Conflict has persisted in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) since 1996, internally displacing more people than at any other time in recorded history.
United Nations (U.N.) data from 2022 records 5.6 million internally displaced persons affected by violence that has evolved from warfare involving neighboring countries to a stagnant, fragmented stalemate among more than 100 militia groups in eastern Congo.
The conflict remains peripheral, confined to the eastern provinces of Ituri, North Kivu and South Kivu. Meanwhile, a thousand miles away, the capital Kinshasa remains unaffected, intensifying the normalization of this decades-long hostility.
Mining and Congo’s Bloodstained War Economy
Mining communities in the DRC are the heart of the eastern conflict. Seventy-five percent of the world’s cobalt is sourced in the DRC, alongside zinc, copper and gold. Despite mining being the economic backbone of the DRC, these communities remain among the poorest in the country; $24 trillion worth of resources lie untapped, yet those who tirelessly work to uncover them reap little reward.
As global demand for technologies rises, the demand for cobalt grows exponentially. Jason Stearns, an expert in the conflict in the DRC, cites the disturbing symbiosis between the conflict and the creation of a military bourgeoisie: “Belligerents on all sides of the battlefield have an interest in continuing the conflict.”
Prolonging violence favors the material interests of this military bourgeoisie, who profit from roadblocks, illegal taxation, controlling artisanal and small-scale mines, smuggling, trafficking, racketeering, along with legal and extra-legal payments linked to military operations.
Mining and the extraction of raw materials, from gold to cobalt, are central to this profitable war economy, but such benefits only reach a handful of individuals and political elites.
Particularly in small-scale and artisanal mining, child labor persists as one of the most pernicious issues of this war economy. High poverty rates lead families to send children into the hazardous conditions of the mines, where they are paid meager wages of $2 a day.
A 2023-24 survey suggests that one in 10 children ages 5 to 17 are subjected to work in dangerous conditions.
One militia commander is recorded, with a problematically normalizing sentiment, saying children make good combatants because they “learn easily” and “obey.”
Child labor in the DRC presents an even darker issue, reaching beyond the informal and dangerous conditions of the mine onto the battlefield.
Failed Peace Brokering
Peacekeeping missions have often focused on a top-down approach. Ostensibly, the investment in peace in the Congo has been immense.
However, an operational review by Congolese and international consultants, funded with a grant from the U.K.’s government aid agency, the Department for International Development (DFID), noted how aid efforts are often infiltrated by fraudsters and corruption inside the DRC. This internal corruption disrupts the impact of vital aid efforts, which hold the promise of alleviating poverty in the DRC’s poorest and most vulnerable communities.
Aid, funds from foreign donors and supplies are siphoned off, leaving recipients at a loss. Corruption is often treated as inconsequential, with perpetrators left without sanctions and bribes used to hide corruption. The problem of how to implement foreign aid and donations in a system so rife with corruption remains.
A New Wave of Aid
In 2026, KSQF and UNICEF announced their strategic alliance to prevent child labor in the DRC.
The initiative builds on UNICEF’s TPS+ model, which has had a significant impact, helping to remove 1,015 children from mines in 2024. Five hundred ninety-nine of these children have now been re-enrolled in school. The initiative will remain vigilant, monitoring progress to produce a replicable model of child protection that can be reproduced elsewhere in the DRC and further afield.
Bottom-up approaches have also been implemented through the continued work of the Conflict Resolution Centre (CRC), which focuses on children from rebel groups in mining communities.
The school reintegration program concentrates on child soldiers under 14 and, since commencing work, more than 1,000 children have left armed groups.
The CRC, like UNICEF’s model, seeks to not only offer situational change but to build capacity within these vulnerable mining communities. Vocational training in skills such as carpentry, mechanics, livestock rearing and electronics helps to build alternative income-generating activities.
UNICEF and KSQF are equally generating advocacy and understanding about the conditions children are subjected to as soldiers and in artisanal small-scale mines. This builds upon the efforts of the International Labour Organization (ILO) SCREAM program (Supporting Children’s Rights through Education, the Arts and the Media). Through SCREAM, teachers, children and the local community have been mobilized, actively protesting the end of child labor in mines. More than 1,800 individuals have been reached by this socio-cultural activity, raising awareness about child labor issues and the intervention needed to prevent it.
Such approaches, directed straight to local mining communities, demonstrate that even amid conflict and corruption, preventing child labor in the DRC is actively being worked toward by creative and targeted aid initiatives.
– Millie Lavington-Owen
Millie is based in London, UK and focuses on Technology and Solutions for The Borgen Project.
Photo: Flickr
Indigenous Political Representation and Poverty in Bolivia
Electoral Quotas in Bolivia
Electoral quotas are most commonly associated with increasing women’s political participation. However, some countries have also used electoral reforms to improve the representation of Indigenous peoples. Bolivia is a prime example. Although Indigenous peoples make up around half of the population in Bolivia, they have historically faced political exclusion, discrimination and disproportionately high poverty rates.
While political representation alone cannot eliminate poverty, Bolivia’s reforms have helped create more inclusive institutions that support Indigenous communities. Alongside the efforts of organizations such as the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) and development partners like the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), these reforms have contributed to stronger land rights, expanded public services and greater opportunities for Indigenous communities to participate in decisions that affect their futures.
Poverty in Bolivia
Although Indigenous peoples make up a significant share of Bolivia’s population, they have historically experienced higher levels of poverty than the national average. According to the World Bank, rural areas where Indigenous populations are disproportionately concentrated recorded a moderate poverty rate of 77.3% and an extreme poverty rate of 63.9% in 2007. These communities have also faced longstanding barriers to accessing quality education, health care and other public services.
Indigenous political representation in Bolivia can help address these disparities by giving Indigenous communities a stronger voice in decisions affecting their livelihoods. This can contribute to policies that expand public services, strengthen land rights and improve economic opportunities. More inclusive political institutions can support policies that expand access to public services, protect land rights and promote economic opportunities in historically marginalized communities.
Electoral Reform and Indigenous Representation
Bolivia’s political landscape changed significantly in 2005 with the election of Evo Morales, the country’s first Indigenous president. His administration introduced constitutional reforms that strengthened Indigenous political representation in Bolivia.
The 2009 Constitution redefined Bolivia as a Plurinational State, formally recognizing the country’s many Indigenous nations and guaranteeing their participation in political institutions. The Constitution also recognizes Indigenous forms of self-government and established special Indigenous electoral districts that reserve seats for Indigenous representatives in the national legislature. These measures complement Bolivia’s gender quota system, making it one of the few countries to promote representation based on both gender and Indigenous identity.
Why Representation Matters
Indigenous political representation in Bolivia has helped bring issues affecting Indigenous communities onto the political agenda. Bolivia reserves seven special Indigenous electoral districts in the national legislature, and the ninth officially recognized Indigenous autonomous government was recently created for Challa. Since these reforms, governments have expanded recognition of Indigenous territories and strengthened collective land rights, giving many communities greater control over their traditional lands.
Bolivia has also promoted intercultural bilingual education, allowing Indigenous students to receive instruction in both Spanish and their native languages while incorporating Indigenous cultures and knowledge into the curriculum. These policies aim to improve educational outcomes while protecting Indigenous identity.
Organizations have also helped translate these political reforms into practical improvements. IWGIA has worked alongside Indigenous communities to strengthen territorial rights and support Indigenous self-governance, while UNDP has partnered with Bolivian institutions to promote inclusive democratic participation and strengthen local governance. Together, these efforts help Indigenous communities turn increased political representation into lasting social and economic gains.
Continuing Challenges
Despite significant progress, challenges remain. Indigenous communities continue to experience higher poverty rates than many urban populations, and political representation does not always translate into equal economic outcomes. One example is the ongoing debate over natural resource extraction in Indigenous territories. In Bolivia, conflicts over mining, oil and gas development have raised concerns among Indigenous communities about environmental protection, consultation rights and control over ancestral lands. Although resource projects can generate government revenue and economic opportunities, Indigenous organizations have argued that communities must have a voice in decisions affecting their territories.
Looking Ahead
Political representation is not solely about gaining seats in government but also about ensuring Indigenous voices influence economic and environmental policies. Continued efforts to strengthen Indigenous consultation processes, support community-led development and invest in education and land rights can help balance economic growth with Indigenous self-determination. Even so, Bolivia’s experience demonstrates that expanding Indigenous political representation can be an important step toward reducing poverty and inequality. By combining inclusive political institutions with continued investment in education, Bolivia is enabling historically marginalized communities to play a central role in shaping policies that improve livelihoods and create more equitable opportunities for future generations.
– Anna Morin
Photo: Flickr
Ugandan Resilience Program Aids Self Sufficiency
Challenges in Agriculture
An imbalance between heavy rainfall and long-term droughts makes crop growing far more difficult. With these losses in production, people living in poverty have more difficulty affording the limited supply. Likewise, many farmers who rely on crop growing for their income often find themselves out of a job. This is especially devastating as more than 70% of the Ugandan workforce is employed in the agricultural industry.
AVSI Foundation’s Impact
The AVSI Foundation is an international nonprofit organization founded in 1972 that provides humanitarian aid to impoverished countries worldwide. In 2025, it helped more than 4 million people in 41 different countries.
AVSI assists large communities in various ways, such as ensuring that children receive a proper education by funding schools. It also provides emergency aid to those who suffer after a natural disaster. The foundation helped more than 150,000 students in Côte d’Ivoire through various projects by building schools and assisting many of the same students with vocational training afterward.
Ugandan Resilience Program
In 2017, AVSI launched the Ugandan resilience program in Kamwenge to help a balanced mix of impoverished natives and refugees. In the following seven years, over 13,000 households (around 58,000 individuals) were lifted out of poverty and given the tools needed to live a more independent and financially stable life. USAID contributed around $15 million to help AVSI carry out this seven-year mission.
Before the program began, USAID officials and community leaders spent months determining which families were best suited for it. After narrowing down which communities needed the most help overall, they ensured that only the most vulnerable people were included in the program.
Working Toward Graduation
Participants graduated once they had the necessary food and financial security for the future and demonstrated the ability to build resilience toward future hardships. Their abilities were based on meeting eight out of 11 criteria, which include developing long-term saving habits and maintaining basic food and shelter needs.
Depending on the level of need, participants underwent 18 to 30 months of various interventions. They attended skills training sessions designed to help them establish a career in agriculture, business, or another field that offers a long-term and stable income. Participants received monthly cash assistance for 12 months, allowing them to focus on learning to save for the future rather than spending what little they had just to survive.
There was a set schedule for the type of assistance people received during the program. The specific criteria helped determine what kind of progress each household had made and how close they were to graduating. About three-quarters of households graduated. The main reason people dropped out of the program was that they felt they already had a solid footing on their situation before the program’s end. Only 5% of households remained in extreme poverty despite being part of the program.
The Long-Term Benefits
During and after the program, more than 90% of households were able to eat during every meal, and 96% of children did not have to go without enough food at any point. Even though the program ran during the COVID-19 pandemic, the progress and overall outcome of the participating households was unaffected, further demonstrating their overall resilience.
People who graduated from the Ugandan resilience program experienced up to 60% income growth compared to before they started. Lives improved within households as well. Through coaching, participants learned more about nutrition, cooking, and maintaining sanitation. Over 1,600 women viewed gender-based violence as less acceptable.
Looking Forward
Since the original Graduation to Resilience program ended in September 2024, a follow-up program started in 2025 called Graduation to Resilience LOCAL, which will benefit individuals for another seven years. However, this new program is 10% the size of the original, largely due to cuts in USAID funding.
Despite limited funding and resources, NGOs like AVSI continue to provide humanitarian aid in Uganda to the best of their ability as the overall poverty rate continues to decline. The follow-up program still implements many of the same measures as the original, but on a smaller scale. There are various types of coaching and training still designed to help people become more independent. Other significant funding sources besides U.S. aid exist, as an anonymous donor generously gave $1.5 million to fund the new program.
– Logan Hessek
Photo: Flickr
Rising Incomes in Vietnam: New Businesses Opportunities
Rising Incomes in Vietnam
Vietnam reduced the share of its population living in extreme poverty from more than 70% in the early 1990s to less than 1% in recent years, a feat widely recognized as one of the world’s “development miracles.” Strong export growth, industrial development and investment in education have contributed to rising living standards across the country. As more Vietnamese households gain purchasing power, businesses around the world are benefiting from a larger consumer market.
Vietnam’s middle class has grown rapidly alongside the country’s economic development. The World Bank projects that the middle class will expand from approximately 13% of the population to roughly 26% by 2026, making it the fastest-growing middle class in Southeast Asia. Rising incomes in Vietnam have increased demand for consumer goods, health care services, technology products and educational opportunities.
This shift has transformed Vietnam from a low-income economy into an increasingly important consumer market. Families that once focused primarily on basic necessities are now spending more on electronics, household products, travel and financial services. As a result, companies from the United States and other countries have expanded their presence in Vietnam to meet growing demand.
The growth of the middle class also supports broader economic stability. Increased consumer spending helps create jobs, encourages entrepreneurship and strengthens domestic markets. These trends contribute to continued poverty reduction while attracting foreign investment. However, challenges remain: nearly 40% of middle-class individuals have fallen back into lower income brackets within just two years, and housing costs remain a significant burden.
Growing Opportunities for US Businesses
The United States and Vietnam have strengthened economic ties in recent years. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, bilateral trade between the two countries has increased significantly over the past decade, making Vietnam one of America’s largest trading partners in Southeast Asia. In Hai Phong alone, a major port city, exports to the U.S. reached approximately $2.14 billion in the first five months of 2026, a 23.20% increase compared to the same period in 2025.
U.S. companies have invested in a variety of sectors including technology, renewable energy, health care and consumer products. Vietnam’s growing population and expanding middle class provide opportunities for American businesses to reach new customers while supporting jobs in the United States. As of June 2026, U.S. investors had 35 active FDI projects in Hai Phong alone, totaling over $965.34 million in registered capital.
Technology companies, for example, have benefited from increased demand for smartphones, software and digital services. U.S. agricultural exporters have also gained access to a larger market as rising incomes increase demand for higher-quality food products. The Vietnamese government has specifically encouraged U.S. businesses to expand investment in high-tech, innovation and semiconductor industries.
Investment Supports Long-Term Growth
Foreign investment continues to play an important role in Vietnam’s development. International companies contribute capital, technology and expertise that support economic expansion and job creation. In turn, a stronger Vietnamese economy creates additional opportunities for trade and investment.
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has partnered with Vietnam since 1991, investing in programs that have improved the lives of approximately 1 million persons with disabilities, spurred over $300 million in solar and wind investments, and helped modernize higher education. USAID has also supported Vietnam’s Provincial Competitiveness Index (PCI), which encourages provinces to improve governance and economic competitiveness.
Vietnam has also invested heavily in infrastructure, education and workforce development. Improvements in transportation networks, digital connectivity and manufacturing capacity have helped attract multinational companies seeking reliable production and distribution hubs. The World Bank projects Vietnam’s economy will continue growing at 7% to 8% annually, considerably higher than other ASEAN economies.
These investments support Sustainable Development Goal 1 by creating employment opportunities and increasing household incomes. They also help build a larger consumer base that can participate more actively in the global economy.
Looking Ahead
Vietnam’s progress in reducing poverty demonstrates how economic development can create mutual benefits for countries around the world. Rising incomes have improved living standards for millions of Vietnamese citizens while opening new markets for international businesses. A recent upgrade to upper-middle-income status reflects this remarkable transformation and rising incomes in Vietnam.
As Vietnam’s middle class continues to expand, opportunities for U.S. companies are likely to grow as well. The U.S. private sector, which spends nearly $1 trillion annually on research and development, is well-positioned to partner with Vietnam on technology, energy and digital infrastructure. Increased trade, investment and consumer demand highlight the connection between poverty reduction and economic opportunity. By supporting development and economic growth, countries can help create stronger markets that benefit businesses, workers and communities on both sides of the partnership.
– Angela Qi
Photo: Flickr
How Unpaid Care Work in Jamaica Shapes Economic Opportunity
– Gia Sen
Photo: Unsplash
Papua New Guinea’s Health Policies
The National Digital Health Strategy
Papua New Guinea is divided into 22 provinces, each with its own health authority. Due to the fragmented nature of the nation’s health care system, the government has previously struggled to manage and fund these distinct Provincial Health Authorities (PHAs). One of Papua New Guinea’s newest health policies is the National Digital Health Strategy, which aims to unify all 22 of the nation’s provinces under a single digital framework and financial management system and to increase citizens’ access to affordable health services.
Some of the strategies being employed to increase access to health care services include:
Recently, Papua New Guinea has found evidence of improved communication among the 22 PHAs and improved data collection, thanks to these new approaches. District Health Manager in Wewak, East Sepik, Raymond Pomoni, praised the recent digitalization of the health care system, saying that it “will give [them] timely feedback on what [they] are doing in the district, especially in terms of health service delivery.”
The Emergency Ministerial HIV Response Plan
In 2025, the government officially declared a national HIV crisis and announced that infection rates had doubled in the last five years. The crisis has prompted the government to urgently seek a more modern approach to prevention and treatment.
New strategies include allocating nearly $14 million in emergency funds to improve citizens’ access to testing and treatment for tuberculosis, HIV and malaria. This new funding will also be channeled toward expanding services for specified populations, such as adolescents, women and those living in poverty.
Citizens, HIV advocates and health care workers have already expressed support for these policies, praising the National Executive Council and Prime Minister James Marape for addressing the HIV crisis. One woman living with HIV, who pursued education and raised two children despite her condition, said she is “very thankful,” and that the doctors “helped [her] continue living for [her] children.”
The Health Medium Term Development Plan II 2024-2027
With the aim of reducing child mortality rates and upgrading hospital infrastructure, the Health Medium Term Development Plan II 2024-2027 is one of the more hands-on of Papua New Guinea’s newest health policies.
The plan implements new ideas for how funding flow should be directed, obligating all health agencies to review their budgeting plans and allocate funds to the following key investment areas:
The implementation of these new funding strategies will lead to the renovation of existing maternal care wards and fund the building of new ones. This is a crucial step toward increasing access to health care for people living in poverty, many of whom were previously unable to afford transportation to the nearest hospital. As the number of hospitals grows, pressure on medical workers is reduced and the distance between patients and the care they need is shortened.
Looking Ahead
The implementation of the National Health Plan 2021-2030 marks a pivotal turning point in Papua New Guinea’s approach to public health care. By addressing systemic issues from three distinct angles, these newest health policies have already unified the provinces, mobilized an urgent response to the HIV crisis, and upgraded health care facilities and funding. While geographical and logistical challenges continue to confront the nation, the new policies and advancements vividly demonstrate the government’s commitment to lowering child mortality rates and protecting the health of the population as a whole.
– Ruby Fraser
Photo: Pixabay
Iranian Women’s Fight for Education
History of Iranian Women in Education (Pre-Islamic Revolution)
Iranian women’s fight for education became more challenging after the Iranian Revolution in 1979 as the government put in place more restrictions for women. For example, the government prohibited “promiscuous gatherings” in public places such as educational institutions, which made it harder for women and girls to go to school and university. However, women continued their studies and academic success despite these obstacles.
Western missionaries opened schools for girls in Iran, such as the Fisk Seminary in 1838. However, the authorities did not allow Muslim students to enroll for a long time after it was founded. The Iran Bethel School, founded by the American Presbyterian missionary organization in 1874, initially only enrolled European and Iranian Christian students, before allowing Muslim girls to enroll in 1888.
Iran continued to expand the education of women in the early 20th century as well. In 1935, the government introduced secularization in Iran’s education system, which meant the nation needed professionally trained students. Therefore, the education system encouraged more women to attend schools. Education became a norm for Iranian women.
After the Islamic Revolution
In this period, the government retracted previously passed laws to reform women’s status in the home and uphold their patriarchal ideologies. Immediately after the revolution, the new government shut down many schools and universities, keeping them shut for another three years. Many women lost their jobs, including those who held positions of authority in the government. The government imposed severe workplace segregation restrictions for men and women, but when they did work close to each other, cases of harassment did appear, with women often as the victims. Furthermore, they made the hijab mandatory in employment even for non-Muslim women.
Also, during this time, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the leader of the Iranian government, barred women from studying subjects such as veterinary science and geology due to the government’s policies, which aimed to segregate the sexes and force boys and girls to fulfill different roles in society. This made Iranian women’s fight for education more challenging than before the revolution.
The Effects of Poverty on Education
Poverty can worsen any person’s experience of education, but this is especially prominent in Iran, as in 2025 the government’s average spending per student was around $300. This is substantially lower compared to the global average, which is $9,000. Therefore, Iranian families must purchase the materials their children need for school by themselves. Impoverished families cannot afford to purchase these materials, which then prevents their kids from attending school.
Poor Iranian girls also face other challenges such as early marriage. The minimum age for marriage is 13 in Iran and UNICEF reported that 17% of women between the ages of 20 and 24 were married before they were 18. The government criminalizes abortion and contraceptives under the Youthful Population and Protection of the Family law, which means women will most likely have children after getting married and abandon education to take care of them.
Girls who live in rural areas also tend to abandon education due to the absence of schools for girls in rural provinces. High-performing schools also charge high fees, which girls who live in poverty cannot afford, so they must endure the “under-resourced” and “overcrowded” public schools.
Iranian Women’s Achievements
Iranian women’s fight for education continues despite the barriers that the government imposes on them. The gross percentage of girls and women enrolling in schools has increased substantially in the last decade. It went from 55% in 2021 to 59% in 2022, and women’s literacy rate went to 85.1% in 2023. Also, the Iranian female students achieved first place in astronomy and astrophysics, and fourth place in biology and physics at the International Olympiads 2024.
Ultimately, the Iranian government continues to impose restrictions on women, which can negatively impact their level of education. Women living in poverty may also miss out on educational opportunities due to lack of academic resources and nearby schools. However, Iranian women’s fight for education has allowed some to not fall behind the women in the Western world and attain globally recognized achievements through their hard work. The Women’s Organization of Iran has been helping Iranian women to advance their “social, cultural and legal status.”
– Bianca Burdulea
Photo: Flickr
3 Organizations Working to End Poverty in Malaysia
Hopes Worldwide Malaysia
Hopes Worldwide Malaysia is a nonprofit NGO working to end poverty among disadvantaged households and minoritized populations in Malaysia. Formed in 2000, its mission is to bring meaning, opportunity and confidence to Malaysian communities. The organization focuses on five areas: health, food, education, volunteering, and corporate partnerships. Health involves providing no-cost essential services and emotional health education to underrepresented populations. The food program offers 30-day food assistance and produce from its community garden to poverty-stricken households. Education initiatives provide school help, English reading and writing services, STEAM robotics, and academic investments for children and adolescents. Volunteering rallies individuals, families and companies to engage in community involvement. Lastly, its corporate partnerships focus on collaborating with enterprises for partnerships that benefit both populations and corporations.
My Kasih Foundation
My Kasih Foundation is a nonprofit that uses technology to supply food assistance and financial education to impoverished households. Its digital payment system ensures clarity and efficiency. The foundation also supports students through its MyKasih “Love My School” program. Founded in 2009 by Tan Sri Dr. Ngau Boon Keat and Puan Sri Jean Ngau, the foundation allows poverty-stricken households to buy food through a digital payment service using their MyKad. In 2012, Love My School partnered with classrooms, giving children the opportunity to participate in everyday academics with a sense of autonomy. The same technology provides children with food they can purchase in cafeterias and school supplies from school bookstores. Other improvement methods include technological learning, athletic development, and STEM education. Since 2012, the foundation has collaborated with government bodies, zakat organizations, private groups, and NGOs to expand its work beyond digital assistance to include wellness examinations and educational and athletic instruction in more than 100 schools. The foundation continues to implement its food assistance and academic services across Malaysia, uplifting people from all walks of life. As the welfare landscape evolves, the foundation remains guided by the belief that when people are treated with care and respect, communities blossom and thrive.
Mohd Khairi Foundation
Mohd Khairi Foundation is a nonprofit established in 2016, driven by the founders’ concerns for Malaysia. The organization aims to help students affected by poverty, as well as support households, schools, and educational institutes. It also assists supervision establishments for the elderly and disabled, temporary homes for unmarried mothers, and other NGOs aiding survivors of natural disasters and community events in Malaysia.
– Leo Hardy
Photo: Flickr
Education in the Urban Slums of Pakistan
The Borgen Project spoke with Anoosha Malik, a social activist who works with these communities, about the barriers and challenges to education in the urban slums of Pakistan. Malik frequently visits these communities to teach the children and shared deep insights.
A Crisis by the Numbers
Pakistan is ranked second-highest in the number of out-of-school children in the world. Approximately 25.1 million children, ages 5 to 16, are out of school. In 2023, the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics census revealed the figure of 25.37 million. Among these out-of-school children, 53% are girls. Seventy-nine percent of these children never enroll in any educational institution or school.
Mostly, children do not attend school due to poverty. Pakistan’s urban slums, also known as Katchi Abadis, are considered among the poorest communities. In the urban slums of Pakistan, this problem is more concentrated. The Ministry of Human Rights report highlighted that 70% of slum children in Islamabad are out of school, totaling 2,174.
The View from the Ground
Malik, as a social activist who regularly visits the slums of Islamabad, Rawalpindi and Taxila to teach the students, witnesses the human reality behind the data. Families in these Katchi Abadis are caught in a loop; parents who never attended school find it challenging to navigate the enrollment process for their children. Many do not have birth certificates for their kids, which public schools demand at the time of admissions.
Malik said that most households in the Katchi Abadis live in chronic poverty. Families are forced to choose between food and education. The problem is not only poverty. These settlements lack trust in the government and other institutions; they have a rigid mindset that accepts they will never be included in society. Some parents even said that their children will never get a job, even if they learn. However, the consistent efforts of grassroots non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are working to change this picture.
The Citizens Foundation
The Citizens Foundation (TCF) was established in 1995. Its founders identified a lack of education as a cause of poverty. TCF started by establishing five schools in Karachi’s slums. Currently, TCF runs 2,261 school units nationwide, serving 320,000 students.
TCF has a unique faculty model, staffed entirely by women. Some 16,500 female teachers and principals make up TCF’s workforce, and TCF is one of the largest employers of women in Pakistan in this sector. This was an innovative approach and a strategic response to particular cultural barriers.
In the conservative communities of Pakistan, the concept of purdah prevails, which forbids women from associating or interacting with men to whom they are not related. Families often refuse to send their daughters to schools staffed by male teachers. TCF’s all-female faculty eliminates this objection. According to Malik, community members show trust in TCF schools because of the female-only staff.
The results of using these models show success, as TCF maintains around 50% female enrollment (p. 4). In Pakistan, only 60% of students pass the secondary threshold, compared with 96% of TCF students (p. 6). Around 70% of TCF graduates continue on to college studies (p. 6).
TCF charges a $1 fee for primary school and $1.25 for secondary school, and some students receive a fully funded scholarship. It also provides books and school uniforms. TCF students have outperformed peers in several provincial-level assessments and competitions, reflecting a structure built specifically to address the barriers to education in Pakistan’s urban slums.
Pehli Kiran Schools
Pehli Kiran Schools is dedicated to providing quality education to out-of-school children across Pakistan. It was founded in 1995 on a very small scale, with one teacher and 10 students. Development professional Sabira Qureshi started the initiative by teaching young snack sellers in the slums of Islamabad. The name of the organization, which means “the first ray of light,” reflects its aim and vision.
Pehli Kiran Schools are not conventional schools. They can move along with the residents of the slums they serve. Most Pehli Kiran Schools use mobile infrastructure that can be easily disassembled, transported and reassembled at a new site. As the organization puts it, “if children cannot come to school, the school must go to them.”
The academic model is also flexible, using a Montessori-based approach, since many of the children have never attended school before. For children who are far behind grade level, accelerated learning programs bring students to a grade 5 level within 24 months. Evening and morning shifts are both available to accommodate more children.
Currently, the organization serves roughly 3,000 students and operates eight schools. Fees range from $1 to $1.75 per month, with waivers provided to families who cannot afford them. Pehli Kiran Schools are yielding results by helping overcome barriers to education in Pakistan’s urban slums.
Looking Ahead
TCF and Pehli Kiran are effective in overcoming the challenges to education in the urban slums of Pakistan. Both organizations are innovative and address distinct dimensions of the same crisis. TCF, with its all-female teaching faculty, addresses the cultural and social barriers that prevent girls from accessing education. Its fee structure is also designed to encourage marginalized communities living in the slums to send their children to school.
Pehli Kiran Schools serve communities that are unreachable through permanent institutions. Its mobile infrastructure ensures that a child’s education continues even if the community moves. Its Montessori-based syllabus and accelerated learning programs make it more effective.
Both organizations work at different scales but share the same commitment. As Malik highlighted, grassroots NGOs treat these communities as potential partners, while other institutions treat them as problem zones. Local NGOs are successfully combating challenges to education in the urban slums of Pakistan.
– Noor Ul Ain Ameer
Photo: Flickr
All That Glitters is Gold: Child Labor in the DRC
United Nations (U.N.) data from 2022 records 5.6 million internally displaced persons affected by violence that has evolved from warfare involving neighboring countries to a stagnant, fragmented stalemate among more than 100 militia groups in eastern Congo.
The conflict remains peripheral, confined to the eastern provinces of Ituri, North Kivu and South Kivu. Meanwhile, a thousand miles away, the capital Kinshasa remains unaffected, intensifying the normalization of this decades-long hostility.
Mining and Congo’s Bloodstained War Economy
Mining communities in the DRC are the heart of the eastern conflict. Seventy-five percent of the world’s cobalt is sourced in the DRC, alongside zinc, copper and gold. Despite mining being the economic backbone of the DRC, these communities remain among the poorest in the country; $24 trillion worth of resources lie untapped, yet those who tirelessly work to uncover them reap little reward.
As global demand for technologies rises, the demand for cobalt grows exponentially. Jason Stearns, an expert in the conflict in the DRC, cites the disturbing symbiosis between the conflict and the creation of a military bourgeoisie: “Belligerents on all sides of the battlefield have an interest in continuing the conflict.”
Prolonging violence favors the material interests of this military bourgeoisie, who profit from roadblocks, illegal taxation, controlling artisanal and small-scale mines, smuggling, trafficking, racketeering, along with legal and extra-legal payments linked to military operations.
Mining and the extraction of raw materials, from gold to cobalt, are central to this profitable war economy, but such benefits only reach a handful of individuals and political elites.
Particularly in small-scale and artisanal mining, child labor persists as one of the most pernicious issues of this war economy. High poverty rates lead families to send children into the hazardous conditions of the mines, where they are paid meager wages of $2 a day.
A 2023-24 survey suggests that one in 10 children ages 5 to 17 are subjected to work in dangerous conditions.
One militia commander is recorded, with a problematically normalizing sentiment, saying children make good combatants because they “learn easily” and “obey.”
Child labor in the DRC presents an even darker issue, reaching beyond the informal and dangerous conditions of the mine onto the battlefield.
Failed Peace Brokering
Peacekeeping missions have often focused on a top-down approach. Ostensibly, the investment in peace in the Congo has been immense.
However, an operational review by Congolese and international consultants, funded with a grant from the U.K.’s government aid agency, the Department for International Development (DFID), noted how aid efforts are often infiltrated by fraudsters and corruption inside the DRC. This internal corruption disrupts the impact of vital aid efforts, which hold the promise of alleviating poverty in the DRC’s poorest and most vulnerable communities.
Aid, funds from foreign donors and supplies are siphoned off, leaving recipients at a loss. Corruption is often treated as inconsequential, with perpetrators left without sanctions and bribes used to hide corruption. The problem of how to implement foreign aid and donations in a system so rife with corruption remains.
A New Wave of Aid
In 2026, KSQF and UNICEF announced their strategic alliance to prevent child labor in the DRC.
The initiative builds on UNICEF’s TPS+ model, which has had a significant impact, helping to remove 1,015 children from mines in 2024. Five hundred ninety-nine of these children have now been re-enrolled in school. The initiative will remain vigilant, monitoring progress to produce a replicable model of child protection that can be reproduced elsewhere in the DRC and further afield.
Bottom-up approaches have also been implemented through the continued work of the Conflict Resolution Centre (CRC), which focuses on children from rebel groups in mining communities.
The school reintegration program concentrates on child soldiers under 14 and, since commencing work, more than 1,000 children have left armed groups.
The CRC, like UNICEF’s model, seeks to not only offer situational change but to build capacity within these vulnerable mining communities. Vocational training in skills such as carpentry, mechanics, livestock rearing and electronics helps to build alternative income-generating activities.
UNICEF and KSQF are equally generating advocacy and understanding about the conditions children are subjected to as soldiers and in artisanal small-scale mines. This builds upon the efforts of the International Labour Organization (ILO) SCREAM program (Supporting Children’s Rights through Education, the Arts and the Media). Through SCREAM, teachers, children and the local community have been mobilized, actively protesting the end of child labor in mines. More than 1,800 individuals have been reached by this socio-cultural activity, raising awareness about child labor issues and the intervention needed to prevent it.
Such approaches, directed straight to local mining communities, demonstrate that even amid conflict and corruption, preventing child labor in the DRC is actively being worked toward by creative and targeted aid initiatives.
– Millie Lavington-Owen
Photo: Flickr
The Impact of UK Foreign Aid Cuts on Poverty Reduction
In real terms, these cuts to U.K. foreign aid mean that the budget, projected to be approximately £15.4 billion in 2027, will instead reduce to £9.2 billion. Anneliese Dodds, the international development minister, resigned following the announcement, saying a reduction in aid spending would mean less support for vulnerable groups in Africa and the Caribbean and would affect the U.K.’s international reputation.
In March 2026, a year after Starmer’s announcement, the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) published its spending plan for the Official Development Assistance (ODA) budget, clarifying the potential impact of the cuts on poverty reduction programs.
Multilateral Programs
One immediate impact of the cuts will be a decrease in funds allocated for multilateral programs, such as the World Bank and Education Cannot Wait, which implement support and relief on a global scale. While the government has pledged to maintain contributions to those specific organizations, other grants are set to fall or cease altogether. On average, multilateral programs will see reductions of around 22%, and affected institutions will include global health organizations, humanitarian groups and United Nations development agencies.
Groups working to treat deadly diseases and provide lifesaving health care to impoverished communities will be affected by these cuts. Previous support to Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, contributed to the immunization of more than 1.2 billion children worldwide, preventing an estimated 20.6 million deaths. British foreign aid also helped the Global Fund achieve a 63% reduction in the death rate of AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. The U.K. has confirmed that future contributions to both organizations will be cut. Meanwhile, assistance to the Global Polio Eradication Initiative, whose work has helped bring about a 99.9% decrease in polio occurrence worldwide, will cease altogether, with the U.K. saying it would continue to support the cause through other programs.
Bilateral Programs
Direct U.K. aid efforts will also be affected by cuts to bilateral programs, which will see an overall 37% reduction in allocation. The reduction will be especially pronounced in Africa, with British funding set to fall from £818 million to £688 million. What this will mean for specific nations is less clear, as the government has not yet announced its country-by-country allocations, but preliminary assessments indicate that Sierra Leone and Malawi will cease to receive health care support and that social programs in Ethiopia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Tanzania and Zambia will shrink. These seven countries alone are home to more than 15% of the global population living in extreme poverty.
When the question arose in the House of Commons, Baroness Jennifer Chapman, the minister of state for international development and Africa, said support for conflict-affected areas such as Ukraine and Sudan would remain level, while funding for fragile states would be reallocated from 54% to 71%. It remains unclear how these figures will manifest in real terms or what the implications will be for bilateral programs in developing nations not considered fragile or conflict-affected states. Access to health care, education and welfare for vulnerable people in these countries could be affected, though the scale of that impact is not yet known.
Private Finance
To offset the impact of the cuts, Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper said she intends to work with the private sector to secure needed investment. She proposed restructuring the ODA budget to prioritize initiatives that support “financial leverage and private capital mobilization.”
However, research from groups such as the International Development Committee has identified drawbacks to relying on private finance for poverty reduction. While such initiatives can potentially facilitate employment creation and economic growth, they can also be poorly targeted, concentrating in regions and sectors prioritized by investors rather than the poorest places or most marginalized groups that need the greatest assistance.
Looking Ahead
The government has stated that the foreign aid budget will be restored to 0.7% when fiscal circumstances allow, though a strategy to achieve this target has yet to be announced. At the Global Partnerships Conference held in London in May, there was little discussion of how the U.K. foreign aid cuts might be reversed beyond relying on private finance. Estimates by the National Institute of Economic and Social Research indicate that the U.K. could lose more financially from reduced exports than it would gain in savings from lower aid spending.
The full impact of the cuts on poverty reduction will become clearer once the government announces its country-specific allocations
– Aled Warren
Photo: Flickr