The Dom community has been present in Turkey and the Middle East for thousands of years. Like their more popular Romani counterpart, the Dom people have roots in the Indian subcontinent. Throughout the ages, the Dom people have faced exile and oppression. The Dom people are Turkey’s invisible population. However, the villainization of historically nomadic peoples is more prevalent now than ever. The growing disdain for ethnic non-Turks has made the situation worse. Many Dom people are now at severe risk of food scarcity and homelessness. Dom communities face much of the brunt of xenophobia in Turkey today.
The Dom Throughout the Ages
Thousands of years ago, India and the surrounding regions were home to dozens of different languages and nomadic peoples. One of these languages was Domari and the speakers were the Dom. The name “Dom” is also the name of one of the lowest castes in the Hindu religion. However, it is unclear whether the two groups relate due to sparse historical documentation and sources.
While the more popular Romani nomads migrated out of the Indian subcontinent in the ninth and 10th centuries BCE, the Dom migrated in the 13th and 14th centuries, primarily into the Middle East and Anatolia. Most Dom populations reside in Syria, Turkey, Palestine, the broader Levant region and potentially Iraq and Iran.
Within these regions, the Dom and other nomadic Indo-Aryan groups have faced centuries of ethnic discrimination, even after having adopted sedentary lifestyles. Many Dom communities maintain the same religion, cultural practices and languages of the regions in which they reside, with the Domari language becoming less and less known in Dom communities.
The Dom in the Present Day
In the present day, the Dom population in Turkey primarily resides in the south-eastern region of the country, near Iraq and Iran. Before the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War, there was also a sizable concentration of Dom living in Aleppo. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan currently leads Turkey, representing the conservative, Islamist-based Justice and Development Party (abbreviated to AKP in Turkish). The AKP is known for its opposition to both the growing Syrian Refugee presence and the country’s Kurdish population. One 2019 poll found that 68% of AKP supporters expressed disdain for the Syrian refugee presence in Turkey, with similar figures coming from the party’s political allies.
In the same year, Erdoğan brought his disdain for ethnic Kurds to America, culminating in the presentation of an anti-Kurdish video to then-President Donald Trump. To add fuel to the fire, these two groups often coincide with one another, with many Syrian Kurds seeking refuge in Turkey.
In the middle of these tensions lies the Dom population of Turkey. The Dom population often goes unseen entirely among the regional turmoil. However, the Syrian Civil War and Kurdish tensions in Turkey are also affecting the Turkish Dom. Coincidentally, the regions that are home to Kurds and refugees in southeastern Turkey and northern Syria, are where the Dom live.
The Dom: Turkey’s Invisible Population
As a result of the historical marginalization of the Dom, there is ambiguity in regards to Dom communities today. For instance, there is no official census for the Dom population in Turkey. Many Dom community members also reject the “gypsy” label as it could potentially result in further alienation, instead opting to refer to themselves as Arab or Turkmen.
The Dom experience some of the highest rates of homelessness, food scarcity and illiteracy among Turkey’s marginalized groups. Dom families struggle to find housing, with entire communities relegated to living in makeshift shelters or tents. Many Dom living in refugee camps have attested to ethnic discrimination in food distribution by NGOs. Those not inhabiting refugee camps lack access to food. The Dom population has far lower rates of literacy and formal education than their ethnically Turkish counterparts.
Organizational Relief for the Dom
Luckily, organizations providing aid and relief for the Dom population in Turkey are working hard to improve the situation. Many regional organizations, like the Tarlabaşı Community Center in Istanbul, are committed to providing much-needed resources to Dom communities and refugees in need.
Additionally, one Turkish-based organization, Kırkayak Kültür – Dom Research Workshop, is gaining traction as one of the leading organizations for the Dom population in Turkey. Founded in 2011, Kırkayak Kültür is an advocacy group fighting for policy change and raising awareness. It has taken an active role in bringing awareness for the Dom people among NGOs and governmental institutions.
With the physical hardships and the centuries-long social ostracization of Dom communities, relief for Syrian and Turkish Dom is necessary. If Dom’s culture, language and identity are to survive, preservation and advocacy efforts like Kırkayak Kültür are essential. Through their work in this area, community organizations in Turkey are leading the charge with aid for Turkey’s invisible population.
– Madeleine Youngblood
Photo: Unsplash
The Impact of COVID-19 on Poverty in Indonesia
Indonesia is an island country off the coast of Southeast Asia, and the fourth-most populous country in the world, with nearly as many inhabitants as the U.S. The Human Development Index has classified Indonesia as a middle-income country. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has also stated that COVID-19 poses a significant threat to Indonesia. Below are six facts about the impact of COVID-19 on poverty in Indonesia.
6 Facts About the Impact of COVID-19 on Poverty in Indonesia
The COVID-19 pandemic has proven dangerous for Indonesia, but various public and private efforts are helping alleviate the situation. Still, foreign aid will help ensure the recovery from the impact of COVID-19 on poverty in Indonesia.
– Sawyer Lachance
Photo: Flickr
The Dom: Turkey’s Invisible Population
The Dom community has been present in Turkey and the Middle East for thousands of years. Like their more popular Romani counterpart, the Dom people have roots in the Indian subcontinent. Throughout the ages, the Dom people have faced exile and oppression. The Dom people are Turkey’s invisible population. However, the villainization of historically nomadic peoples is more prevalent now than ever. The growing disdain for ethnic non-Turks has made the situation worse. Many Dom people are now at severe risk of food scarcity and homelessness. Dom communities face much of the brunt of xenophobia in Turkey today.
The Dom Throughout the Ages
Thousands of years ago, India and the surrounding regions were home to dozens of different languages and nomadic peoples. One of these languages was Domari and the speakers were the Dom. The name “Dom” is also the name of one of the lowest castes in the Hindu religion. However, it is unclear whether the two groups relate due to sparse historical documentation and sources.
While the more popular Romani nomads migrated out of the Indian subcontinent in the ninth and 10th centuries BCE, the Dom migrated in the 13th and 14th centuries, primarily into the Middle East and Anatolia. Most Dom populations reside in Syria, Turkey, Palestine, the broader Levant region and potentially Iraq and Iran.
Within these regions, the Dom and other nomadic Indo-Aryan groups have faced centuries of ethnic discrimination, even after having adopted sedentary lifestyles. Many Dom communities maintain the same religion, cultural practices and languages of the regions in which they reside, with the Domari language becoming less and less known in Dom communities.
The Dom in the Present Day
In the present day, the Dom population in Turkey primarily resides in the south-eastern region of the country, near Iraq and Iran. Before the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War, there was also a sizable concentration of Dom living in Aleppo. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan currently leads Turkey, representing the conservative, Islamist-based Justice and Development Party (abbreviated to AKP in Turkish). The AKP is known for its opposition to both the growing Syrian Refugee presence and the country’s Kurdish population. One 2019 poll found that 68% of AKP supporters expressed disdain for the Syrian refugee presence in Turkey, with similar figures coming from the party’s political allies.
In the same year, Erdoğan brought his disdain for ethnic Kurds to America, culminating in the presentation of an anti-Kurdish video to then-President Donald Trump. To add fuel to the fire, these two groups often coincide with one another, with many Syrian Kurds seeking refuge in Turkey.
In the middle of these tensions lies the Dom population of Turkey. The Dom population often goes unseen entirely among the regional turmoil. However, the Syrian Civil War and Kurdish tensions in Turkey are also affecting the Turkish Dom. Coincidentally, the regions that are home to Kurds and refugees in southeastern Turkey and northern Syria, are where the Dom live.
The Dom: Turkey’s Invisible Population
As a result of the historical marginalization of the Dom, there is ambiguity in regards to Dom communities today. For instance, there is no official census for the Dom population in Turkey. Many Dom community members also reject the “gypsy” label as it could potentially result in further alienation, instead opting to refer to themselves as Arab or Turkmen.
The Dom experience some of the highest rates of homelessness, food scarcity and illiteracy among Turkey’s marginalized groups. Dom families struggle to find housing, with entire communities relegated to living in makeshift shelters or tents. Many Dom living in refugee camps have attested to ethnic discrimination in food distribution by NGOs. Those not inhabiting refugee camps lack access to food. The Dom population has far lower rates of literacy and formal education than their ethnically Turkish counterparts.
Organizational Relief for the Dom
Luckily, organizations providing aid and relief for the Dom population in Turkey are working hard to improve the situation. Many regional organizations, like the Tarlabaşı Community Center in Istanbul, are committed to providing much-needed resources to Dom communities and refugees in need.
Additionally, one Turkish-based organization, Kırkayak Kültür – Dom Research Workshop, is gaining traction as one of the leading organizations for the Dom population in Turkey. Founded in 2011, Kırkayak Kültür is an advocacy group fighting for policy change and raising awareness. It has taken an active role in bringing awareness for the Dom people among NGOs and governmental institutions.
With the physical hardships and the centuries-long social ostracization of Dom communities, relief for Syrian and Turkish Dom is necessary. If Dom’s culture, language and identity are to survive, preservation and advocacy efforts like Kırkayak Kültür are essential. Through their work in this area, community organizations in Turkey are leading the charge with aid for Turkey’s invisible population.
– Madeleine Youngblood
Photo: Unsplash
Separatists in Cameroon Communicate for Peace
Cameroon is located in Central Africa, bordered by Nigeria. The southwest and northwest regions of Cameroon are Anglophone, while the rest of the country is Francophone. This split in language has been a source of conflict for separatists in Cameroon. Politically, the ruling party within the country is the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement. The party holds 152 of the 180 seats in the National Assembly. In Congress, CPDM rules more than 81% of the Senate. Cameroon’s president, Paul Biya, is serving his seventh term since 1982.
Poverty in Cameroon
The poverty rate in Cameroon increased by 12% between 2007 and 2014. A total of 8.1 million people lived in poverty in 2014, with about 56% residing within the country’s northern regions. The Central African Economic and Monetary Community reports Cameroon as having the largest economy within the area that is experiencing an economic crisis. In April 2017, the World Bank’s Country Economic Memorandum stated that Cameroon would become an “upper-middle-income” country by 2035.
Who Are the Separatists?
Separatists in Cameroon are a group in the north Anglophone regions. They aggressively seek independence against Cameroon’s security forces. Starting in September 2017, this fight has progressively displaced more than 500,000 people and killed nearly 400 civilians and more than 200 military and police officers. In March 2019, the U.N. Refugee Agency claimed that 32,602 Cameroonian refugees reside in Nigeria. Of these refugees, 51% are children and 53% are women.
Separatists in Cameroon have kidnapped and killed children at school. In November 2019, the U.N. Children’s Fund found that 855,000 students were not going to school in English-speaking regions. About 90% of primary schools and 77% of secondary schools run by the state were dysfunctional or shut down.
Open to Communication
Currently, the separatist movement has left about 800,000 people homeless and 3 million lives uprooted. COVID-19 increased those numbers, and separatists in Cameroon have recently been fighting for mutual peace through this pandemic. Even though President Biya disapproves of separatists, as he considers them terrorists, a small pro-talks group led by intelligence chief Maxime Eko Eko and Prime Minister Joseph Dion Ngute has tried to communicate with separatist leaders.
In April 2020, a man named Sisiku Julius AyukTabe, a separatist who is serving a life sentence for terrorism, agreed to talk with Cameroon’s government to explore ways to end the conflict. The meeting occurred his prison cell and accomplished an agreement of understanding. The terms of the agreement are to keep security forces within separatist barracks, to release all prisoners and to always have a third party mediating future discussions between separatists and the Cameroonian government.
The separatist group in Cameroon formed during World War I and started taking greater action against the Cameroonian government in 2017. With the rate of poverty in Cameroon increasing due to COVID-19, the separatists and the government have tried to find common ground in their conflict. With advocates on both sides coming together to communicate with each other, there is greater hope for a peaceful future for both parties.
– Libby Keefe
Photo: Flickr
EU Membership and the Fall of Poverty in Poland
Poland has been a NATO member since 1999. It was not until five years later in 2004 that Poland became a member of the European Union (E.U.) after signing the Accession Treaty. In addition, Poland has been a member of the Schengen area since 2007. Poland’s cooperation and membership in these intergovernmental organizations continue to benefit its economic condition. E.U. membership, in particular, stimulated Poland’s economy towards sustainable development and helped in the fall of poverty in Poland.
Economic Situation of Poland (After and Before Accession to the European Union)
After Poland’s accession, E.U. regional policy programs guided the country through many beneficial investments over the years. Through these investments, Poland was able to develop and maintain its infrastructure, economy, tourism, education, healthcare and governance. In order to eliminate disparities between its regions, the E.U. fund seeks to build a stronger economy, stable territorial lines and cohesion in the union. During the 2014-2020 programming period, Poland managed to enforce hundreds of projects.
According to data from 2003 until 2018, the economy of Poland is continuously improving. In 2003, a year before E.U. membership, the total value of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in Poland was $477.94 billion. After five years of being a member of the E.U., Poland’s economic growth for 2009 was $760.35 billion. In this case, membership in the E.U. benefited the economy of the region. According to the European Commission’s 2012 Aging Report projects during 2010-2060, Poland will be the second-fastest-growing economy in the E.U., following Bulgaria.
The strong economic performance over the years led to the rapid rising of GDP per capita in Poland. Its GDP per capita has risen from $5,693 in 2003 to $15,565 in 2019. In 2004, the annual growth rate of GDP per capita was 17.35% in comparison to 2003. It is also important to mention that, in 2009, the annual growth rate of GDP per capita declined by -17.67% compared to the previous year. The economy of Poland was under tension in 2009 and another sizeable fall in numbers occurred in 2015. In 2014, GDP per capita was $14,348 and in 2015, it decreased to $12,572. However, from 2017 to 2019, the numbers increased. In fact, in 2019, the GDP per capita in Poland reached the highest point ever in the country’s history at $15,565.
Unemployment in Poland
Various indicators estimate a trend of decreasing poverty in Poland. The unemployment rate demonstrates this well. After Poland regained its independence, unemployment was one of the most pressing social and economic issues. E.U. membership contributed to the decline in the unemployment rate. Foreign investments and the funds from the E.U. financing programs decreased the percentage of unemployment and created new jobs. At the same time, the opening of the European labor market created job opportunities outside of Poland for the unemployed, subsequently aiding the fall of poverty in Poland.
From the beginning of 2003 to 2009, the unemployment rate decreased significantly in Poland. The unemployment rate decreased from 19.07% in 2004 to 3.47% in 2019. According to some economists, if Poland never joined as an E.U. member, they would be at the same level as Ukraine, which had a slightly higher GDP than Poland in 1990.
Conclusion
Poland underwent a successful transition from a communist-state background to a stable and competitive European country. One of the main reasons for their success is that Poland joined. In 2007-2013 and 2014-2020, Poland was the largest beneficiary of the E.U. funds. Investments helped Poland improve its transport infrastructure, health, education, environment efficiency, network infrastructure, social cohesion, research and development.
– Tofig Ismayilzada
Photo: Flickr
Educational Inequality in South Korea
Despite 70 years of impressive economic and educational development in South Korea, low-income households are struggling to close the achievement gap resulting from the income gap. Past educational inequality in South Korea persists today as low-income adults invest disproportionately in hopes their children will achieve academic and economic success.
Education and Poverty
In 2018, the Organization Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) published a working report on child poverty in South Korea. One positive finding is that only 7% of children live at or below the poverty line in Korea in comparison with the 13% average among OECD countries. A strong labor market and a steady decrease in birth rates both contributed to a drop in child poverty.
This report highlights education’s role in children’s standard of living regarding two key identifiable risk factors:
Other factors such as rising rent prices also burden families. However, parental education has had a noticeable impact on a household’s income potential and how burdensome a household might find all expenditures, including the significant cost of children’s education.
The Cost of Cramming Schools
South Korean households pay about 42% of the costs of primary and secondary school education for their children compared with the 22% average among other OECD countries. These expenses include traditional fees and costs for supplies and afterschool activities.
Nearly 68% of students attend hagwons, otherwise known as cramming schools, which are private schools that children attend outside of their usual classes for an average of 4.6 hours per week. Cramming schools provide additional instruction on top of regular school hours in order to prepare students for competitive entrance exams. The more hours a child spends in those schools, the more money their families have to spend. An estimated 16.5% of poor households overspend on hagwons, investing around 30% of their income as opposed to the 5% average among higher-income households. These cramming schools demonstrate how parental employment impacts educational inequality in South Korea.
The Value of Parents’ Education
While South Korean employment rates line up with other OECD countries, the nature of employment is important. Having a parent in non-regular employment is a risk factor for child poverty and, indirectly, educational inequality in South Korea. Non-regular workers are subject to inconsistent or short-term employment with poorer conditions and pay. These workers make up one-third of the South Korean workforce and many possess a secondary education level or lower.
It is also notable that a growing number of highly educated people hold non-regular employment in South Korea. While non-regular workers make up a third of the labor force in South Korea, a third of those workers have completed tertiary education. However, this is due to competition for well-paid, regular work, and households with a highly educated head still tend to be better off than less educated households. Thus, attaining a higher education level remains desirable.
Dr. Soo-Yong Byun and Dr. Kyung-Keun Kim provide a greater context in their 2010 study, “Educational inequality in South Korea: The widening socioeconomic gap in student achievement.” Byun and Kim examined how a household’s socioeconomic status affected eighth-grade academic achievement. They determined that, regarding secondary education, parents’ socioeconomic status indirectly impacted their children’s achievement through how much money they could spend on hagwons.
Lower-income students unable to extensively attend hagwons, among other opportunities, might then experience a disadvantage in competitive exams determining which schools they might attend. Various cities and regions have implemented policies to equalize primary and secondary education, more evenly distributing lower-income students throughout higher quality public and private schools. However, this policy does not apply to all of South Korea or account for university entrance exams. This means children’s future socioeconomic achievement may be at risk due to their parents’ education and employment statuses.
Cutting Families a Break
The South Korean government recognizes the educational inequality that low-income families face and employs additional programs to address the issue. The National Center on Education and the Economy outlines some programs assisting low-income households regarding educational inequality in South Korea. Such programs comprise:
Looking Ahead
South Korea continues to expand and experiment with its education and social policies in hopes of mitigating burdens on low-income households. Education already helped lift generations of South Koreans out of poverty. The government and families are investing in education and its equalization in hopes of lifting up thousands more.
– Mckenzie Howell
Photo: Flickr
Fighting Human Trafficking in Ukraine
Human trafficking in Ukraine is a serious and overwhelming issue that has affected the lives of thousands of innocent men, women and children. Ukraine is one of the most prominent countries in Europe for human trafficking with over 260,000 Ukrainian trafficking victims over the last 30 years. Despite this disheartening number, Ukraine’s government and some organizations are fighting human trafficking in Ukraine.
The History of Trafficking in Ukraine
When Ukraine became a separate nation in 1991, the slave and human trafficking trade skyrocketed. The ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine has worsened the issue as it has caused displacement for millions of individuals. These individuals are far more susceptible to ending up in the trafficking trade because of the vulnerable state they are in due to the turmoil between the two countries, according to the Library of Congress Law. Traffickers often target the Roma community of Ukraine, a nomadic Indo-Aryan group of people, because they lack access to state social assistance programs. Low-skilled laborers, as well as children in state-run orphanages, are targets for traffickers as well. This is because they are poor and powerless in the eyes of the country.
Efforts to Fight Human Trafficking in Ukraine
Ukraine is taking huge strides in its governmental policies to combat human trafficking. The International Organization for Migration Ukraine Counter-Trafficking Program aims to support efforts to combat trafficking in Ukraine. It also provides access for victims to receive “assistance and justice.” The IOM program identified and was able to help around 600 victims of human trafficking from January to June 2019, with about 16,000 victims having received assistance throughout 19 years of the program’s existence. Without the help of the IOM, efforts towards tracking down victims and traffickers would not be as prominent.
Governmental Progress in Fighting Human Trafficking in Ukraine
Ukraine’s government has made huge strides in law enforcement efforts to combat human trafficking in the country. This includes increasing the number of investigated offenses and apprehensions from previous years. The government has increased financial assistance to victims of human trafficking. It has also been providing shelter through government housing, psychological assistance and medical care. The Ministry for Social Policy has continually made attempts at anti-trafficking efforts by creating Child Protection Day and World Day Against Trafficking in Persons.
Looking Ahead
The issue of human trafficking in Ukraine is on an upswing. This is because there is more governmental recognition of the way it is impacting Ukrainian citizens. With the efforts of organizations like IOM, there are more forces garnering action towards fighting human trafficking in Ukraine.
– Allie Degner
Photo: Flickr
TechnoServe Bolsters India’s Economy with Coffee
Andhra Pradesh
TechnoServe provides an avenue through which the farmers of Andhra Pradesh, a town in India, can grow coffee more efficiently. This region of India is a nontraditional growing region. Coffee production in India originated from a desire to prevent further felling of trees for cultivation. The coffee industry provided a means of employment for the locals who live in the region. While this region has viable production capabilities, small land sizes and poor agricultural practices limit the yield potential. TechnoServe works alongside these farmers to solve these problems and assist in expanding the market potential.
Coffee was introduced to Andhra Pradesh, India, in the ’60s by the Andhra Pradesh Forest Department (APFD) to end the slash and burn agriculture that dominated the region. Ideally, by introducing a new type of cultivation, fewer trees would be cut and burned. The APFD hopes this will protect the forest and encourage sustainable communities within the region. This area specializes in Araku Coffee — globally recognized for its high quality and popularity. The Specialty Coffee Association rated Araku Coffee as a world-renowned coffee with an 88-90 out of 100. Even with the coffee’s success in the global market, many farmers still struggle to experience individual economic stability.
Impact of TechnoServe
One aspect of coffee cultivation TechnoServe hopes to address is the picking of coffee cherries. Unlike a typical harvest, coffee cherries ripen at different rates, making it imperative for farmers to pick only the individual ripe fruit. This labor-intensive task requires focused knowledge of coffee ripening and the skills to recognize when the coffee is ready to be harvested. When farmers pick underripe fruit, it lessens the overall quality of the coffee produced. Because this is a nontraditional growing region, many farmers in Andhra Pradesh, India, do not have access to the knowledge necessary to improve these practices. TechnoServe’s assistance has provided these farmers with training and knowledge to bolster economic potential.
One result of TechnoServe’s influence is that farmers no longer need to rely on village middlemen for economic stability. Due to a lack of consistent income, some farmers ended up indebted to middlemen who were sought out to help families do things such as send their children to school. This debt trap limited the potential of many who found themselves incapable of digging themselves out.
Another aspect of TechnoServe’s training program is the involvement of the whole family. Palika, a farmer from Andhra Pradesh, India, explains how — when he wanted to expand his business and learn new coffee cultivation techniques — his wife also learned. Learning together built a partnership between the two with a common goal as they moved up the value chain.
Importance of TechnoServe
India’s coffee market, historically, remains export-oriented. However, with the increasing popularity and usage of small-scale farmers, facilitating these exports prevents farmers from maintaining a decent profit. Some farmers lose at least 10% of the production potential to local traders. TechnoServe hopes to end these losses by utilizing farmer producer organizations (FPOs) to take the product to market.
Utilizing the FPO market for coffee sales will improve the economic potential for farmers like Palika who hope to make their businesses profitable. Through the transformation of cultivation practices in Andhra Pradesh, India, Technoserve bolsters India’s economy and continues to instill hope for the future of Araku’s coffee industry.
– Kate Lucht
Photo: Flickr
Namibia’s AGOA Utilization Strategy
Namibia’s Background
Namibia is a country in Southwest Africa with a population of 2.5 million. The status of poverty in Namibia is not as extreme as in other African countries. Nevertheless, 28.7% of Namibians are impoverished and 15% live in extreme poverty.
While the World Bank classifies Namibia as upper-middle-income, the country still remains a developing country. Namibia has been negatively affected by social and economic imbalances stemming from apartheid, heavy agricultural reliance and structural inequality. Namibia’s Gini coefficient value reflects the immense suffering Namibians face due to socio-economic gaps. Namibia has a Gini coefficient of 0.597, establishing it as “one of the most unequal countries in the world.”
In terms of economic freedom, Namibia boasts a sixth-place ranking out of 47 sub-Saharan African countries with an overall ranking scoring above regional and global averages. While Namibia’s economic success is positive in comparison to other African countries, the country still faces considerable socio-economic disparities and the U.N. still considers Namibia an underdeveloped country. With the introduction of AGOA into African economies, the development and economic growth of participating countries show a hopeful future for Africa.
AGOA Background
Former President Bill Clinton initiated the African Growth and Opportunity Act on May 18, 2000. Clinton initially designated 34 sub-Saharan African countries as eligible for AGOA, allowing for trade benefits between the U.S. and participating African countries. Not only would this law boost participating economies, but it also redefines U.S.-Africa relations. Today, about 40 sub-Saharan African countries are eligible to be AGOA beneficiaries.
Since the start of AGOA implementation, participants’ combined exports increased 500% from $8.15 billion to $53.8 billion between 2001 and 2011. The creation of AGOA through U.S. legislation proves favorable for African economic growth and aims to reduce poverty in the African continent.
Namibia’s AGOA Utilization Strategy
While the implementation of AGOA in Namibia follows the passing of the U.S. legislation in 2000, Namibia only recently decided to make full use of the program. To fully utilize AGOA, U.S. ambassador to Namibia, Lisa Johnson, joined minister of industrialization and trade, Lucia Lipumbu, to launch the AGOA Utilization Strategy in Namibia in May 2021.
The new strategy seeks to increase Namibia’s U.S. exports to more than 6,400 tariff-free products. Additionally, the plan addresses policy, supply and market challenges faced in Namibian trade, using public and private sector representatives to execute the AGOA strategy.
Namibia’s AGOA Utilization Strategy expands mutually beneficial trade, improving the economy and fostering alliance between the U.S. and Namibia. The African Growth and Opportunity Act proves helpful in strengthening economies, fostering development and encouraging global networking. Support for African growth and opportunity efforts is mutually beneficial for all those participating in the global market, with the ability to improve living standards in underdeveloped countries.
– Kylie Lally
Photo: Flickr
African Unity: Morocco-Nigeria Partnership
Pipeline Gas Partnership
The Morocco-Nigeria partnership is taking another step forward, this time cooperating on a major gas pipeline that the king of Morocco and the president of Nigeria first discussed back in 2016. Nigeria’s gas will contribute to developing economies in much of the sub-Saharan African region. In addition, it will stimulate the growth and interconnectedness of the West African energy market.
Studies have demonstrated the economic viability of the pipeline project, which could draw attention from giant multinational energy companies. The pipeline also represents an important portion of Morocco’s recent investment in sub-Saharan Africa after the country rejoined the African Union in 2017.
The gas pipeline will ultimately link Nigerian gas to “every coastal country in West Africa.” These countries consist of “Togo, Ghana, Cote d’Ivoire, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Gambia, Senegal and Mauritania.” The pipeline will end in Tangiers, Morocco and Cádiz, Spain. The pipeline will be 3,517 miles long. The construction will be divided into multiple phases and will take around 25 years to complete.
Agricultural Partnership
The Morocco-Nigeria partnership exceeded expectations after the two countries agreed to launch a new agricultural project. The Moroccan OCP Group, a state-owned mining and fertilizer producer, will establish a fertilizer factory in Nigeria amounting to $1.3 billion. Several key facts outline the agricultural partnership.
Finance Partnership
The Morocco-Nigeria partnership is also helping banks from both countries expand in the region. The Nigerian Bank of Africa (UBA) and Morocco’s Attijariwafa Bank signed an agreement in 2016 to reinforce their cooperation in banking, finance, investment and trade. Both the Nigerian president and the Moroccan king were present at the signing as well as the CEOs of both banks.
The UBA exists in 19 African countries, making it one of the most dominant banks in Africa. The agreement covers finance projects, trade and investment between the two countries. The Nigerian UBA Chairman Tony Elumelu said, “This collaborative effort is a historical milestone.” He added, “We see huge potential in bringing our collective expertise in banking to provide Africa-led solutions to the needs of Africans.”
Security Partnership
In terms of security and fighting terrorism in the region, Morocco cooperates with the Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD) in Nigeria. In April 2021, high-profile representatives from Morocco met with CEN-SAD in Nigeria to talk about different plans to fight terrorism. The three-day gathering focused mainly on the progress CEN-SAD had accomplished in fighting terrorist groups.
The two parties also shared their expertise for future collaborative exercises and proposed new approaches for areas damaged by terrorism. The Moroccan representative party presented counterterrorism methods that Morocco has recently applied in its own region. The two parties also discussed forming a state-run entity to advance the collaboration between Morocco “and the members of the region’s counterterrorism operations.”
The Morocco-Nigeria partnership illustrates the strength in collaboration and cooperation between countries. With more countries coming together for mutual benefit, the power of partnership can advance progress on global issues.
– Zineb Williams
Photo: Flickr
Households in South Africa Impacted by Disability
Disability Barriers
In South Africa, families with disabilities are economically challenged due to the additional costs of living as disabled individuals. The negative economic consequences for society as a whole link to poverty because poverty and disability reinforce each other. Impoverished households in South Africa with a lack of access to education, healthcare and jobs are at higher “risk of impairment and disability.”
Daily barriers the disabled community faces include limited access to education and healthcare, accessibility issues and inadequate support and resources. Children with disabilities are often unable to attend school because they lack the appropriate resources and access to rehabilitation and assistive devices like wheelchairs or glasses. A central component and cause of poverty for people with disabilities is inadequate education.
Employment and Income Impacts
In South Africa, a lack of education for people with disabilities has a significant impact on the occupations and career opportunities available to them, resulting in unemployment or lower-paying jobs. Many disabled people who do find work are usually paid less than other people due to the limitations imposed by their impairment. Both of these variables have the potential to reduce household income.
Furthermore, increased time demands of providing care and assistance to an individual with a disability in the household impact the income of other household members. This is especially so for the primary caregiver. This may have pressing consequences, including difficulties finding work that can accommodate the high assistance demands in the household and allow for flexible or decreased work hours. Occupations with flexible working conditions are difficult to come by. Additionally, the birth of a disabled child or a disabling incident in the home may disrupt the education of other family members.
Progressive Laws Passed
The South African government has acknowledged the disability vulnerabilities of households in South Africa. South Africa has enacted a number of laws and policies to promote the inclusion and equality of people with disabilities. One of the earliest pieces of legislation is the Employment Equity Act of 1998. The White Paper on Inclusive Education was passed in 2001 to ensure disabled people have the same educational opportunities as others. The legislation upholds the rights of disabled people to ensure their education and employment, allowing them to rise out of poverty. Excluding marginalized populations is detrimental to a country’s advancement. Inclusive societies are able to progress at a faster rate because no person is left behind in growth and development.
– Mary McLean
Photo: Flickr