Child Migration in Latin America and the Caribbean
In the last three years, children moving through migration routes in Latin America and the Caribbean have reached a record-breaking number. Not only has the number increased, but the age range of these children has gotten even younger. The child migration journeys in Latin America and the Caribbean pose various challenges. 

Comparing the Numbers

The proportion of children in the migrant population for this region in 2019 was 19%; in 2023, the number stands at 25%. Around the world, children currently account for 13% of the migrant population, showing that child migration in Latin America and the Caribbean is higher than the global proportion. In addition, the age group of these child migrants is becoming increasingly younger, with around 69-91% of all the child migrants below the age of 11 years old. Many of these children need to leave their homes due to gang violence, poverty and climate change/natural disaster events, but the journey through Latin America and the Caribbean is only putting their lives at greater risk.

Impacts of These Migration Journeys

There are three major routes that the children are taking: the Darién jungle between Colombia and Panama, the Chile-Peru border point and at points in northern Central America and Mexico. The Darién jungle is an extremely popular route yet one of the most dangerous walks on earth; not only do the children walk through the whole forest, but the area is also roadless and includes many mountains. Similarly, migrating through the Chile-Peru border, northern Central America and Mexico involves crossing rivers, highways and railway lines. 

Children traveling these routes face significant risks. These dangers include injuries, diseases, human trafficking, abuse and separation from their families. In 2022, the number of children who died or went missing while migrating through this area reached an eight-year high, with at least 92 documented deaths. Many migrants are originating from distant regions, such as Asia and Africa, further increasing the likelihood of family separation, injuries and fatalities.

Other consequences the children face are not receiving education, protection and health care when they reach their destination. According to UNICEF, an assessment completed in 2022 revealed that “24% of Venezuelan children in Colombia aged 6 to 11 — and nearly 40% aged 12 to 17 — did not attend school.” It has also become evident that there are a lot of Haitian migrant families who cannot receive legal identification, limiting their opportunities for social benefits, health care and efficient housing.  

Ongoing Action

There are two organizations that are actively addressing the child migration crisis: UNICEF and Save the Children. UNICEF has been operating in these regions to provide critical support and protection to affected people. Despite its ongoing efforts for the past several months, UNICEF currently faces a funding shortfall of approximately $32.5 million since August 2023. Meeting these funding requirements is crucial as it would enable UNICEF to provide additional support for safe migration, establish organized migration pathways, protect children from violence during their journeys and ensure access to essential aid.

Save the Children operates in various countries, including Colombia, Peru, Venezuela, Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, to improve living conditions. The organization directly assists children and women, addressing some of the factors that lead people to leave their homes. Recognizing the importance of education for child migrants, Save the Children is actively working to enhance the educational systems in these nations. In Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala, the organization has implemented peacebuilding initiatives in schools and provided training to students and teachers to create safe, violence-free learning environments.

Additionally, in South American countries, the organization supplies school kits and educational programs, ensuring that children can access education while on the move or during their stay in host communities.

Looking to the Future

As cases of child migration increase in Latin America and the Caribbean, so does the need to protect them. Many children are fleeing violence, natural disasters, poverty and instability, but their journey through Latin America and the Caribbean is perilous. Even upon reaching their destinations, these children and families often face harsh living conditions. While organizations such as UNICEF and Save the Children are actively supporting these children on the ground, there are still thousands of children struggling for survival along these migration routes.

– Jessica Wang
Photo: Flickr

Migration to Saudi ArabiaA recent report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) declared that systematic mass killings are taking place at the Saudi-Yemeni border. The casualties are migrants from North Africa, particularly Ethiopia. 

In the lead-up to the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar, the migration system across the Gulf faced increasing scrutiny regarding human rights. But since the tournament’s conclusion, the urgency for reform has vanished. As Gulf countries embark on ambitious construction projects to move away from oil dependency, issues of labor are becoming more pressing than ever.  

Saudi Arabia’s recent potential Crimes Against Humanity (according to HRW) beg for a new mode of analysis to understand the pervasive nature of human rights abuses regarding migration to Saudi Arabia. A racial perspective reveals that the system of migration in the Gulf is an essential piece of statecraft. 

The Kafala

The kafala is the sponsorship system used for migration across the Gulf, Lebanon and Jordan. Each migrant is bound to a sponsor, or kafeel, who is a citizen of the respective country. The kafeel is responsible for the migrant and pays for their lodging and other expenses. Without a sponsor, there is no approval for migration to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf.  

The kafeel also has authority over the migrants they are sponsoring. They can allow or deny migrants to exit or re-enter the country and can cancel their migrant’s iqama (residency permit) whenever they want.  

This power results in countless abuses. According to reports, more than 6500 workers died during the construction of stadiums in the build-up to the Qatar World Cup. Whilst families and witnesses asserted that the cause of death was from squalid living conditions, on-site mismanagement and heat exhaustion, Qatar listed these deaths as natural causes. 

Other abuses include rentier-seeking, with some kafeels confiscating up to a year’s wages as fees to process the iqama. Migrants often live in poor conditions without adequate access to sanitation or health care.

Sexual and violent abuse is also rampant against female domestic workers. A total of 89 Kenyan migrant women died between 2019 and 2021 in Saudi Arabia. Indonesian worker Tuti Tursilawati was executed in Saudi Arabia in 2018 for murdering her employer. The Saudi courts ignored her claims of self-defense against rape. Migrants are not just poor, but also completely demeaned, disregarded and maltreated – sometimes to the point of death.

International efforts have resulted in slight concessions through Saudi Arabia signing many labor treaties. However, the actual implementation of these have been very poor. Meanwhile, Qatari kafala reforms mostly concerned more secular language to make it more internationally palatable. The persistence of the kafala has puzzled many pundits across the world – perhaps incorporating race can provide some answers. 

Racializing the Problem

All migrant workers must register under the kafala. Bina Fernandez asserts that among migrants there is a racial hierarchy. White, often corporate professional, migrants evade the abuses of the kafala and have much higher living conditions and mobility. Even outside of the kafala, this symbolically superior whiteness, which is part of the West’s colonial legacy, is expounded through them being called expats, whilst black and brown workers are called immigrants. Asian and African laborers are at the bottom of this hierarchy, working in dirty, dangerous and demeaning jobs. 

Asian and African workers are spurred by poverty to migrate to the Gulf. For example, Ethiopia’s poorest 20% have experienced little growth in recent years. Therefore, they take the treacherous journey to the Gulf to access higher wages and send back money to their home country as remittances.  

Migrant workers make up huge proportions of the Gulf, approaching 40% and surpassing 75% of Saudi and Qatari populations respectively. This reliance on outsourced labor breeds insecurity, especially as Asian and African workers, who do not have legitimizing whiteness, represent most migrants.

The kafala is a tool of surveillance for Gulf governments. By privatizing migration, they evade responsibility for abuses, but also informally allow them to control the migrant population. Laws prohibiting migrants from unionizing or assembling are evidence of this.

Citizens of the Gulf perpetrate this abuse to abet the racial insecurity that a large migrant population stokes, as well as to protect their investment. Access to citizenship is very slim and there are multi-generational migrants who still require a kafeel. Coupling this with its function of surveillance, it appears the kafala is a tool that serves to maintain the Gulf countries as ethnocracies. 

The Future?

Gulf countries are currently trying to diversify away from oil, especially Saudi Arabia, which is embarking on the construction of the megacity, Neom, to increase tourism revenue. How this could coexist with a very restrictive migration policy remains to be seen.

Saudi efforts to decrease their reliance on migrant workers threaten the country’s fragile social contract, which promises a very high standard of living in return for submission to a totalitarian rule. Asking citizens to take on jobs currently performed by black and brown laborers contradicts this.

Policies regarding migration to Saudi Arabia started becoming more aggressive during the COVID-19 pandemic when migrants underwent inhumane conditions in various detainment camps. Yet, HRW’s report marks a clear escalation. It details how hundreds (likely thousands) of migrants have been killed through the systematic use of rifles, mortar shells and rocket launchers at the Saudi-Yemeni border. There have been other instances of abuse, including rape. Ethiopian migrants make up the bulk of the casualties, showing how stark the consequences of such a racial hierarchy can be under cultural and political approval.

Most NGOs, including HRW, focus on gathering information to address migrant issues in Gulf countries. These organizations collect data on abuse and poverty, which are often lacking. Gulf countries maintain control through oil resources and authoritarian rule, limiting the presence of in-person migrant assistance NGOs. To fully tackle the challenges of migration in the region, there is a need to consider the racial dynamics of the kafala system. Merely abolishing kafala could prove insufficient, as recent developments in Saudi Arabia show that the problem runs deeper than a policy change.

– Ryan Ratnam
Photo: Flickr

urban migrationRecent reports have documented that over a span of 20 years, Brazil’s Indigenous communities have undergone an urban migration — a rural exodus. About 3,100 Indigenous people in the Javari Valley are reported to have migrated to cities, including around 300 Matis — one of several Indigenous groups in the region. Studies reveal that Brazil’s Indigenous population is around 896,000, of whom 36.2% live in urban areas and 63.8% in rural areas. Additionally, 31.5% are considered living below the poverty line. The ratio of how many rural and urban Indigenous account for this poverty rate goes unreported, but the main drivers maneuvering Brazil’s Indigenous communities toward urban migration are well known. Urban migration among the Indigenous has its pros and cons.

Pros

According to one of the Matis, the quality of education is better in the city than in their village. Tumi — of the Matis tribe — is trying to make a living in the city of Atalaia Do Norte in hopes of pursuing an education in medicine or journalism. Economic opportunities are also urging a rise of urban migration among Brazil’s Indigenous population, particularly a federal welfare benefit called the Bolsa Familia Program which provides cash to families who immunize and keep their children in school. Indigenous families are putting this cash benefit toward their studies, since they recall experiencing poorly maintained and overlooked academic institutions and programs in their villages.

Cons

As Indigenous communities flee from their villages, there rises a concern over their role as effective guardians of the tropical rainforests and of their lands diminishing. This concern was found to bear truth. According to US News, President Jair Bolsonaro favored development and established illegal mining and drilling on empty Amazonian and Indigenous territories, causing deforestation over a span of 15 years. Many Indigenous people who did not partake in the urban migration journey fear losing their native tongue, breaking traditions and exposure to substance use.

Additionally, they worry about potential “cuts in health and education programs” in remote areas since the majority of those undergoing urban migration are Indigenous youth. Urban Indigenous communities state having trouble handling money and being robbed. The Bolsa Familia program is not enough to cover the costs they bear in the city. As a result of these insufficient funds impacting urban Indigenous families comes hunger, precarious living conditions and job competition — many are fighting over low-paying jobs such as custodial work.

Brazil’s Effort To Safeguard Its Indigenous Communities

Univaja, an association for Indigenous Peoples in the Javari Valley, is run by Bushe Matis, part of the Matis tribe. Univaja has established a surveillance team to guard the villages against illegal activities that may lead to further deforestation, easing the concerns of his tribe and other Indigenous communities.

The Ministry of Indigenous Affairs, established by current President Lula da Silva, serves as a safety measure for Brazil’s Indigenous communities. Today, the department is fighting to reduce the incentives of urban migration by improving tribal villages’ education programs and reworking the Bolsa Familia program to make it remotely accessible and extend the withdrawal dates.

Conclusion

The numbers of urban and rural poverty among Brazil’s Indigenous communities are scarce and overly generalized. Current President Lula da Silva is addressing this lack of recognition and committing to acknowledge, comprehend and engage with Brazil’s Indigenous peoples — and meet the unmet needs that come with them — which can further influence his cabinet and the nation in doing the same.

– Amy Contreras
Photo: Flickr

Migration to Colombia
Since 2015, Latin America has undergone a remarkable evacuation of migrants from Venezuela instigated by an economic and political crisis within the country resulting in hyperinflation, starvation and crime. In 2020, more than 95% of people in Venezuela were living in poverty, thus many have been forced to leave. The UN has given Venezuelan migrants refugee-like status which has sparked a major migration to Colombia. 

Colombia: The Second Largest Host to a Refugee-Like Population

Colombia has become the world’s largest recipient of Venezuelans as it holds approximately 40% of all Venezuelan refugees. There are an estimated 2.9 million Venezuelan migrants residing in Colombia and they make up around 5% of the population. Colombia has been the main destination for Venezuelans due to Colombia’s proximity and the strong similarity between cultures. 

A large portion of Venezuelan migrants are educated professionals and middle-class young people holding university degrees. However, these migrants who are more educated than local populations experience higher unemployment and have a higher chance of working in the informal sector as many Colombians have negative views toward the migrants. The unemployment rate for Venezuelan migrants is 12.7% for those who have lived in Colombia for over a year and 23% for those who have been in Colombia for less than a year. While many Venezuelans have the skills to be beneficial to the Colombian economy, their potential has been wasted.

According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), if these migrants can be integrated into the formal economy with positions matching their qualifications, migration to Colombia can increase real GDP by up to 4.5 percentage points relative to a baseline without migration by 2030.

Venezuelan Migration Presents a Big Economic Opportunity to Colombia

By adding to the labor force, the average annual rate of growth could increase 0.7 to 0.9 percentage points according to the World Bank. More migration also increases investment and consumption as well as widens the tax base. If the integration into the formal market can be administered properly, Colombia can obtain macroeconomic gains.

Seeing the development opportunity in the migration to Colombia, the government with the assistance of international organizations like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, has created revolutionary open policies for the economic and social integration of Venezuelan migrants. 

Colombia: Global Leader in Venezuela Migration Response

Colombia has become a global leader in its response to Venezuela’s unprecedented migration as the government sets a new example for handling large masses of displaced and vulnerable people.  

Colombia’s policies revolve around three objectives:

  1. Colombia is in the process of expanding access to markets and services such as health, education, jobs and housing, as well as protection services for vulnerable people such as family reunification, child protection and human trafficking victims. 
  2. Colombia’s government founded the Migration Management Office and passed the Temporary Protection Status for Venezuelan Migrants to establish the legal basis for integration through issuing stay permits and setting regulations that ease regularization. The Temporary Protection Status grants migrants a permit to stay and work for up to an unprecedented 10 years without a work visa. This process began in 2021 and already around 2.4 million Venezuelans have gotten this status which has decreased unemployment and increased wages. 
  3. Colombia’s government is working to eliminate prejudice and xenophobia to advance cohesion between Colombians and Venezuelans to create long-term inclusion. The Colombian government with the help of diverse organizations has launched campaigns to promote inclusion and work to address discrimination in the Colombian workforce.

Looking Ahead

While Colombia’s response has helped millions of Venezuelans, it has also brought some challenges. Public hospitals and public schools are being strained and have incurred major debts covering the new migrants. 

The COVID-19 virus exacerbated these challenges as many Colombians fell into poverty and unemployment rose. International cooperation and assistance from international organizations can be crucial in ensuring that integration efforts are sustainable. 

Migration to Colombia has been a struggle but brings a major opportunity for development and economic growth. Despite this economic opportunity, prejudice prevents them from fully integrating into the economy. If Colombia is successful with its efforts to eliminate prejudice and integrate Venezuelans into the Colombian workforce, the country can gain considerable economic advances and provide a new chance at life for millions of people. As Colombia’s presidential advisor said, “We gave Venezuelan migrants a license to dream.”

Cameron Alcocer
Photo: Flickr

Venezuelan Migrants
As of June 2023, a humanitarian crisis forced more than 7 million Venezuelans to flee and seek refuge in other countries. Around 70% migrated to neighboring countries in Latin America such as Colombia, Peru and Ecuador. Most Venezuelans have been forced to leave their life and country behind, resulting in an increase in mental health issues among the refugees. Fortunately, some efforts are in place to provide mental health support to Venezuelan migrants.

Rise of Mental Health Problems

Refugees often struggle with a loss of identity. This occurs when someone must adapt to a new society but does not feel a sense of belonging. Due to this disconnect, there tends to be a rise in mental health issues like post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety and depression. Displaced Venezuelans have been experiencing these same struggles.

Neighboring countries have made efforts to accommodate and sympathize with the difficult situation in Venezuela. Local organizations in Colombia, Ecuador and Peru have been working to improve and enhance mental health services for resettling Venezuelans.

Mental Health Services in Colombia

Many Venezuelan refugees have moved into La Guajira, Columbia, due to the city’s close proximity to the border. They arrive with anxiety, hunger and trauma from their harrowing journeys. In 2021, Malteser International Americas successfully worked with health ministries and other international organizations to open the first mental health clinic in La Guajira to help refugees.

Although La Guajira is known to be the most impoverished area in Colombia, the Department of State’s Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration has provided humanitarian aid to increase support for migrants and other vulnerable communities. These efforts resulted in more than 5,000 Venezuelan migrants acquiring mental health support in 2021.

The Heartland Alliance International (HAI) in Colombia has initiated various mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) programs tailored to assisting vulnerable populations and training community professionals. These include Acople, Mas Resiliencia and Protection, Social Support and Safe Transit for Migrants. HAI has helped around 8,500 Venezuelan migrants with humanitarian needs and trained 130 professionals for psychosocial support and intervention.

Social and Economic Integration Efforts in Peru

Peru has welcomed more than 860,000 Venezuelans in search of social and economic stability, making it the second-largest recipient of Venezuelan immigrants. The Peruvian government’s effort to ease integration, such as easier border access and temporary work visas, has helped Venezuelans to adapt. Researchers have found that this support has helped alleviate mental health stressors during their resettlement.

According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), it is important for migrants to receive support in the early stage of their integration process because it will influence a better outcome for their stability in the host country.

Additionally, acquiring a legal status and work permits improves mental health, as this promotes the chance for permanent residency in the long term. USAID has invested more than $1.9 billion in organizations in Peru to attain economic security and psychological support for the Venezuelans. The partners involved are Against Hunger, the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), the International Labor Organization (ILO), Unión Venezolana en Perú and the World Council of Credit Unions.

Long-term Stability in Ecuador

Similar to Peru, Ecuador focused on the longevity of integration that will uplift the “emotional stability” of Venezuelans residing in the country. Ecuador’s government has worked on improving the visa process for Venezuelans to receive legal papers for social security, health care, job opportunities, etc. As of February 2023, more than 41,000 have been able to achieve a temporary visa.

Looking Ahead

Mental health support for Venezuelan immigrants has become a major concern. Fortunately, neighboring countries have been able to help improve the livelihoods of Venezuelans within their nation’s borders. With better integration processes and strong mental health programs, there is hope that migrants can begin to live comfortably and stress-free.

– Alessandra Amati
Photo: Flickr

Migration to PolandAs the Ukrainian-Russian war persists, Ukrainians seek refuge in the major cities of neighboring countries. With Poland bordering the west of Ukraine, several migrants have opted for migration to areas such as Gdańsk, Kraków and Warsaw.

The Big Picture

Ukraine has faced devastating losses within the past two years, including 23,606 civilian casualties and 8,791 civilian deaths, as revealed by U.N. statistics. Along with these impacts, medical services such as clinics and hospitals have been severely disturbed in southern and eastern Ukraine due to destruction and unpredictable attacks from the Russians and restrictions on civilian activity.

According to Intereconomics, approximately 3.5 million Ukrainians have opted for migration to Poland since the beginning of the war, increasing Poland’s population drastically. Poland’s capital, Warsaw, has increased in population by 17% since the beginning of the war.

The Perceptions of Locals

Some locals find this change difficult to deal with, seeing the constant flow of Ukrainians as a burden to the city’s regular day-to-day flow. However, many of those who welcome refugees with open arms see it as a chance for Ukrainians to show their hard work and entrepreneurship in the Polish workforce.

One of these individuals includes 33-year-old Monika Kryszcuk, a Polish citizen born and raised in Warsaw who has witnessed how immigration rates have progressed firsthand. During an interview with The Borgen Project, Kryszcuk explains the Ukrainian migration to Poland is prevalent but not bothersome to her. She says that part of the reason she feels sympathetic for the migrants is that Poland has been where Ukraine is in past years.

“Poland was one of the most damaged countries in the second world war. Therefore we know how it is to flee your home, leave everything behind and just try to survive,” states Kryszcuk.

Present vs. Past

According to BBC News, by July 4, 2022,  almost 1.2 million Ukrainians had applied for temporary residence in Poland. Kryszcuk says that the number of Ukrainians still migrating to Poland is now much lower than last year. She remembers several Ukrainian concerts, marches and protests in Warsaw’s streets, in the months of May and March 2022, calling for an end to the war. Now, she says that protests still happen but are less ostentatious.

In 2022, Kryszcuk and her mother would go to Warsaw’s train stations and pass out critical supplies such as clothes, water and canned food to Ukrainians migrating to other parts of Poland. Kryszcuk says people, including herself, now prefer to offer help by sending aid to organizations working inside Ukrainian borders, considering the escalating humanitarian situation there.

Efforts to Help

Kryszcuk says that she sees Ukrainian grandmothers every day on the streets of Warsaw who have most likely never before left the borders of Ukraine. Now, they are in a foreign country, scared and lost, not knowing what to do next.

The situation many Ukrainians have faced for the past year and a half is dire and there is no resolution in clear sight. However, Kryszcuk explains that people can help struggling Ukrainians through online donations. With Poland being one of the top countries for Ukrainian refugees to migrate to, Polish Humanitarian Action is a notable charitable organization to support to help the cause.

Janina Ochojska established PAH in 1992 and has helped more than 14.5 million people globally. The organization provides resources such as food and aid for those internally displaced or outside refugees fleeing their homes.

Additionally, anyone can support Ukrainian refugees through Poland’s government website under the title “Pomagam Ukraine” (Help Ukraine). Through the website, any individual is able to donate food, clothes and other essentials to refugees. The website includes updates on the refugee situation in Poland as well as a guide for donors who want to effectively support people in these types of difficult circumstances.

Looking Ahead

Overall, Warsaw, and Poland as a whole, have welcomed Ukrainian refugees with open arms. Organizations working on the ground in Poland provide assistance and crucial aid to these vulnerable Ukrainians, providing them with another chance at living normally as the war rages on back in their home country.

– Nina Donlin
Photo: Flickr

Millions of Venezuelans have been flooding Colombia’s borders for years because of the political and economic instability of their home country. The refugees do not have many options when they first come to Colombia. Several of them resort to sleeping on the streets, in one of the few refugee camps or if they are lucky enough, with family members that migrated earlier.

Many Venezuelan refugees lack primary health care, job opportunities and safe shelter, and this leaves them in the violent areas near refugee camps. Organized crime groups target and exploit the insecurities of the refugees in order to recruit them and lead them into a dangerous lifestyle. They face dangerous and deadly situations and face the risk of persecution and even deportation in order to make ends meet and survive.

Migrant Crisis

The Venezuelan migrant crisis started in 2013 after President Hugo Chavez died from cancer and his Vice President Nicolas Maduro replaced him Protests started due to allegations of election fraud. Years of political instability, recession and hyperinflation and deadly protests have pushed millions of Venezuelans out of their homes in order to find some security and stability.

Colombian Organized Crime

Organized crime has been rampant in Central and South America for years. Also, crime in Colombia is much higher than anywhere else and has recently seen a resurgence. There are multiple dissenting political militias and insurgencies, with Banda Criminales (BACRIM) being one of the leading organized crime groups dealing in “drug trafficking, violence and illegal mining,” alongside sex trafficking.

Organized crime in Colombia is so systemic because the wealth disparity is quite significant, thereby affecting every part of society. The rural areas tend to be poorer and face a lack of education and political disenfranchisement. Gangs and organized crime can easily overrun state control in these areas due to being in control of massive amounts of wealth.

Organized Crime’s Impact on Refugees

BACRIM and other organized crime groups are so powerful. These groups often replace state security forces in rural and poorer areas, becoming the strongest force in many of the border camps where Venezuelan refugees seek asylum.

Many refugees are undocumented and do not know the ins and outs of Colombia’s legal system and organized crime ring, making them vulnerable to crime and recruitment by gangs.

The gangs lure the Venezuelan refugees with promises of food, shelter and work opportunities. The refugees view working for the gang as a lucrative deal, as many of them are undocumented. They end up doing much of the dirty work and often end up as “street fighters, drug dealers and hit men,” while the women end up in forced sex work and suffer abuse, according to the International Crisis Group.

The Venezuelan refugees end up doing the more visible crime which makes them much more susceptible to discrimination and criminal charges. They face extreme amounts of xenophobia among the general public and are often the scapegoat for other unrelated economic or social issues.

Venezuelan refugees also fear deportation. The xenophobia has led to many anti-immigrant political movements and the easiest government response is through deportation, the International Crisis Group reports.

Ongoing Efforts

The economic issues that Colombia faces contribute to the prevalence of organized crime. Many international organizations have offered money as a resource to help with the migrant crisis. For instance, the World Bank has offered $1.6 billion. The World Bank’s support focuses on addressing needs at all levels of government in addition to providing a short-term to medium/long-term humanitarian response.

Other international organizations and groups have focused on providing better resources and equipment to properly house the migrants. The International Rescue Committee (IRC) launched its emergency response team in 2018 in the border city of Cúcuta in an effort to provide support and resources. The IRC is mainly focusing on providing support to women and children refugees through healthcare and maternal care. By 2020, over 87,000 Venezuelans in both Venezuela and Colombia received help.

UNHCR opened a “reception center” in early 2019 along the border between Venezuela and Colombia to provide some safe, temporary housing and other critical resources. The UNHCR has worked on providing documentation to children in addition to other child care and legal services.

Looking Ahead

Efforts from international organizations and groups are providing support and resources to address the challenges faced by Venezuelan refugees in Colombia. The World Bank’s financial assistance and the International Rescue Committee’s emergency response team are helping to meet the immediate needs of migrants, while UNHCR’s reception center offers temporary housing and critical services. These initiatives are aiming to improve access to healthcare, legal support and documentation, particularly for women and children, providing a glimmer of hope and stability for Venezuelan refugees seeking security and a better future in Colombia.

Kathryn Kendrick

Photo: Flickr

Albania, a developing Mediterranean nation with a population of 2.8 million, has experienced a significant surge in emigration. The U.K. and France are the two most preferred destinations for Albanian migrants, as these countries are home to many Albanian communities.

According to a 2022 report, approximately 70% of Albanian asylum seekers chose the U.K. or France as their destination. In just five months, from May to September, over 11,000 Albanians braved the perilous journey across the English Channel in small boats, with almost all hailing from Albania’s impoverished northern highland region.

Who Are the Albanians Leaving?

The exodus from Albania is diverse, comprising economic migrants seeking employment and asylum seekers fleeing from trafficking and modern slavery. Typically, men lead the way in this migration, with their partners and children joining them later. It is worth noting that most Albanian migrants who travel to the U.K. in small boats are young men, and while many apply for asylum, the U.K. Home Office has thus far rejected 86% of male asylum claims. Of note, there is a substantial backlog of asylum applications that remain unprocessed.

On the other hand, the U.K. approves approximately 90% of asylum claims made by women and children. Madeleine Sumption, Director of The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, notes that most of the Albanians who receive a positive decision are female, possibly due to their status as victims of trafficking. As such, these individuals are eligible for asylum in the U.K.

Why Have They Left?

A recent survey conducted by the Regional Cooperation Council called the Balkan Barometer revealed that approximately 83% of Albanians expressed their desire to leave the country, citing the high cost of living as the most common reason.

Dr. Andi Hoxha of University College London has said that in the last three years, a huge earthquake and COVID-19 have exacerbated poverty and unemployment in Albania. Dr. Hoxha also noted that the government had offered little help to the most affected people.

According to the World Bank, an estimated one-fifth of Albanians fell into poverty during the pandemic. The organization reports that the rising food costs and inflation in Albania are major issues in a country where citizens spend around 42% of their income on food.

In addition to poverty and lack of opportunities, many Albanian young men and boys are being groomed by criminal gangs. A study by the organization: Asylos, which studies asylum claims, suggests that threats of violence compel many young Albanian men into criminal activity, modern slavery and sexual exploitation.

Albania-originated crime networks aim to recruit such vulnerable young males to work illegally in the U.K., notably on cannabis farms. Some young men have also fled to escape violent fallouts from local blood feuds, which are still common in Albania.

Why Now?

Except for the earthquake in 2019, Albania has not been subject to any of the usual factors that precipitate a surge in emigration. Rather, the country’s problems, including poverty, unemployment, corruption and political instability, are chronic. Since 1991 and the fall of communism, more than 40% of Albanians have emigrated. In recent years, there has been a sharp increase in Albanian migrants. Dan O’Mahoney, the Clandestine Channel Threat Commander for the U.K. Home Office, attributes the increase to the activities of smugglers.

The two most significant factors behind the increase in Albanian migrants to the U.K. are the intensified activity of criminal gangs and the heightened ability of smugglers to lure people into coming to the U.K. Organized crime networks target young men in impoverished parts of Albania, while adverts on Tiktok are used by smugglers to attract potential migrants. It has lately become cheaper to be smuggled on a small boat across the English Channel. Fatjona Mejdini of the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime told the BBC that whereas migrants would previously have to pay up to £25,000 to be smuggled in a truck, now they can pay only £3,000 to £4000 to be transported by boat or dinghy.

What Does the Future Hold for Albania?

Albania is emptying out, especially in its northern highlands, settlements are turning into “ghost towns” as their young people leave. In the town of Kukësiin in northern Albania, for instance, 53% of its inhabitants have emigrated. Fortunately, foreign investment, significant seasonal tourism and support from the World Bank aim to improve Albania’s economy. For example, the U.K. injected £6 million into Tirana, Albania’s capital city, while the World Bank has partnered with the Albanian government to support its agricultural industry, which employs 36% of the country’s population.

Looking Ahead

The number of Albanian migrants has declined in 2023. Last summer, they accounted for more than half of all arrivals to the U.K., but according to the most recent reports, the number is fewer than 10%. This may be because many of the Albanians who wanted to make the journey already have. Additional factors include worsening weather conditions and a pledge by the U.K. government to fast-track the deportation of illegal migrants. On the bright side, however, continued support from international organizations and countries like the U.K. could help Albania in its effort to address the root causes of emigration.

– Samuel Chambers
Photo: Pixabay

Human Trafficking in the U.K.In March 2023, the U.K. government set out to implement its new solution to the challenge of small boat Channel crossings, a route that at least 45,755 migrants used to gain entry into the country in 2022 alone. The new Illegal Migration Bill could see asylum seekers who arrive in the U.K. through this route removed from the country, potentially impacting the legal and practical support available to victims of human trafficking in the country.

Human Trafficking and Migration in the U.K.

Human trafficking is a form of modern slavery that involves the exploitation of individuals through the use of force, fraud or coercion to entrap victims into manual labor or sex work. Traffickers use various forms of violence and manipulation to entrap victims. And often, victims from vulnerable backgrounds fall for enticing promises only to find themselves facing the threat of violence once the charade is over.
As things stand, accurately quantifying rates of human trafficking is a challenge, but police records, reports and legal evidence all point to a year-on-year increase in cases of human trafficking in the U.K. In fact, estimates suggest that human trafficking was responsible for the majority of the 130,000 victims of modern slavery identified in the U.K. in 2022. In 2018, 6,993 potential victims of human trafficking, originating from 130 different countries, were identified in the U.K.
Migration and human trafficking are closely linked. And sadly, migrants are especially vulnerable to human trafficking for reasons including poverty, marginalization, language barriers and conflict. Traffickers actively prey upon vulnerable individuals, seeking out signs of economic, political and psychological hardship, as well as a lack of social support.

The Importance of Legislation

The vulnerability of migrants to human trafficking can be entrenched or alleviated by legislation. For instance, restrictive immigration laws that limit the legal movement of people into a country can force migrants to seek entry routes with higher levels of risk, including relying on smugglers and traffickers. The U.K.’s new Illegal Migration bill is an example of such legislation.
The Illegal Migration Bill stipulates stopping any migrant entering the U.K. on small boats across the English Channel from having their claim considered, constituting an effective ban on migration. Practically, this would extend to all victims of human trafficking who entered through this route. Between 2018 and 2022, 7% of migrants entering the U.K. on small boats claimed to be victims of trafficking and modern slavery.
So far, leading human trafficking organizations in the U.K. have raised concerns that the government’s plan would “needlessly block victims of trafficking and slavery from accessing safety and recovery.” Under the new legislation, victims of human trafficking who enter the U.K. through this route would be disqualified from the National Referral Mechanism, which is the only national framework in place for identifying and supporting potential victims of human trafficking.
Alongside reducing protection and support for victims, stricter immigration laws may increase the profitability of human trafficking. A reduction in legal routes through which to enter the U.K. would likely drive people to rely on traffickers. Furthermore, the illegality of all small boat Channel crossings would tighten the hold that traffickers have over their victims as they can exploit migrants’ fear of criminalization and deportation. By denying any migrants who enter in small boats the right to identify as victims of crime, this bill could increase the hold that traffickers have over victims and trap countless victims in unsafe, exploitative situations.

The Pushback

Anti-Slavery International is an organization working to combat detrimental legislation in the U.K. In 2009, it established the Anti-Trafficking Monitoring Group (ATMG), a coalition of organizations that exists to monitor the state of the U.K.’s implementation of European anti-trafficking legislation. Since its establishment, the ATMG has successfully influenced legislation such as the Modern Slavery Act, supported the introduction of an Anti-Slavery Commissioner, supported the reversal of a decision to cut down the financial support given to victims of trafficking and ensured that survivors have long-term support from the government. Even more, by amplifying the voices of victims and survivors, the ATMG has made a significant impact in the U.K. and has ensured that legislation such as the Illegal Migration Bill cannot leave all victims ignored and unrepresented.

Reducing Human Trafficking in the U.K.

Aside from a focus on the legislature, there is already a solid foundation of support for potential victims and survivors of human trafficking in the U.K. The Medaille Trust, a leading organization in the fight against human trafficking, takes a holistic approach that aims to reduce trafficking, encompassing prevention, protection and prosecution.

Prevention

The Medaille Trust emphasizes the importance of raising awareness about the risks and signs of human trafficking. Furthermore, one of its main goals is to support socioeconomic development among impoverished communities. By addressing the root causes of vulnerability to trafficking, such as poverty, the Medaille Trust empowers individuals to withstand and protect themselves against the efforts of human traffickers.

Protection

The Medaille Trust provides comprehensive support to victims and survivors of human trafficking through the provision of legal, therapeutic and financial support. Through collaboration with law enforcement agencies, the organization improves arrest rates and offers accommodation for those rescued. In the longer term, the Medaille Trust provides supported accommodation and a specialized ‘moving on’ program that focuses on the resilience and well-being of predominantly female survivors.

Prosecution

The Medaille Trust actively contributes to the prosecution of traffickers. The organization provides U.K. law enforcement agencies with monthly intelligence summaries about human trafficking, facilitates annual conferences for sharing best practices and works alongside survivors who are providing evidence to improve their chances of successful convictions. Through the work of advocacy organizations like the Medaille Trust, the U.K. has seen an increase in convictions for traffickers, a vital step toward combatting human trafficking in the U.K.

Looking Ahead

Overall, legislation plays a crucial role in determining the level of protection and support afforded to victims of human trafficking. And the proposed Illegal Migration bill presented by the British government creates risks for victims of human trafficking in the U.K. as it threatens to strip all migrants entering in small boats of their right to claim support as victims of crime and exploitation. Despite these challenges, a diverse range of international and domestic organizations advocate intently for this vulnerable group, offering support to both survivors and potential victims. Moreover, organizations such as the Medaille Trust actively foster collaboration within the U.K., creating a united front against human trafficking and mitigating the increased risks presented by legislation such as the Illegal Migration Bill.

– Polly Walton
Photo: Flickr

Mediterranean Migration CrisisThe migrant boat shipwreck occurring in Italy on February 26, 2023, serves as a reminder that stronger action is necessary to address the Mediterranean migration crisis. Thousands of migrants attempt to cross the Mediterranean Sea by boat with the hope of a better future. However, the Mediterranean is a deadly route for migrants, with more than 26,000 people missing or dead since 2014.

The EU’s response to the migrant crisis in the Mediterranean has been criticized for falling short in addressing and collaborating on the issue. Numbers of experts posit that the prioritization of borders over human lives is an uncomfortable truth that must be confronted as the deadly waters continue to claim the lives of those seeking a future free from poverty, war and violence.

Migrant Boat Shipwreck in Italy

The migrant boat shipwreck in Italy led to at least 63 confirmed deaths, including women and children. The migrants had hoped to land near Crotone in search of a new life free from poverty. About 200 migrants from Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, Syria, Iraq and Iran boarded the boat, which had set out from Izmir, Turkey a few days before the shipwreck.

Due to high poverty rates and extreme living conditions in countries like Afghanistan, people are seeking better opportunities through migration. The economic collapse in Afghanistan, worsened by the Taliban’s seizure of power and international donors suspending non-humanitarian funding has created a humanitarian crisis. As of mid-2021, the U.N. Refugee Agency reported that 2.7 million Afghans were displaced across borders worldwide. 

The loss of lives in this incident serves as a reminder of the urgent need for comprehensive solutions to the ongoing migrant crisis in the Mediterranean.

Recent data shows a noteworthy surge in migrant arrivals in Italy compared to the same months in 2021-2022, with the figures tripling. While the peak of the migrant crisis in the EU was witnessed between 2014-2017, this year has seen a steep increase in arrivals, with Ivorians, Guineans, and Bangladeshis being the most represented nationalities.

Many migrants originate from countries with high poverty rates, including Cote d’Ivoire, which experienced a 6.7% rise in GDP in 2022, yet more than 11% of its population lived below the international poverty line. Similarly, extreme weather events and other factors have led to 35 million people continuing to live below the poverty line, as per recent reports.

Taking Action to Resolve the Mediterranean Migration Crisis

The Global Route-Based Migration Programme, initiated by the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) in 2021, aims to improve the safety and dignity of people on the move, including migrants, refugees, asylum seekers, and other displaced individuals, along land and sea-based migration routes in Africa, Europe, the Middle East and North Africa and the Americas.

The program seeks to support 4.7 million people on the move and people in host communities annually by utilizing the expertise and reach of 57 Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies worldwide. It is a tool that can be used to address the migration crisis and improve coordination and collaboration among organizations and governments, while also enhancing support and access to essential needs such as food, water, shelter, information and health care.

The Path Forward

Addressing the root causes of migration and providing support to those in need requires a collaborative effort. In a bilateral meeting on the aftermath of the migrant boat shipwreck in Italy, during a March 2023 EU summit in Brussels, French President Macron and Italian Prime Minister Meloni discussed the need for a common European solution to manage migration and aid those in need. While migration policy has been a point of tension between the two countries in the past, this meeting signifies a step toward finding common ground and working together to address the complex challenges of migration in Europe.

– Elena Maria Puri
Photo: Flickr