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Fragility and the Rule of Law in Venezuela

The Rule of Law in VenezuelaAt the heart of the crisis in Venezuela lies a deeper catastrophe: the collapse of the rule of law. Once a country of relative prosperity, Venezuela is now a fragile state where institutions no longer serve citizens, particularly people experiencing poverty. In 2024, Venezuela’s gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was $4,000, one of the lowest in Latin America.

The country also experienced one of the world’s highest inflation rates, rising consumer prices significantly. The consequences are not confined to its borders. From mass migration to regional instability, Venezuela’s collapse is a global poverty issue that cannot be ignored.

A Broken Justice System

Venezuela currently ranks last in the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index. According to the index, courts are politicized, the judiciary lacks independence and fundamental rights are routinely violated. Dissent is punished with arbitrary detention and torture and legal protections for the vulnerable have all but disappeared.

For those already living in poverty, this legal collapse is devastating. Without functioning institutions, workers can be exploited without recourse, communities lack public services and corruption goes unchecked. When the rule of law fails, poverty becomes entrenched.

A Regime That Fuels Poverty

The regime of President Nicolás Maduro has overseen the dismantling of democratic institutions and the collapse of the economy. Transparency International consistently ranks Venezuela among the most corrupt nations globally. Public resources are diverted to elites while health care, education and infrastructure are neglected.

Inflation reached 400% in 2023 and more than 80% of Venezuelans now live below the poverty line, according to the World Bank. The most impoverished households struggle to obtain food, medicine and clean water. This crisis is not just economic; it is political. The government’s refusal to allow reform or accountability sustains the systems that keep people poor. Aid efforts are often obstructed and humanitarian organizations face restrictions on their work.

The fallout from Venezuela’s collapse has sparked the second-largest migration crisis in the world after Syria. As of 2024, more than 7.7 million Venezuelans have left the country for safety and opportunity. Many have settled in neighboring countries like Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, where strained public systems struggle to accommodate them. This mass migration creates new poverty challenges in host communities, from overburdened schools to job market competition.

Migrants face their own vulnerabilities: exploitation, xenophobia and legal uncertainty. The crisis extends beyond borders, affecting the whole region and highlighting how fragile governance contributes to global poverty. Venezuela’s case reveals a broader truth: poverty thrives where the rule of law fails. Without functioning legal systems, enforcing labor rights, distributing aid effectively or combating corruption is impossible.

Final Remarks

Despite the repression, civil society organizations inside and outside Venezuela continue to document abuses, offer legal aid and support democratic movements. International watchdogs like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International advocate for accountability. At the same time, diaspora-led groups aid migrants and lobby for policy change. These efforts are limited but vital. They keep the possibility of reform alive and help protect the rights of the most vulnerable.

– Charlie Baker

Charlie is based in London, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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SDG 9 in Indonesia: Financing Initiatives Promote Development

SDG 9 in IndonesiaFunding plays a key component in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The United Nations created the SDGs in 2015 as a set of goals aiming to build a more sustainable future through tackling global issues from climate change to inequality. As the target deadline of 2030 nears, financing initiatives have significantly aided Indonesia’s pursuit of the goals through increasing funds. This article will explore updates on SDG 9 in Indonesia, which aims to create sustainable industry, innovation and resilient infrastructure.

Indonesia’s Progress in Industry and Infrastructure  

Indonesia, a highly populated nation becoming a prominent tourism hub, has quickly industrialized since the 1960s. Strides in telecommunications, electricity, ports and railways have increased infrastructure . Industry has boomed, with some fluctuation during financial crises, with Indonesia’s GDP going from $5.67 billion in 1967 to 1.37 trillion in 2023.

Indonesia’s growth has led to major strides in other SDG areas. SDG 1, which aims to eliminate poverty, has particularly benefited. From 1990 to 2023, Indonesians living below the extreme poverty line significantly decreased, going from 62.8% to 1.9% of the population. Yet, to achieve the SDGs by 2030, Indonesia needs significantly more funding. The following finance programs are filling this funding gap, particularly aiding sustainable industry and infrastructure.

SDG Indonesia One

The Indonesian Ministry of Finance and PT Sarana Multi Infrastruktur (PT SMT) established SDO Indonesia One (SIO) in 2018. PT SMT is a state-owned business which aims to fuel sustainable development in Indonesia through financing. Together, PT SMT and the Indonesian government mobilize public and private funds for development.

One initiative that SIO leads is the SDG Indonesia One-Green Finance Facility (SIO-GFF). This investment platform provides funds for environmentally friendly infrastructure projects which fit with the SDGs and the Paris Agreement. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) plays a key role in SIO-GFF, an example of how SIO facilitates partnerships with external organizations to mobilize funds. In 2022, the Asian Development Bank approved a $150 million loan to assist Indonesia in achieving the SDGs.

At its launch in 2018, SIO had already raised $2.3 billion, with initiatives like SIO-GFF playing a key role in advancing the SDGs. Specifically, in regards to SDG 9, SIO has funded sustainable industrialization and resilient infrastructure. SIO has invested in projects such as hospitals, renewable energy power plants and rebuilding infrastructure damaged from natural disasters.

Accelerating SDGs Investments in Indonesia

Another update to SDG 9 in Indonesia is the creation of the Accelerating SDGs Investments in Indonesia (ASSIST) in 2021. ASSIST is an U.N. established financing initiative joining the efforts of four U.N. agencies–UNEP, UNICEF, UNIDO and UNDP–to help Indonesia achieve its SDG targets by 2030. 

Similarly to SIO, ASSIST promotes increased public and private investment into SDG-related initiatives. ASSIST has done this by issuing government bonds, increasing SDG-linked loans and in the creation of the Operationalized Indonesia Impact Fund (IIF) which invests in startups contributing to the SDGs. On top of financing, ASSIST has strengthened the skills of government officials and entrepreneurs to increase the capacity of Indonesian institutions and businesses to achieve the SDGs on their own.

As of June 2024, ASSIST has raised more than $3.2 billion for SDG achievement, benefitting more than 48 million people. These funds are contributing to Indonesia’s achievement of SDG 9. Particularly, capacity building and investing in startups construct resilient infrastructure and foster innovation. 

Looking Ahead

While Indonesia has made significant strides in industry and infrastructure in the past 40 years, the country still needs funding to achieve SDG 9. Financing initiatives have mobilized funds to fill this gap. Updates on SDG 9 in Indonesia, such as ASSIST and SIO, are constructing sustainable industry and resilient infrastructure, and fostering innovation, making Indonesia one step closer to achieving their SDG targets. 

– Madison Fetch

Madison is based in Glasgow, Scotland and focuses on Business and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash

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Addressing Learning Poverty and Expanding Education in Chad

Education in ChadChad is committed to enhancing primary, secondary and tertiary education. However, 44.8% of its 20 million citizens live in poverty and 94% experience learning poverty. According to the UNESCO Institute for Statistics, learning poverty—the inability to read age-appropriate text by age 10—contributes to low educational attainment. This widespread issue hinders individual progress, exacerbates the country’s human capital deficits and limits efforts to reduce poverty.

Education System in Chad

Chad’s education system consists of primary education (ages 6–11), lower secondary (ages 12–15), upper secondary (ages 16–18) and tertiary education, which includes trade schools, colleges and vocational schools. However, only about 3% of students complete the full program and just as few have access to tertiary education opportunities.

To address these challenges, Chad is committed to achieving Sustainable Development Goal 4 (SDG 4) to ensure inclusive and equitable quality education for primary and secondary students by 2030. With the support of local and international advocates, the country plans to increase government funding for education, improve teacher training, build more schools, prioritize education for girls and foster global partnerships to access additional resources and expertise.

Expanding Education Access in Chad

A standard vocational education program provides training for young adults who have completed formal education. Chad’s education system stands to benefit from such programs, but significant barriers remain. Nearly 49% of primary-aged children are out of school, with gender and socioeconomic status playing a major role in access to education. Additionally, Chad faced a deep educational crisis even before the COVID-19 pandemic and its current high rate of learning poverty requires immediate intervention rather than waiting for students to reach vocational training.

Chad is incorporating non-traditional programs into the education system to address these challenges. With support from various partners, Chad has developed initiatives that provide basic education to children and adults outside the formal system. These programs aim to close skill gaps, offer hands-on learning and accelerate job placement, helping to create more opportunities for those who might otherwise be left behind.

Nonformal Education Centers

The National Education and Civic Promotion program provides nonformal education to support socioeconomic integration across Chad. These centers offer out-of-school youth training in literacy, numeracy and vocational skills in their native languages, equipping them with essential competencies for better opportunities. Remarkably, more than 700 out-of-school children have been “reintegrated into the formal education sector” through nonformal education programs.

Additionally, more than 10,000 out-of-school women have received vocational training, improving their financial stability. Furthermore, more than 42,000 individuals aged 15 and older without formal education have completed literacy programs, underscoring Chad’s commitment to reducing illiteracy and expanding educational opportunities.

This effort aligns with the Global Partnership for Education (GPE) initiative, which awarded Chad a $50 million grant from 2018 to 2023 to address the country’s low literacy rates—where 60% of the population could not read. The grant aimed to expand educational access for both youth and adults while promoting social and gender equality. As a result, the Ministry of National Education and Civic Promotion introduced training programs that included nonformal basic education for adolescents aged 9 to 14, further strengthening Chad’s educational framework.

Other Projects Supporting Chad’s Education System

  1. Project Development Objective (PDOs): The PDOs initiative, established in Chad in 2019 by the World Bank and the International Development Association (IDA), further reinforces Chad’s educational efforts. Its mission is to enhance the skills of Chadian children and young adults, equipping them with the knowledge and competencies needed to contribute meaningfully to their communities. The initiative has provided employment support and improved entrepreneurship opportunities for youth, with more than 10,000 young people enrolled in various programs. Additionally, the project has placed 3,000 youth, 44% of whom are girls, in jobs in N’Djamena and 20 other provinces.
  2. The Center of Professional and Technical Training (CFPT): The CFPT is crucial in bridging the gap between education and employment. CFPT aims to expand opportunities for young people by offering professional and technical training. Its initiatives focus on upgrading existing colleges, providing first-work experiences and facilitating apprenticeships and internships—all designed to improve the transition from school to the workforce. The project has trained more than 1,000 students, equipping them with the essential skills and knowledge needed to succeed in the workforce.
  3. Chad Improving Learning Outcomes Project: In 2022, the IDA awarded Chad a $150 million grant to improve learning outcomes in its basic education programs. This initiative aims to provide students equitable access to quality learning environments. It provides learning opportunities to both in-school and out-of-school students by creating expanded learning spaces, addressing overcrowded classrooms and ensuring more inclusive educational opportunities.

Reflecting on Chad’s Educational Mission

The UNESCO Institute for Statistics emphasizes that schooling does not necessarily equate to learning, highlighting the need for improved education quality. According to UNESCO, poor schooling can lead to higher dropout rates, reinforcing the urgency for reform. In response, Chad’s educational programs focus on enhancing teacher instruction and offering basic skill training to address these challenges in nonformal settings. By refining the Chadian education plan, there is hope that the country’s high rate of learning poverty will gradually decline, creating better opportunities for future generations.

– Pamela A. Fenton

Pamela is based in Wall Township, NJ, USA and focuses on Good News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Poverty in Iraqi-Kurdistan

Poverty in Iraqi-KurdistanMost of Kurdistan’s poverty is concentrated in the rural and border areas, where a large segment of the population lacks access to basic services, education, health care and employment. Iraq is an oil-wealthy country. However, the wealth tends to be concentrated in certain areas and has not trickled down to Kurdistan. In comparison to Iraq’s majority Arab population, poverty rates among Kurds tend to be a bit lower in central and southern Iraq, where the majority of Arabs in the country live. Yet, these areas have still not fully recovered from two major wars, ongoing terrorism and persistent government corruption.

Systematic Oppression

The systematic oppression of Kurds has been a longstanding issue in Iraq, with policies such as the Anfal campaign further exacerbating this. The Anfal campaign was implemented between 1986-1989 and sought to dismantle Kurdish groups seeking self-governance and displace Kurds from their villages, particularly in the oil-rich area of Kirkuk. Former president Saddam Hussein Arabized many Kurdish regions in this area, leading to mass displacement, loss of land and the economic network that was created by the native population.

The Halabja massacre in 1988, an extension of the Anfal campaign, was a chemical attack undertaken by the military that resulted in the death of up to 5,000 Kurds and led to the destruction of farmland, mass displacement and the depreciating health of citizens, inhibiting them from working which increased poverty among this population. The former government also moved the Kurdish population from their native lands to collective towns (also referred to as mujamma’at), which restricted their movement and were far away from the country’s economic hubs, putting them in economic isolation. These areas were systematically neglected in terms of development, while other regions in Iraq benefited from infrastructural improvements and oil wealth.

Current Tensions and Poverty in Iraqi-Kurdistan

While the Kurdish region in Iraq has a level of autonomy, meaning that they have more rights to their local resources, they are still heavily reliant on the central government for its oil revenue. The oil is often withheld due to political disagreements between Baghdad and The Kurdish Regional Government. This has led to delayed salaries and cuts in funding for public services and infrastructural investments, exacerbating poverty in the region. Additionally, decades of underinvestment in Kurdistan prior to Saddam Hussein’s government and during his reign have led to a lack of proper infrastructure, with roads, health care and education in rural areas remaining inadequate. This limits economic opportunities for those living in these areas compared to more urban areas of Kurdistan and wealthier majority Arab areas of southern Iraq.

The Kurdish Regional Government remains deeply divided, with two rival factions, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), being in charge of different areas of the region. Tensions between these two parties have caused a delay in economic reform due to their lack of cooperation and prioritizing their interests rather than regional ones, which also weakens their ability to negotiate on a national level with the central government. Their rivalry has also caused revenue-sharing issues, particularly oil, which has fostered further instability. Both parties are also guilty of corruption and economic mismanagement and keep a large segment of the wealth for themselves and the elite class.

Organizations Reducing Poverty in Iraqi-Kurdistan

Despite the current circumstances, both international and local organizations, such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) and Kurdistan Save the Children (KSC), are fighting against poverty by distributing humanitarian aid to vulnerable communities in rural areas and displaced people. The UNDP Iraq has supported the Kurdistan Regional Government to develop a Public-Private Partnership Framework, which encourages the private sector to work with the public sector to deliver services such as health care, roads, electricity and water.

Additionally, the NRC supports displaced people in Iraqi Kurdistan by facilitating access to essentials such as education, shelter and food. The NRC has assisted 31,085 people through its education program, provided shelter for 141,613 individuals and supported 16,212 people through its food program. Local organizations, such as the KSC, focus on the well-being of children by providing access to education, health care and mental health services.

The Future

The future of the region remains uncertain, as tensions between the two rival factions of the KRG are likely to persist, along with ongoing disagreements over the distribution of oil revenue. These issues will continue to contribute to the already high levels of poverty in Iraqi Kurdistan. The region’s future depends on the PUK and the KDP finding ways to resolve their tensions and improve their relations with the central government in Baghdad. Additionally, there is a pressing need for both parties to diversify the economy and lessen their reliance on oil.

– Floria Persis

Floria is based in London, UK and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Elderly Poverty Among Algerian Migrant Workers 

Algerian Migrant Workers Abdelkader Bounaga, an Algerian pensioner living in Marseille, was “enlisted” in the 1960s to fill the labor deficit in post-war France. He arrived in Marseille in a wooden boat carrying French soldiers being repatriated after Algeria’s independence. He is in the “Chibanis” group, meaning “grey-haired” in Arabic. Elderly Poverty in Algeria could deteriorate due to demographic changes. In 1966, the ratio of people at working age to people at retirement age was 6.7:1. In 2008, the ratio rose to 8:1, but in 2021 it fell again to below 6:1. This means that more old people are relying on the support of their employed family members today that in 1960.

Therefore, elderly poverty in Algeria could worsen as the demography changes over the coming years. However, the Chibanis who left Algeria in the 1970s looking for a more stable income face the additional challenge of isolation. Tahar Ben Jelloun expresses a common sentiment when he calls the state of the Chibanis “the highest solitude.” Here is more information about Algerian migrant workers in France.

Immigration to France

Poverty in Algeria was one of the reasons for immigration to France in the 1960s. French colonialism in the region had left the natives in a worse position. With the appropriation of land and exploitation of labor, it was hard to earn a living in Algeria.

In general in France, poverty rates decrease with age, dropping to 10% of people over 65. On the other hand, the poverty rate among elderly migrants in Europe is much higher at 25%. Among the migrant population, elderly poverty has increased by 4%, whereas for their native-born counterparts, it has decreased. Accommodation for elderly people has improved over the last few years, but elderly migrants are more likely to live in substandard housing.

Rather than relying on their younger family members, Chibanis often continue to support their families back home in Algeria using their pensions and social benefits. With their families back home and little community or purpose in France, the Chibanis become stuck in perpetual exile. This is what the sociologist Malek Sayad calls the “double absence.” Absent at home, they miss out on key milestones with their families. Absent in France, they struggle to integrate or form a community, and their language skills fall behind.

In addition to the solitude of their lifestyles, the Chibanis did not find the economic prosperity in France that they hoped for. When they arrived in the 1960s, the work available was arduous and menial, paying as little as 80 cents per hour. Today’s Chibanis were the hands that built the roads, factories and school buildings of modern France. Yet, many experience elderly poverty due to the difficulty in obtaining their pensions.

French Bureaucracy

The complex French bureaucracy standing between them and their pensions is hard to navigate for people whose language and literacy skills are low. If a Chibani mistakes the month on which he or she left France for Algeria, and accidentally stays too long, they return to huge debts.  If they exceed the six-month limit, the government revokes their benefits and demands a refund of the amount paid.

Movement between France and Algeria has been commonplace since France’s colonization in 1830. Algerians, especially from the impoverished area of Kabylia, emigrated to France to do the hardest and lowest-paid jobs, according to Musée de l’histoire de l’immigration. This was a method for active young men to support their families back home. The influx of cheap labor suited the managerial class, who also used them to break workers’ strikes.   

Raising Concerns

Concern about the elderly poverty of Algerian migrant workers spread in France in the early 2000s. One article cites the 2007 film Indigènes as a catalyst for public engagement with the question of the treatment of foreign veterans. That year Rachid Bouzidi, a special adviser for the Employment, Social Cohesion and Housing Ministry, stated “We believe that everyone has the right to live with their family in a decent and dignified way,” according to Radboud Repository article.   

However, the Chibanis have experienced several years of precarious social status due to their migratory lifestyle between France and Algeria. They must reside in France to keep their benefits, but their homes and families are overseas. 

Activists like Zohra Hamani fight for the visibility and security of Chibanis. President of the charity Les Bons Samaritains Fisabillillah, Hamani said to Al Jazeera.: “We owe all these beautiful French cities to the Chibanis.” Les Bons Samaritains Fisibillillah provides a free breakfast every morning at the centre, which is followed by the opportunity to receive legal and health advice. 

Conclusion

Algerian migrant workers living in France are more likely to live in poverty and face the additional challenge of isolation from their communities back home. The French government’s six month stipulation forces these elderly people into isolation and estrangement. However, there are charitable organizations fighting to amplify their voices and rectify the neglect of the French government. 

– Io Oswald

Io is based in Paris, France and focuses on Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Grameen Bank: The Power of Microfinance

Grameen BankIn a remote village in Bangladesh, a group of women gather under a large tree to discuss their businesses—small shops, livestock farming and weaving.  With just a few hundred dollars from a local microfinance institution (MFI), these women—who once struggled to make ends meet—now run small businesses that can sustain their families and employ others in their community. This story, even though it takes place in Bangladesh, represents countless regions and people worldwide, showing the power of microfinance in poverty alleviation.

What Is Microfinance?

Microfinance is the practice of offering small loans and financial services to those who don’t have access to formal banking and marginalized groups who face systemic poverty. However, beyond the individual stories, the question remains: can microfinance truly reduce poverty?

The University of Maryland, Baltimore County (UMBC) Department of Economics found that a 10% increase in MFI loan portfolios per capita reduces poverty by between 0.091 and 0.159 percentage points. While these numbers may seem minor, they represent millions moving closer to financial independence.

Grameen Bank

At the heart of the microfinance movement is Grameen Bank, founded by Nobel Peace Prize winner Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Grameen’s model is unique, as its focus is on empowering women, who make up 97% of its borrowers. “We don’t empower women. They already have an inherent power in them because, without that, you cannot survive poverty,” explained Zubaida Bai, CEO of the Grameen Foundation. Its model focuses not only on providing financial resources but also on creating long-lasting, sustainable change by addressing systemic issues such as gender and power dynamics.

Furthermore, Grameen works closely with local partners to dismantle traditional gender roles and enable household dialogues where it challenges male-dominated financial decision-making. “People look at gender issues and say that women are very immobile,” Bai added. “But in reality, they know their system very well. They can be the change-makers within that system and if you enable them, they can make it long-lasting.”

Successes

The success of Grameen Bank is not just anecdotal—data backs it. According to Morduch, Grameen has provided millions of loans, with repayment rates as high as 98%. This high repayment rate reflects not only the bank’s successful lending model but also how committed the borrowers are to improving their livelihoods. Morduch also mentions that even though some institutions need external funding, the social returns on these investments far outweigh their costs. With every dollar lent, microfinance initiatives create a ripple effect that drives community-wide economic growth.

Grameen Bank’s success has benefited millions worldwide. In Uganda, for example, Grameen has worked with refugee communities, particularly women, to bring them into a financially inclusive system. These women undergo gender and power dynamics training and entrepreneurship courses and are given access to digital tools. As a result, “their income goes up by an average of 26%,” says Bai. In India, Grameen has focused on agriculture, working with farmer-producer organizations to bring women to the forefront of decision-making. In the past two years, women’s participation in these organizations has risen by 200%, showcasing how much of an impact women can have if allowed to do so.

The Broader Economic Impact

According to Khandker, microfinance programs have helped significantly reduce poverty, as seen in Bangladesh. His research shows that microfinance participation reduced moderate poverty by 5% and extreme poverty by 10%. Moreover, when applied at a community level, these reductions in poverty were not just for the borrowers alone; non-participants also benefited indirectly from the improved economic conditions. Khandker’s study revealed that more than 40% of the reduction in poverty in rural Bangladesh between 1991 and 1998 was attributed to microfinance programs.

Crépon, Devoto, Duflo and Parienté found in rural Morocco that microcredit increased ownership of assets, such as livestock and household goods. This shift toward increased assets is crucial because it gives families a buffer against economic shocks, allowing them to survive crises like illness or natural disasters. Microfinance also supports financial literacy. Programs like Grameen don’t just provide loans; they offer training in basic financial management so that borrowers can manage their resources properly. As a result, microfinance promotes saving and investment, leading to sustainable economic growth in low-income communities.

Criticisms and Challenges

While there are numerous benefits of microfinance, it still has its flaws. Some argue that microloans can lead to over-indebtedness, particularly when borrowers take out multiple loans from different MFIs. Additionally, high interest rates in some regions have raised concerns about the long-term viability of microfinance programs. However, Grameen has implemented measures to mitigate these risks, such as peer lending groups that foster accountability and household dialogues that address gender imbalances in financial decision-making.

A Path to Poverty Alleviation

Microfinance could be a powerful tool in the fight against poverty. From Bangladesh to Uganda, Grameen has shown how small loans can lead to significant social and economic change. By focusing on empowering women, addressing gender dynamics and leveraging digital technology, Grameen Bank continues to make a change in the field of microfinance. With every loan that helps an individual, a family and a community, these small steps are what create significant change in the fight against global poverty.

– Danica Lourdu Nelson

Danica is based in Parker, CO, USA and focuses on Business and New Markets for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Pexels

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Everything You Need to Know about Poverty in Iran

Poverty in IranDespite Iran being a resource-rich country, 28.1% of the population lives in poverty with an additional 40% of the population being at risk of falling into poverty. Most of the country’s poverty is concentrated in rural areas where almost 50% of the population lives in poverty with a large segment of them having no access to modern infrastructure. The socioeconomic gap between the rural and urban populations is significant, however, where they intersect is that both populations’ purchasing power is decreasing. Economic sanctions and government corruption are factors that play a role in why the majority of the Iranian population is poor. Here is everything you need to know about poverty in Iran.

Economic Sanctions and Corruption

The United States has implemented sanctions as an attempt to curb Iran’s nuclear program and regional influence and as punishment for the country’s human rights violations and support for terrorist organizations in the region. However, these sanctions have been shown to exacerbate poverty in Iran.

Western sanctions have put Iran in economic isolation and have harmed crucial parts of the economy such as oil and banking. Oil in particular is the backbone of Iran’s economy and sanctions have restricted oil production and exports which in turn has led to a loss of government revenue. The country is also enduring mass inflation, leading to the prices of basic necessities like food skyrocketing and has in turn reduced the purchasing power of low and middle-income Iranians.

While sanctions play a major role in exacerbating poverty in Iran, the actions of the government play an equally large role. The economy operates as a kleptocracy where the government owns most corporations and economic projects which has fostered an environment where one’s political connections largely determine their access to economic opportunities. Additionally, taxpayer money often goes into the pockets of government officials and those close to them. As a result of misallocated public funds, little goes into infrastructure improvement and social services which in turn curbs any prospects of poverty alleviation.

Alleviating Poverty in Iran

Despite sanctions and government corruption negatively impacting the economy, some organizations inside and outside the country aim to alleviate poverty in Iran.

Established in 1994, the Child Foundation regularly creates campaigns to help children access education and pay for medical treatments and campaigns for citizens affected by natural disasters. Its financial reports showcase that 75% of the it sends to Iran goes towards food and cash for those the organization helps, and 92% of the money that remains in the United States goes towards the costs of creating programs.

The World Food Program (WFP) assists 3.4 million refugees in Iran. It covers 80% of the food necessities for male-headed households and 100% of food costs for female-headed households. Additionally, the organization has supplied food to 8,000 refugee children and 600 teachers. This initiative helps families save money to spend on other necessities while their children receive food at school.

Founded in 1979, the Imam Khomeini Relief Foundation (IKRF) helps 4.4 million Iranians who live under the poverty line with basic needs including water, food, housing and medical bills. However, it has received criticism for its lack of financial transparency.

The Future

Considering the factors contributing to Iran’s poverty, the future looks uncertain with government corruption likely to persist as the Islamic Republic does not want to compromise its domestic policies, even for ease of sanctions.

In 2015, the U.S. lifted sanctions on Iran which positively impacted its economy by allowing it to return to the global oil market and allowed for them to trade with a wider range of countries. The Trump administration reimplemented the sanctions which put Iran back into economic isolation leading to a loss of revenue for the country. Kamala Harris on the other hand holds the same views as the Obama administration, stating that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is one of the biggest achievements of the democratic party, meaning that she may likely lift sanctions if she were to win the election, according to DW.

– Floria Persis

Floria is based in London, UK and focuses on Good News and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Wikimedia Commons

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Experiencing Period Poverty in gaza

Period Poverty In gazaSince the events of October 7, Israel has tightened its grip on the Gaza Strip. It has made it increasingly difficult for aid to enter the territory. Israel’s blockade has, therefore, left many pharmacy and shop shelves barren. One product in particular has become increasingly sparse on the shelves of various pharmacies across Gaza: menstruation pads. On the rare occasion that pads make their way on a shelf, they are sold at nearly five to six times their original price. For many unemployed and homeless Gazan women, such an expense is unthinkable. This, combined with limited water supply, lack of privacy and indoor plumbing, has compelled women to take measures into their own hands. As the rate of period poverty continues to mount within the Gaza Strip, its female residents prove that there is no shortage of resilience and ingenuity.

Period Poverty among Women and Girls in Gaza

In a study conducted by the United Nations (U.N.), an estimated total of 700,000 Gazan women and girls menstruate but do not have access to hygiene products, such as pads and toilet paper. Even more troubling is their barred access to toilets and running water. Various shelters run by The United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the U.N. aid agency for Palestinians, say there is only one roll of toilet paper per 498 people. Within these same shelters, more than 400 residents share a single bathroom.

The situation is no better for women who live in shared apartment complexes with extended family. Limited access to water forces many to restrict the times they flush the toilet– only doing so when deemed necessary. Three functioning water pipelines remain for the whole of Gaza, thus making it increasingly difficult for women to wash themselves. Showering has become a luxury only some women can afford. Many women rise early and queue in front of hospitals in the hopes of showering before the water supply is cut for that day. Others are there to use the bathroom. Queues can number from up to 1,000 people.

Current Experiences

Owda is a Gazan woman documenting her experience online. She shared a video of one of many makeshift bathrooms found within the displacement camps. She points to the toilet in question, a garbage basket on the ground inside a meager tent and says to the camera: “There is no water. There is nothing around them. There is no infrastructure. They’re living in just a tent and they need bathroom(s). They’re humans.” The U.N. indicates that these sanitary conditions leave many Gazan women at risk of contracting reproductive and urinary tract infections. The sanitary pads that are at the disposal of Gazan women are poorly crafted and only further increase their risk of infection.

Gazan women and girls, therefore, are no longer afforded any privacy in tending to their menstrual hygiene. This issue has put a strain on the psychological health of many women within the strip. Some women share that the mounting stress they are experiencing has caused their menstrual cycles to come twice a month, further exacerbating the issue. As political tensions continue to rise, period poverty within the Gaza Strip only becomes a more pressing matter.

With Extreme Circumstances Comes Extreme Measures

The difficulty in obtaining female hygiene products has forced many Gazan women to resort to dangerous measures. Some women wash previously used pads to cope with the lack. Others have opted for old shreds of clothing, towels and ripped pieces of the tents they are using as shelter as substitutes for pads. Adult diapers and measly tissues are also on the list of items used as surrogates. The use of these substitutions may cause skin irritation, infection and deadly toxic shock syndrome. Though they pose great risks to their health, Gazan women have few other options.

Birth control has become a favored remedy among Gazan women, who would rather delay their cycle than deal with the physical and psychological burden that comes with it. Contrary to pads, the pill is readily available and far less expensive than hygiene products. A month’s supply’s worth of birth control costs approximately $3. The extreme measures Gazan women are reduced to take speak of the gravity of the situation. Furthermore, it highlights how women, once again, bear the blows of war. Gaza’s ongoing period poverty epidemic confirms the previous statement.

An International Call for Change

The international community has noticed Gaza’s shortage of menstrual hygiene products and has done its best to aid the crisis. Anera, a nonprofit organization, has provided hygiene kits, which include pads, underwear and wet wipes, to more than 20,000 women and girls. ActionAid has also supported the women in Gaza by preparing hygiene packages with a month’s worth of supplies. Despite their admirable efforts, more has to be done to aid the women in Gaza and stop the rate of period poverty from rising.

– Yasmine Nowroozi

Yasmine is based in Laval, Quebec, Canada and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Confronting the Crisis: Tackling Homelessness in Panama 

Homelessness in PanamaThe housing crisis is a problem that is affecting many countries in the post-COVID-19 world. One of the many countries affected is the Central American nation of Panama. Panama is the southernmost country in Central America. Its location was of very high strategic value in the colonial days. This is why the Panama Canal was built. The canal helped create easier access from the Americas to Asia. The United States transferred the canal to Panama in 1999 as part of a 1977 treaty. The canal represents a major part of Panama’s economy, especially with the expansion to the canal completed in 2016. Despite a growing economy, homelessness in Panama is a major issue.

Poverty and Homelessness in Panama

In Panama, 22.1% of the population lived below the poverty line in 2016. Poverty mostly affects the Indigenous people of Panama, with more than half of the Indigenous population living below the poverty line.

Homelessness in Panama is a difficult issue to track. One of the biggest reasons is there are no official statistics on the exact homeless population. Homeless statistics can be hard to track due to how much the homeless population can fluctuate.

Despite Panama’s economic growth over the past 30 years, which resulted in a decreased poverty rates, poverty is still a problem in Panama. Wealth inequality is one of the biggest issues of the Panamanian economy. The Gini index is used to measure wealth inequality. The higher the number is the more inequality there is in the given country. Panama had a Gini index standing of 48.9%. For context the United States had a 39.8% rating.

The Tierra Prometida Community

Like many countries, Panama can sometimes treat homeless people poorly. This can unfortunately lead to unfair treatment of homeless people. In 2021, there was a community called the Tierra Prometida community, which was living behind the Nicolas Solano hospital. Hundreds of families called the informal settlement home until police violently evicted them. This event, along with rising prices of all goods, lead to protest marches in the country on October 27, 2021. 

The Protests

The protests had two major requests, public policies and dignified jobs. The government acted on the request for public policies. On May 4, 2023, it was announced that the Panamanian government would invest $25.7 million to invest in housing solutions that would benefit more than 1,000 Panamanian citizens. These housing solutions were split between the urbanization of Isla Colón, certification of lots and plan progreso, a plan for housing improvement. Beneficiaries of the urbanization of Isla Colón will be exempt from paying for their homes.

The homeless crisis has hit the hardest in Panama city. The increase of natural disasters in the city affects the homeless population. Panama city has been receiving an increased amount of money since 2018, but very little has gone toward resolving the homeless crisis.

Looking Ahead

In conclusion, Panama’s housing crisis is a complex and multifaceted issue that underscores the broader challenges of poverty and inequality within the nation. Despite the significant economic benefits from the Panama Canal and recent government initiatives aimed at improving housing conditions, homelessness remains a pressing concern, particularly in urban areas like Panama City. The issue of homelessness is made worse by the lack of reliable data and the social inequalities that persist. Addressing this issue requires sustained and comprehensive efforts from the government, civil society and international partners to ensure that economic growth translates into tangible improvements in the living conditions of all Panamanians. As Panama navigates the post-COVID-19 era, prioritizing equitable development and inclusive policies will be crucial in tackling homelessness in Panama. 

– Matthew Mendives

Matthew is based in Colonia, NJ, USA and focuses on World News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr

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Poverty Among Migrants in Northern Ireland 

Migrants in Northern IrelandAccording to the 2021 Census, the number of migrants in Northern Ireland, which the census measures in terms of residents of Northern Ireland who were born outside of the United Kingdom and Ireland, increased from 81,500 people (4.5% of the total population) to 124,300 people (6.5% of the population) between 2011 and 2021. By comparison, that figure was only 1.5% in 2001. Overall, the statistics reveal a general trend of increasing diversity across various metrics including ethnicity and national origin, with the percentage of census respondents who self-identified as “white” decreasing from 99.2% in 2001 to 98.2% in 2011.

Data from the 2021 Census indicates that most migrants were born in the EU or other non-EU European countries, comprising 57% of all those born outside the U.K. or Ireland, with the remaining migrants coming primarily from the Middle East and North Africa.

Poverty in Migrant Communities

The Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF), an advocacy group from the U.K. that works to end poverty in the country, has found that recent migrants and minority ethnic groups are employed primarily in poorly paid jobs, even though many migrants are skilled and highly qualified. As a result, in work and child poverty rates are particularly high among minority and migrant populations.

The JRF report also points out that there is currently a concerning lack of data on the poverty rates and living standards among migrant communities in Northern Ireland, making it difficult to determine the exact extent of the disparity. However, JRF was able to rely upon small-scale surveys to paint a general picture of the unique challenges that migrant communities in Northern Ireland are facing. Its findings indicate that minority ethnic groups tend to earn below the average wage, even when compared to other low-grade employees. Underemployment and lack of access to social security benefits are also challenges, and language barriers, racism and lack of training often pose barriers to career advancement.

Government Policies Addressing Migrant Poverty

Despite the challenges that migrant communities in Northern Ireland are facing, there have been important policies that have helped combat these issues. The 1970 Prevention of Incitement to Hatred Act imposes penalties for hate speech and the spreading of falsehoods that incite hatred on the basis of religion, race, ethnicity or national origin.

More recently, Northern Ireland has implemented its 2015 – 2025 Racial Equality Strategy, which establishes a framework for addressing economic inequalities for racial and ethnic minorities. While JFR has cautioned that these policy measures do little to concretely address the issues facing migrants and minorities, they do function as important awareness-raising mechanisms.

Non-Profit Efforts to Mitigate Migrant Poverty

The non-profit sector has also mobilized to provide support for migrants in Northern Ireland. Established in 2002, the Northern Ireland Community of Refugees and Asylum Seekers (NICRAS) is a refugee-led community coalition that seeks to support migrant communities by providing social services, educational opportunities and English classes. Other organizations, such as the Migrant Centre NI, established in 2010, focus on advocacy, lobbying and policy reform.

While migrants in Northern Ireland continue to face many challenges, a network of government and non-profit organizations are working to ensure that migrants have access to the resources, social services and economic opportunities that will allow them to make Northern Ireland their home.

– Josephine Koch

Josephine is based in New York, NY, USA and focuses on World News for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Flickr