel bans were implemented. According to the World Bank, the COVID-19 pandemic will result in global extreme poverty increasing for the first time in two decades, pushing as many as 150 million people into poverty by 2021.

The impact, however, will be felt the hardest by females. As a result of the pandemic, 47 million more women and girls will be pushed into extreme poverty. Estimates even predict that globally, for every 100 men living in poverty in 2030, there could be as many as 121 women.

Besides  COVID-19’s economic consequences, traffickers have also benefited from the fact that people are spending more time online during lockdowns. While traffickers have usually operated with a great deal of impunity, the internet allows for easier access to vulnerable populations as well as the benefits of anonymity and false identities.

Addressing Human Trafficking During COVID-19

Human trafficking is a global problem but despite the scale of the threat and the advantages that perpetrators have during COVID-19, governments can take action to protect vulnerable groups, especially women and girls.

In an appeal to social media and messaging companies, CEDAW recommended that safety controls be set up to reduce the risk of exposing women and girls to trafficking and sexual exploitation. CEDAW has called upon online platforms to use data, artificial intelligence and analytics to identify possible patterns that could lead to trafficking. It also urges platforms to “put in place the appropriate governance structure and procedures which will allow them to be reactive in their response and provide the relevant level of information to the concerned authorities.”

CEDAW also urged governments to resolve the underlying issues that allow human trafficking to flourish. These issues include sex-based discrimination, economic insecurity, conflict and unsafe conditions for migrants and displaced people.

In addition, the United Nations has urged national governments to ensure that services for trafficking victims and survivors stay open during lockdowns and that the rights of migrant and informal workers are protected by labor laws. Finally, investments in programs for women’s economic empowerment are encouraged as a means of mitigating the disproportionate economic impacts on females. With the appropriate measures in place, human trafficking during COVID-19 can be prevented.

– Angie Grigsby
Photo: Flickr

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Improving Women’s Rights in El Salvador

Women's Rights in El Salvador
Establishing effective women’s rights in El Salvador, including freedom from domestic, sexual and organized violence, is challenging but not impossible. Grassroots organizations and marches are leading the charge for the law and society to be more aggressive towards male perpetrators against women.

There are similar yet unique narratives that women who endure extreme violence, die from extreme violence or seek asylum in other countries tell to escape such violence. Much of the violence that women in El Salvador endure boils down to a critical lack of reproductive choices, resources, education and discriminatory gender hierarchies in the home and the workplace. Machismo, or macho-man characteristics, beliefs are present in all of these narratives.

For women’s rights in El Salvador to flourish, the country must assess and address the ways machismo, as a form of systemic patriarchy, is persistent in the daily functions of El Salvadorian women’s lives and identify potential solutions to this system issue.

Laws Protecting Women’s Rights in El Salvador

There are a collection of laws, international and domestic, upholding women’s equal status with men, barring discrimination or violence against woman. El Salvador is a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), as well as the Inter-American Convention to Prevent, Sanction and Eradicate Violence against Women (Convention of Belém do Pará).

Despite these existing conventions, reports reveal that seven of the top 10 countries with the highest femicide rates are in Latin America, including El Salvador. This highlights the primarily symbolic nature of these conventions, many of them suffering from a general lack of enforcement.

In 1996, 2010 and 2011, the Salvadoran government implemented three laws to further the protection of women’s rights and deter violence against women.

The first was the Family Domestic Violence Act (1996) addressing intra-familial violence and femicide. A 2010 law, the Special Integral Law for a Life Free of Violence against Women, aimed to punish all forms of violence against women, ranging from workplace harassment to murder. Lastly, the Creation of Specialized Courts for a Life Free of Violence and Discrimination against Women (also known as Decree 286 or the “Femicide Law”), of 2011, emerged for specialized courts to deal with cases of all violence against women, requiring all legal staff to obtain necessary knowledge on a woman’s right to a life free of violence and discrimination.

Unfortunately, the laws have not proven effective as the endurance of beatings, rapes and femicides have multiplied since the introduction of the first policy in 1996. For example, in 2012, a year after El Salvador instated the Salvadoran femicide law, the United Nations Commissioner on Human Rights (UNHCR) estimated that El Salvador’s impunity rate was as high as 77%.

Grassroots Efforts to Protect Women’s Rights in El Salvador

La Colectiva, a nonprofit based in El Salvador, aims to provide services and resources to women facing and addressing gender-based violence. The organization’s founder, Morena Herrera, strives to abolish the country’s abortion penal code. The organization not only addresses domestic conflicts but also focuses on reproductive rights and education so that women feel empowered to retain all rights to their bodies and seek help when necessary.

Abortion and reproductive rights are critical issues in El Salvador. The country has the highest rate of teenage pregnancy in all of Latin America, with one-quarter of young women ages 15 to 19-years-old having been pregnant. In fact, 41% of pregnancies among 10 to 19-year-old girls stems from sexual abuse, with 12% of those being the result of incest. The degradation of women’s rights in the eyes of the law is most apparent when women seek an abortion, as the law considers it a homicidal offense with a 30-year-minimum sentence.

The feminists of El Salvador are also targeting the judicial system, a conservative stronghold, for its negligence of violence against women cases, including the sexual assault of teenage girls. Many women deem authority efforts futile since perpetrators function about society with impunity. To offset this disparity, El Salvador is making strides to equip more women judges with proper training on gender issues, making them more likely to support victims and women’s rights in El Salvador.

In April 2017, feminist organizations throughout the country organized and demonstrated to denounce widespread sexual violence, the mysterious disappearances of women and mass femicide, in an effort to disrupt the machismo culture that affects women from all backgrounds, ages and economic statuses. These marches occur every year on March 8, International Women’s Day, as women’s rights activists demand more radical and swift change for equality.

– Vicki Colbert
Photo: Flickr

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Improving Women’s Rights in Syria

Women's Rights in Syria
For nearly a decade, the Syrian Civil War has left the Middle Eastern nation desolate, impugned with violence, and, more importantly, divided. However, when it comes to mainstream coverage on the Civil War’s effects, women are not usually in the spotlight, at least until recently. With the Syrian Civil War coming to a close, rebuilding and drafting a new constitution has commenced. This transition period is giving nonprofits and international organizations a unique opportunity to elevate women’s rights in Syria.

Overview

One can define women’s rights as women having the same legal protections and economic opportunities as men, along with an equal footing in the rebuilding process. Essentially women in Syria should have fair access to nonprofit and IGO resources as well as food, water and medicine.

Currently, Syrian women suffer from food insecurity, loss of education, lack access to clean water and medical supplies and gender-based violence at a disproportionately higher rate than men. In fact, in 69% of communities, early and unwanted marriage is a prevalent concern.

Moreover, before and during the war, societal roles of marriage and domestic abuse escalated dramatically. One report noted that “even though the state endowed women with rights to education, employment, etc., society ignored those rights. They saw society as a mechanism that reproduces the privileged position of men through customs and traditions.”

Since marriage is a cultural safeguard against rape and kidnappings, more women entered marriages only to become victims of abuse. Thus it is vital that nonprofits, International organizations and the global community as a whole, emphasize women’s rights in the initial rebuilding phases.

Women Now for Development

While the past decade presented several obstacles for obtaining women’s rights in Syria, local actors, nonprofits and international organizations are paving a solid foundation for the future.

In December 2018, when the U.S. announced its departure from the Syrian Civil War, the international organization Women Now for Development (otherwise known as Women Now) kicked-started a series of humanitarian centers in non-state controlled regions in Syria.

These centers served to provide educational skills and medical assistance to Syrian women, particularly those fleeing violence. Additionally, Women Now’s help centers assisted with:

  • Fighting illiteracy, especially among women and young people.
  • Empowering women economically through training and providing them with support to create income-generating activities.
  • Providing education through classes in technology, communications and foreign languages.
  • Supporting women’s access to society and building civic engagement.
  • Providing children’s education and protection.

What makes Women Now different from other international organizations is that rather than excluding Syrian Women from the development conversation, it is emphasizing their voices and perspectives. As a result, it is allowing for a more effective and streamlined localization effort.

UN Women

Another instance of international organizations assisting women’s rights is U.N. Women. For the past two years, the group helped women participate in a cash-for-work program that taught the women skills while giving them a stable revenue stream. Additionally, the U.N. Women’s project in Syria created safe-spaces and skill training seminars, allowing women to escape abuse both due to the war and normalized oppression in Syrian society.

Regional analysts predict that with a new wave of protests and emphasis on failed human rights campaigns, Syria will either fail as a state or work within a globalized system to strive for a better future.

The Middle East Women’s Initiative has lead the battel for female representation in the new Syrian government so far, both in the Syrian Democratic Forces’ ability to win influence over the people and in Syrian Women’s international representation. The Initiative noted in a recent index how “Women in the Autonomous Administration and the Syrian Democratic Forces hold senior leadership roles across policy functions and institutions. Ilham Ahmed, the co-chair of the Syrian Democratic Council, acts as the region’s de facto head of state, speaking before the U.S. Congress and meeting U.S. President Donald Trump last year. Further, the SDF operation to liberate Raqqa from ISIS control was led by a woman commander, Rojda Felat.”

Reforms for the Future

In order for Syria to build a foundation that genuinely upholds women’s rights, it needs to introduce and expand on new policies. A highly recommended reform would be to restore compliance to CEDAW laws regarding discrimination against women.

While Syria signed onto CEDAW, an international framework against female discrimination, it conveniently left out several key provisions. In the transition, Syrian government officials must consider re-instating said provisions to grant women a stronger foundation of civil liberties and elevated socio-economic status.

Another critical step is to increase funding for feminist nonprofits. Under the current status quo, feminist nonprofits are quintessential to providing women with protection and critical resources.

“This[assisting women in Syria] was difficult without proper funding. Women Now was only able to compensate staff for their work with a minimum wage due to feminist organizations’ funding, who understood the importance of care to staff working in difficult circumstances. When centers had to shut down, and programs could not be delivered, the remote management team also lost funding for their salaries.”

Finally, both regional and global actors must pursue international diplomatic coordination. As stated previously, military conflict disproportionately impacts women. However, international and regionally based specialized committees are already making progress on de-escalating violence and creating safety mandates. Thus, increased diplomatic coordination should be a primary priority.

While many would call Syria a failed state and lost cause for any form of human rights, past and current reforms are starting to paint a different narrative. Now it is up to the rest of the world to decide whether they are willing to support said vision.

– Juliette Reyes
Photo: Flickr

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Violence Against Women in Africa

Human Trafficking and Violence Against Women in Africa
African women have experienced inequality in many aspects of life throughout history. Today, some of the largest risks African women face are human trafficking and gender-based violence. These risks are prevalent in underdeveloped areas where women are more likely to have lesser access to education and formal job opportunities. According to a 2005 article in the U.N.’s African Renewal, the majority of impoverished people in Africa are women. Thus, violence against women and modern-day slavery are two major consequences of poverty in Africa today.

Quick Facts About Human Trafficking in Africa

The largest group of human trafficking victims across the world are between the ages of 9 and 17. Most female trafficking victims fall within the 18-20 age group. According to the African Sisters Education Collaborative, 9.24 million people in Africa are currently victims of modern-day slavery. This is 23% of the world’s population of modern-day slaves. In addition, over half of all human trafficking victims in Africa are under the age of 18. The majority of African human trafficking victims are female. Moreover, sexual exploitation makes up over half of all human trafficking exploitation in Africa. The exploitation of victims frequently lasts for less than a year. However, some victims reported experiencing exploitation for up to 16 years.

History of Violence Against Women in Africa

Female genital mutilation or cutting (FGM/C) is a traditional practice that has occurred in at least 28 African cultures throughout history. Additionally, over 120 million women and girls are victims of genital mutilation across the world. Despite violating international human rights laws, FGM/C often goes unreported within African countries. This is due to its prevalence and importance in cultural traditions. According to the Translational Andrology and Urology article, a nonmedical practitioner often performs FGM/C. The aim of this practice is to fulfill religious or cultural rites and sometimes for economic benefits.

Domestic violence is another alarming issue that is prevalent across Africa. A third of all African women had experienced physical or sexual domestic violence. In addition, every eight hours a domestic partner kills a woman in South Africa. Around 51% of African women experience beatings from their husbands. This happens when women go out without permission, neglect the children, argue back, refuse to have sex or burn the food.

Modern-day Women’s Rights in Africa

Many African countries accord equal rights to women in their current constitutions, such as Uganda, South Africa and Kenya. The African Union (AU) recognizes the “critical role of women in promoting inclusive development” in Article 3 of the Protocol on Amendments of the Constitutive Act of the AU. Additionally, the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa lays a foundation for African governments to follow to promise equal rights to their female citizens. The document also protects women against gender-based violence and empowers women to fulfill their potentials within society.

Women received the right to vote in many African countries throughout the 20th century. Since then, many African governments have increased the number of women they allow in leadership roles and governmental positions. Some African countries, like Uganda, require by law that a certain number of government positions and organizations’ leadership roles be allocated specifically for women. This is similar to the United States’ Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Countries like Rwanda criminalize violence against women in domestic violence laws. However, there is a low circumstance in enforcing and implementing these policies due to cultural traditions. In addition, the village or family institution is informally superior to law enforcement.

Strides Towards Women Empowerment in Africa

The United Nations adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1979. Since then, the CEDAW has worked to encourage African countries to “commit themselves to undertake a series of measures to end discrimination against women in all forms.” Ninety-nine countries around the world have ratified the CEDAW since 1980.

Eliminating the risk and existence of human trafficking is also a major part of female empowerment and keeping women safe in Africa. Educating women, showing them their potential for formal job prospects and warning them against the signs of engaging with human trafficking can prevent human trafficking.

The Devatop Centre for Africa Development is a leading global advocacy group that focuses on anti-human trafficking efforts in Nigeria, one of Africa’s largest human trafficking hubs. Devatop Executive Director Joseph Osuigwe told The Borgen Project in an interview that he created the Centre in 2014 after hearing stories from human-trafficking survivors. Since then, the Centre has implemented several training programs to raise awareness of human trafficking in Nigeria and to provide protection for victims. “Within 9 months, the trained advocates [from The Academy for Prevention of Human Trafficking and Other Related Matters] sensitized 6000 people in over 30 communities,” Osuigwe said. “They reported three cases of human trafficking, of which one of the victims was rescued.”

What Still Needs to be Done for Women in Africa?

Few sub-Saharan African countries have successfully addressed gender-based violence issues. Hence, bridging the gap between policy and practice across Africa will help end human trafficking and violence against women.

Government leaders, nonprofit organizations, international allies and citizens alike will need to unite to protect and empower all African women.

– Myranda Campanella
Photo: Flickr

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Improvements Made for Women’s Rights in Cambodia

Women's Rights in CambodiaThe Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has been one of the world’s most important nongovernmental organizations defending women’s rights since it was adopted by the U.N. General Council in 1979. Since then, it has been ratified by 187 countries and has played a major role in the overall increase of women’s safety and living standards worldwide.

Cambodia ratified the CEDAW in 1992, shortly after the end of its civil war. Despite the good intentions such a ratification signals, women’s rights in Cambodia remained stagnant for many years.

Not until the 2003 National Poverty Reduction Strategy (NPRS) was enacted did the Cambodian CEDAW ratification become anything more than nominal. Among many other goals, the NPRS acknowledged and addressed the gap in education, employment and property rights between men and women. Though many women were helped by the plan, the fact remains that they were simply a small part of a larger overall strategy. There remained much to do.

Though women’s rights in Cambodia were helped by both the NPRS and a 2002 affirmative action policy, which gave priority to women entering tertiary education, it was not until recently that the government began truly following through on its commitment to equal rights for women. The Cambodia National Council for Women (CNCW) and the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (MoWA) were both established in 2001, but it was not until 2005 and 2007, respectively, that either began having any measurable effect.

Some progress has been made. In 2005, 64 percent of people in Cambodia knew a man who had abused his wife. By 2009, the number had shrunk to 53 percent. Infant mortality rates dropped from 65 to 45 per 1000 births between 2005 and 2010, and maternal mortality rates dropped from 472 to 206 per 100,000 births over the same period. From 2008 to 2013, the number of women who received education increased three percent overall, with the most significant improvements being made in the vital rural regions.

Women’s rights in Cambodia have come a long way in a short amount of time, but there is no place now for complacency. Women make up only 15 percent of the Cambodian Senate, a number unchanged since 1999. Parliament is slightly better, with one in five members being women, but this percentage is still frighteningly low.

No Cambodian provinces are governed by women, and sex trafficking, low wages and long hours at menial jobs remain a reality for many women, especially those in rural areas. The Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights monitors violations of women’s rights and the work they do alongside the CNCW and the MoWA will continue to shepherd Cambodia into the future. If Cambodians truly wish to become a modern nation, the progress they have made cannot stop until reality reflects the intent of the CEDAW, signed so many years ago.

– Connor S. Keowen

Photo: Flickr