A closer look at the costs of military intervention versus the benefits of foreign aid provides insight into why humanitarian assistance trumps military intervention.
The Costs of Conflict, Violence and Military Intervention
In March 2011, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) led a multi-state coalition in response to conflict escalation in Libya. To curb violence and human rights violations in line with the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ norm, NATO created a no-fly zone followed by air strikes. According to a 2012 Reuters report, NATO coordinated “26,000 sorties including some 9,600 strike missions and destroyed about 5,900 targets before operations ended on October 31.”
To terminate the rule of Saddam Hussein and abolish weapons of mass destruction, U.S. forces began the invasion of Iraq in 2003. The U.S. saw success as troops captured Hussein and the last U.S. troops exited Iraq in December 2011. The nine-year conflict cost the U.S. Treasury $800 billion and led to more than “4,700 U.S. and allied troop deaths” along with the deaths of more than 100,000 Iraqi people, highlighting the human and material costs of military intervention and war.
Kosovo was once a province of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which currently consists of today’s two states, Serbia and Montenegro. The Kosovo crisis escalated in early 1998 upon Kosovo’s desire for sovereign autonomy from Yugoslavia. With Kosovo’s mixed population of Albanians and Serbs, clashes between the ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs took place and the Yugoslav government took a firm stance against the Kosovo Liberation Army, a rebel Albanian group. The crisis led to displacement and death, prompting NATO’s intervention.
Libya (March 2011-October 2011)
While the total scope of collateral damage remains unacknowledged, Human Rights Watch reported 72 civilian casualties as a result of aerial strikes that NATO carried out in Libya in 2011. The number of internally displaced persons fluctuated throughout the intervention period, and by late 2011, the number stood at a minimum of 154,000 people, highlighting the profound implications of military intervention on human welfare.
A month after the intervention ended, The New York Times carried out investigations in Libya’s capital of Tripoli along with several other sites and findings show ramifications on civilian infrastructure. The airstrikes led to the destruction of residential and commercial buildings and many people suffered injuries, unable to access health care amid a chaotic political atmosphere.
However, the benefits of foreign aid outweighed military intervention as it helped restore social and economic order within Libya during and following the crisis. Since 2011, USAID has facilitated the delivery of social services, development and humanitarian support in Libya in an investment valued at more than $900 million.
For instance, in June 2011, to “build an inclusive and peaceful democratic future that reflects the will and needs of the Libyan people,” USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives allocated $12.2 million. The program goals included conversations to unite together Libya’s community leaders in creating “strategies to mitigate conflict and promote reconciliation” and public outreach initiatives to keep locals up-to-date on information about Libya’s transition process.
In 2012, USAID provided grants to build a computer center in the Mafqood Center for Missing Persons “where families from all sides of the conflict will receive training on advocacy using social networking and online media.” According to USAID, the center’s goal is to stand as “a sanctuary for families to seek solace and comfort” as well as “a platform from which the families can form a unified voice to tackle the legal and social issues they face.”
Iraq (2003-2011)
The U.S. military invasion led to several human rights violations as detailed in the accounts of abuse and torture in the Abu Ghraib prison, a U.S. army detention center that housed around 3,800 detainees from 2003 to 2006. Graphic photos of males and females show acts of torture, humiliation and assault. This led to charges against 11 U.S. military authorities, according to CNN.
Through the Iraq Relief and Reconstruction Fund, U.S. Congress allocated $2.5 billion in 2003 to ease acute suffering in areas relevant to food security, water and health care. Later that year, an additional $18.4 billion went toward general reconstruction projects. By February 2006, Congress distributed $10.5 billion of the $18.4 billion for “security, economic and political” initiatives. The economic benefit of such foreign aid is visible in the nation’s gross domestic product, which rose from “$18.9 billion in 2002 to $33.1 billion in 2005,” signifying an improved standard of living.
Kosovo Crisis (1998-1999)
NATO nations endured a cost of £2.5 billion over 78 days while dispersing “more than 23,000 bombs and missiles” in Kosovo. On the first day of the conflict alone, NATO “launched more than £44.4 [million] worth of weapons” against Yugoslavia’s military bases. In total, the Kosovo war and reparation thereafter cost £31.67 billion, around two-thirds of which went toward rebuilding Serbia/Kosovo.
Already suffering from international sanctions, Yugoslavia endured economic shocks with the nation losing 44% of its industrial production. NATO bombings are reported to have set back Yugoslavia by as much as 20 years, with economic costs amounting to $100 billion, as Yugoslav officials reported in 1999.
However, foreign aid assisted in Kosovo’s recovery and economic development. For instance, since 1999, USAID committed itself to the reconstruction of Kosovo in investments totaling more than $1 billion.
Multilateral donors collected around $2 billion in a donors meeting held in 1999 to aid humanitarian support and reconstruction. The benefit of economic reconstruction in Kosovo is visible in its GDP, rising to $9.01 billion in 2021, according to World Bank data, from $1.85 billion in 2000.
Overall, the benefits of foreign aid outweighed the costs of military intervention in conflicts occurring in countries like Libya, Iraq and Kosovo, especially considering the heightened economic and human loss associated with military interventions.
– Noor Al-Zubi
Photo: Unsplash
Microfinance in Mexico Helps Women Escape Poverty
Microfinance is a form of banking that provides financial support to those who would not normally have access to conventional types of financial services, due to reasons such as unemployment and poverty. Microfinance also provides access to important financial tools such as insurance, funds and savings. According to a 2016 research article by Subhabrata Bobby Banerjee and others, microfinance “aims to alleviate poverty by providing the poor new opportunities for entrepreneurship. It also aims to promote empowerment (especially among women) while enhancing social capital in poor communities.” Although microfinancing has also led to negative outcomes for communities, when implemented responsibly, microfinance has significant poverty reduction potential. In particular, microfinance in Mexico has the potential to empower women and reduce gender inequality.
Microfinance in Mexico
As it stands, Mexico falls behind in relation to financial inclusion. In Mexico, only 37% of adult citizens have bank accounts and only 32% have engaged in digital payment transactions. Access to a bank account provides individuals with the opportunity to use microfinance services. The World Bank outlines how Mexico’s current microfinance system is lagging behind countries at a similar level of development: “credit to the private nonfinancial sector was just 42% of GDP, far below the 143% average for emerging markets worldwide” in 2019.
Poverty and Gender Inequality in Mexico
According to the World Bank, almost 42% of people in Mexico lived under the national poverty line in 2018, equating to 52.4 million people. In some areas of Mexico, poverty is significantly high — in 2018, Chiapas, home to large numbers of Indigenous people, noted a poverty rate of almost 80%.
Gender equality also plays a role in poverty. Unemployment rates for women in Mexico are greater than those of men and pay for the same work is on average 22% less for women than men, according to a 2018 article by The Conversation.
Microfinance in Mexico can reduce poverty among women by providing the financial support required to decrease the gender inequality gap. Providing more access to microfinance for women and educating women on how to use microfinance most effectively is important. For example, a survey utilizing a hypothetical microcredit situation found that Mexican women would only invest about 6% of the money received through microfinance. To promote long-term growth in Mexico, this investment rate would need to increase considerably. This highlights the importance of providing more financial education.
Mexico’s Urban-Rural Divide
Poverty in Mexico is amplified by the government’s poor provision of infrastructure and education. This has resulted in a large urban-rural inequality gap in education and wealth, especially for women in these rural areas.
There is an 8% difference in access to bank accounts by men and women in Mexico. This exacerbates the gender inequality gap as men have higher rates of access to financial institutions than women do. On top of this, 90% of the credit goes to urban areas despite more than 20% of adult Mexicans residing in rural parts of Mexico. Without aiming for financial inclusion among marginalized groups, these new financial institutions may exacerbate poverty in Mexico.
How Microcredit Can Help
Banco Compartamos is leading the way in expanding microfinance in Mexico. More importantly, Banco Compartamos is making its financial services accessible to all regions and populations, including low-income groups and women. Women account for as much as 88% of the institute’s clients in Mexico. Banco Compartamos empowers women with the financial tools necessary to achieve financial independence and explore female entrepreneurship opportunities. Not only does Banco Compartamos strive for financial inclusion but it also promotes financial literacy through initiatives to empower communities to make better financial decisions.
Banco Compartamos currently has 180 branches in 29 Mexican states. This demonstrates the bank’s goal of being accessible to all in Mexico. The institution noted 2.6 million clients in Mexico by July 2020.
To accelerate the financial inclusion of marginalized populations, such as women and people in rural areas, the Mexican government launched the 2020–2024 National Financial Inclusion Policy (PNIF). One of the goals of this policy is for 77% of Mexican adults to have “at least one financial product” by 2024 and for more than 90% of Mexican municipalities to have “at least one financial access point” by 2024, the World Bank reported.
By expanding access to microfinance in Mexico, marginalized groups, such as women, can access financial resources to help them rise out of poverty. In turn, this will reduce the gender inequality gap and help expand the Mexican economy through the economic contributions of women in the form of entrepreneurship, increased consumption rates and more.
– Reuben Cochrane
Photo: Flickr
Filipino Remittance Brings Billions to the Philippines
Each year, millions of global emigrants from the Philippines send billions of dollars in aid back home. Even in 2020 – a year of notable economic turmoil, Filipinos leveraged low fees and favorable currency exchanges, sending nearly $35 billion in remittances. Currently, the Philippines is ranked fourth in the world by money received from overseas, just behind India, China and Mexico. Filipino remittance is a large boon for many facing poverty in the Philippines. Throughout the pandemic, more than 2 million Filipinos fell into poverty, raising the poverty rate to 18.1%. During this period, severe job loss occurred, along with a sharp decline in tourism and a rapid rise in inflation. Even the number of workers going overseas decreased, placing more pressure on Filipinos already established and working around the globe.
Now, Filipinos continue to look to family living outside of the Philippines for support as the country attempts to recover from the pandemic.
A Brief History of Remittances in the Philippines
Though the roots of Filipino labor migration go back to the 17th century, the Filipino government began supporting the practice in the 1970s. At that time, rising oil prices were creating economic problems in the Philippines. However, the oil-rich Gulf countries needed workers to build infrastructure. The Philippine government established an overseas workers program with these countries to make use of the nation’s excess laborers.
During this period, it was men working in construction that made up the majority of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). However, women soon took the lead. They rose to prominence as the demand for teachers, nurses, domestic workers and entertainers increased.
OFWs commonly send money from their paychecks back home to family, becoming a significant part of the Philippine economy. The World Bank has noted that remittance started at 1.5% of the nation’s GDP in 1977 and has risen since, peaking at 12.8% in 2005. In response to the growth of Filipino remittance, some Philippine businesses, like LBC Express, opened storefronts around the world to help OFWs send money and goods directly back home.
In recent years, the Philippine government has decreased programs encouraging citizens to work outside of the country. The government said it wants the decision to work abroad to be a choice instead of a necessity. Regardless, Filipino remittance remains high.
Filipino Remittance in the Modern Day
Remittance remains a strong part of the Philippine economy — most recently making up 9.6% of the nation’s GDP in 2020. However, the geographic concentration of workers sending money home has shifted to the West. In 2020, Filipinos living in the United States sent the most money back to the Philippines. Remittances from workers in the Gulf countries dropped by as much as 36% from their 2015 peak.
Yen Osborne, a moderator of the Facebook group “Filipino Community in Illinois,” spoke with The Borgen Project about her thoughts on remittance and its role within her online community. “It’s a great benefit to the families attending their financial needs,” Osborne said. According to her, it is normal for Filipinos to send a monthly allowance to their families living in the Philippines using a variety of online services and bank-to-bank transfers.
Osborne also raised concerns about the negative effects of people in the Philippines becoming reliant on remittances. “The bad side is people are getting lazy knowing they have a family member who sends them monthly [money],” Osborne said. At the same time, with exception of the pandemic, the Philippines’ economic growth has risen. According to the World Bank, the Philippines’ average economic growth increased to 6.4% in 2019, while foreign remittance in the country’s GDP grew to 9.3%.
Osborne concluded that remittance is ultimately a positive part of Filipino life. For her, it’s a part of “Filipino culture where we help our families.”
– Ryan Morton
Photo: Flickr
How Waste Pickers in Bogota Fought for Rights and Recognition
In 1950s Columbia, during the 10-year Civil War known as “La Violencia,” masses of people were fleeing violence in the countryside in favor of cities. Many of these rural refugees fled to the capital city of Bogota, sitting on a plateau in the center of Columbia.
With no other way of sustaining themselves, many migrants began to roam the rolling hills of trash in open-air landfills. These waste pickers in Bogota would collect bottles, cans and metal that they could sell to recycling warehouses. Scavenging the dumpsites with bulging bags of recyclables slung over their shoulders, these migrants worked long and hard hours to make a meager living, keeping themselves from absolute poverty.
The Waste Picker’s Struggle
For decades, these waste pickers in Bogota, known as “recicladores,” collected, sorted, packaged and recycled the city’s waste as informal workers. Aside from the job being extremely difficult, it was also dangerous, with risks of infection or sickness from the waste they collected.
Recicladores also faced discrimination and hindrance from policy structures. Waste collection and management became privatized in Bogota in the 80s, and people were beginning to see landfills as a health concern. As a result, the open-air dumpsites that had been their livelihoods closed in favor of new sanitation facilities. The city did not consider how these changes would affect the waste-picking population, as recicladores had to leave the homes they had built in the wastelands and descended further into poverty.
The discrimination they faced stood in opposition to the good they do for the city. Today, waste pickers in Bogota prevent 1,200 tons of waste from going to landfills per day. They organize the waste into recyclables, which also provide a valuable service to local businesses. Despite their value to the community, the average waste picker in Bogota makes only $3.41 per day.
The Fight for Rights and Recognition
However, waste pickers in Bogota refused to accept poverty as their reality. Bogota’s waste pickers are distinct in their predilection for strong, centralized worker organizations. In particular, the Asociación Cooperativa de Recicladores de Bogotá (ARB) represents roughly 1,800 waste pickers in the city and has been fighting for their rights for decades.
Since its inception, ARB and the communities it represents have experienced success on many levels. In 2011, Columbia’s Constitutional Court ruled that waste pickers had a special protection status by the state. Therefore, state authorities had an obligation to protect them as well as help them overcome the poverty and sicknesses that they are susceptible to. The Constitutional Court ruling also ensured that waste pickers have safe access to the recyclable waste material essential to their work.
However, their success didn’t end there. In 2016, the government passed a legal framework for fully formalizing the work of waste pickers. That same year, workers were able to secure additional compensation from the city in the form of payments between $50 and $170 per month – doubling or even tripling their normal wage.
Columbia is the only country in Latin America that has formally recognized the rights of its waste pickers. This was a direct result of the advocacy that waste pickers did for themselves, which led to the protection and improvement of their livelihoods.
– Grace Ramsey
Photo: Flickr
The Bioceanic Road Corridor in Latin America
Paraguay is a landlocked country with neglected transportation infrastructure. The inner portion of Paraguay in particular contains very few paved roads. In fact, the entirety of Paraguay contains 9,300 miles of paved roads, primarily on the outer edges of the country. For comparison, California, which is roughly the same size as Paraguay, contains 396,540 miles of paved roads.
The inland of Paraguay is incredibly difficult to traverse in its current state, with hundreds of miles of swamp, savannah and scrub, called the Gran Chaco. Traveling through the country with large vehicles, such as semi-trailer trucks, is nearly impossible. One truck driver noted that driving from the industrial city of Loma Plata to Carmelo Peralta, a mere 165 miles away, could take up to 12 hours, primarily on dirt roads. If it rained, the truck could end up stuck in the mud for days. This made transport across Paraguay a logistical disaster. Export of goods to non-local markets was incredibly difficult and expensive. However, this may soon be a worry of the past. The Paraguay government has constructed 1,864 miles of paved roads since 2018. More importantly, it began construction on its portion of the Bioceanic Road Corridor in 2019.
Bioceanic Road Corridor
The Bioceanic Road Corridor is a dual-carriage motorway that will stretch east to west from Chile, through Argentina and Paraguay, and end in Brazil. The four countries have long discussed this plan but Paraguay is finally putting it into action. Paraguay’s section of the road will stretch 338 miles. Additionally, this project plans to implement rail and fiber optic connections from Chile to Brazil. Thanks to the corridor, the stretch of road between Loma Plata to Carmelo Peralta now only takes four hours to traverse.
Impact on Paraguay
The completion of the Bioceanic Road Corridor will revolutionize trade for Paraguay. The primary stretch of road will travel across the country, with a large bridge from Carmelo Peralta to Brazil over the Apa River. Simultaneously, the Trans-Chaco Highway running north to south will widen and improve. Before this project began, shipping goods was very costly. Now, the country will have access to the Pacific ports of Chile and the Atlantic ports of Brazil. The hope is that this corridor will allow Paraguayan goods to enter the booming Asian market. Expectations have determined that, upon the completion of the corridor, agricultural producers in the southern cone of Paraguay will save an average of 14 days and $1,000 per container shipment.
Not only will trade improve but day-to-day life in Paraguay will also see benefits. Getting to the hospital from the Chaco will be far easier with these newly paved roads. In addition, an increase in the transport industry should create hundreds of regional jobs.
Issues
While the Bioceanic Road Corridor will have plenty of benefits, some issues may arise from the construction of such a large road through the Chaco. Of course, there are worries about deforestation in the Chaco leading to the loss of biodiversity. To counter this, the government plans for the corridor to include 15 underpasses for wildlife. Furthermore, some believe this investment would be better placed in the hands of the small agricultural producers that make up 20% of Paraguay’s GDP.
Despite these concerns, Paraguay’s future looks brighter with the implementation of the corridor. The corridor should lead to an increase in trade, the creation of more jobs and the saving of thousands of hours of manpower. Additionally, the quality of life of those living in the Chaco should improve. As of right now, the Bioceanic Road Corridor looks to be the new Silk Road for those in Paraguay.
– Benjamin Brown
Photo: Flickr
The Two-Month Truce Extension in Yemen
Warring factions announced a two-month truce extension in Yemen to a ceasefire agreement. The previous peace agreement expired on August 2, 2022. This is now the longest period of non-conflict during the seven-year war between the Saudi-backed Yemeni government and rebel Houthi forces. However, mistrust between the two sides runs deep. The Saudi coalition and the Houthi rebels are both accused of war crimes that violate international law.
Yemeni civilians in extreme poverty suffer the most from this violence. The extent of civilian causalities is severe. Conservative estimates from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) claim that Saudi-led airstrikes killed more than 12,600 confirmed noncombatants. The U.N. Development Program estimates that almost 60% of deaths during the conflict come from a lack of food and water, as well as extremely limited health care services.
Humanitarian Concerns
Yemen continues to experience one of the worst humanitarian crises in recent history. Basic government services are not available due to the circumstances of war and around 80% of the population needs support. The price of petrol and food skyrocketed as a result of rising global prices. While a temporary truce is in place, food insecurity and disease susceptibility continue to plague Yemeni civil society.
De-facto blockades limiting the freedom of movement exacerbate humanitarian concerns. Saudi Arabia blocked the flow of resources into the capital Sanaa, which Houthi forces controlled. Access to roads connecting the rest of the country, as well as the contested region of Taiz, is limited, further intensifying the struggle for food security.
These issues remained divisive during previous periods of peace. Houthi leaders accuse the Saudi coalition of not delivering the agreed number of petrol shipments into the Hodeidah port. However, the Saudi coalition blames the Houthis for not reopening roads in the Taiz region.
Prospects for Peace
While the two-month truce extension in Yemen puts a bandage over the bleeding, there must be an international effort to bring sustainable peace to Yemen. Previous international efforts to end the conflict in Yemen failed to bring sustainable peace. The 2018 Stockholm Agreement prevented a battle for the port city of Hodeidah but fell short of creating a joint committee to de-escalate violence in Taiz.
With the announcement of a peace extension, the United States reopened the sale of weapons to the Saudi coalition. The Biden Administration previously halted the sale of U.S. manufactured military support for the aerial bombardment of Yemen. However, Washington approved a $3.5 billion sale of advanced Patriot ballistic missiles to Saudi Arabia and a $2.24 billion Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile system for the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
While the Biden Administration claims these deals are for defensive purposes only, the stockpiling of weapons by Riyadh during periods of non-conflict does not fare well for sustainable peace. These deals only deepen distrust between the warring sides.
Outside Interference Exacerbates War in Yemen
Different neighboring countries are also prolonging the conflict in Yemen. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Iran inserted themselves into the war. The military capacity of these countries amplifies the scale of human causalities. Before the recent truce agreements, the Saudi coalition’s indiscriminate aerial campaign devastated Yemen’s infrastructure and killed thousands of civilians.
Iran is a known backer of the Houthi rebels. While experts claim that Tehran’s influence over Houthi leadership is exaggerated, there is certainly communication and collaboration between leadership circles that share similar geopolitical ambitions. Yemen is now the site of Iran and the Gulf’s contest for authority in the Middle East.
An International Commitment to Sustainable Peace is Necessary for a Resolution in Yemen
The two-month truce extension in Yemen announced on August 2, 2022 delays Yemen’s suffering for the immediate future. However, blockades and limitations on movement, as well as high gas and food prices, exacerbate the humanitarian crisis in the country. There needs to be a sustainable peace resolution to begin rebuilding Yemen and address the pressing issues of mass poverty and hunger.
Previous international efforts to bring peace to Yemen failed to make an impact on the ground. Washington’s recommitment to weapon sales to Saudi Arabia and the UAE is harmful to negotiations. World leaders must reconvene on the conflict in Yemen and truly commit to a resolution that will bring sustainable peace.
– Samson Heyer
Photo: Flickr
Always Works to End Period Poverty in Jamaica
The feminine hygiene product brand, Always, is addressing period poverty in Jamaica for the fourth year in a row. By providing thousands of girls with sanitary pads, Always works to end period poverty in Jamaica.
About Period Poverty
Period poverty, or the lack of access to menstrual products and hygiene facilities, is a public health crisis that is currently affecting about 500 million women worldwide as of 2021. As of 2017, according to the World Bank, around 19.3% of people in Jamaica live below the poverty line. According to a study that Shelly-Ann Weeks conducted through the HerFlow Foundation, 44% of girls in Jamaica suffer from period poverty and have to go without sanitary supplies for months at a time.
Aside from the obvious implications, girls in Jamaica are ending up at a major disadvantage due to their lack of access to period products. Many girls facing period poverty miss as much as a week of school per month, causing their grades to drop and their self-esteem to dwindle. Girls facing period poverty suffer from the psychological impacts of feeling inferior and of lower status as a result of a basic biological process. This shame and guilt among teenagers can affect them well into womanhood. The inability to properly care for their bodies puts girls at risk for health issues that many in Jamaica cannot afford to treat, such as reproductive and urinary tract infections.
Period Poverty and COVID-19
Although period poverty is a historically taboo issue, the world has put the problem on the back burner during the past two years due to other issues deemed more urgent, stemming from COVID-19. The hotel and restaurant industries in Jamaica endured hard hits when tourism came to a halt in 2020 as the tourism sector laid off as many as 50,000 employees. In a country where many have lived in poverty since before the onset of the pandemic, this hit only worsened people’s living conditions and made basic products, such as feminine hygiene products, even less accessible.
How Always Works to End Period Poverty in Jamaica
Always acknowledges the timeliness of this campaign, as many families have lost their jobs and are struggling to put food on the table, never mind purchasing sanitary pads. As Always continues to work to end period poverty in Jamaica, it set a goal for 2022 to donate more than 200,000 sanitary pads to 14 schools in 14 different parishes throughout Jamaica. From the beginning of March 2022 to June 2022, Always ran a period poverty campaign where, for every Always product purchase by a consumer, the company will make a direct donation to a female in need.
Always is working in conjunction with the HerFlow Foundation, the country’s leading enterprise in addressing the stigma around menstruation and ending period poverty. Volunteers at the HerFlow Foundation will ensure that the Always product donations make their way to the designated schools. Various social media influencers from Jamaica have agreed to help expand the campaign and educate people about the issue and how they can help make a difference.
Looking Ahead
While Always is working to end period poverty in Jamaica, the fight will not end with just one effort. Girls will continue to turn to harmful alternatives for feminine hygiene products and will remain unable to learn and socialize as a result of period poverty. Amid its recovery from the impacts of COVID-19, Jamaica is still not equipped to provide access to sanitary products to every girl in need. In order to preserve girls’ confidence and health in the most basic of ways, it is vital that companies and organizations continue prioritizing access to menstrual products for young girls in Jamaica.
– Ava Lombardi
Photo: Unsplash
The Costs of Military Intervention Versus the Benefits of Foreign Aid
A closer look at the costs of military intervention versus the benefits of foreign aid provides insight into why humanitarian assistance trumps military intervention.
The Costs of Conflict, Violence and Military Intervention
In March 2011, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) led a multi-state coalition in response to conflict escalation in Libya. To curb violence and human rights violations in line with the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ norm, NATO created a no-fly zone followed by air strikes. According to a 2012 Reuters report, NATO coordinated “26,000 sorties including some 9,600 strike missions and destroyed about 5,900 targets before operations ended on October 31.”
To terminate the rule of Saddam Hussein and abolish weapons of mass destruction, U.S. forces began the invasion of Iraq in 2003. The U.S. saw success as troops captured Hussein and the last U.S. troops exited Iraq in December 2011. The nine-year conflict cost the U.S. Treasury $800 billion and led to more than “4,700 U.S. and allied troop deaths” along with the deaths of more than 100,000 Iraqi people, highlighting the human and material costs of military intervention and war.
Kosovo was once a province of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which currently consists of today’s two states, Serbia and Montenegro. The Kosovo crisis escalated in early 1998 upon Kosovo’s desire for sovereign autonomy from Yugoslavia. With Kosovo’s mixed population of Albanians and Serbs, clashes between the ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs took place and the Yugoslav government took a firm stance against the Kosovo Liberation Army, a rebel Albanian group. The crisis led to displacement and death, prompting NATO’s intervention.
Libya (March 2011-October 2011)
While the total scope of collateral damage remains unacknowledged, Human Rights Watch reported 72 civilian casualties as a result of aerial strikes that NATO carried out in Libya in 2011. The number of internally displaced persons fluctuated throughout the intervention period, and by late 2011, the number stood at a minimum of 154,000 people, highlighting the profound implications of military intervention on human welfare.
A month after the intervention ended, The New York Times carried out investigations in Libya’s capital of Tripoli along with several other sites and findings show ramifications on civilian infrastructure. The airstrikes led to the destruction of residential and commercial buildings and many people suffered injuries, unable to access health care amid a chaotic political atmosphere.
However, the benefits of foreign aid outweighed military intervention as it helped restore social and economic order within Libya during and following the crisis. Since 2011, USAID has facilitated the delivery of social services, development and humanitarian support in Libya in an investment valued at more than $900 million.
For instance, in June 2011, to “build an inclusive and peaceful democratic future that reflects the will and needs of the Libyan people,” USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives allocated $12.2 million. The program goals included conversations to unite together Libya’s community leaders in creating “strategies to mitigate conflict and promote reconciliation” and public outreach initiatives to keep locals up-to-date on information about Libya’s transition process.
In 2012, USAID provided grants to build a computer center in the Mafqood Center for Missing Persons “where families from all sides of the conflict will receive training on advocacy using social networking and online media.” According to USAID, the center’s goal is to stand as “a sanctuary for families to seek solace and comfort” as well as “a platform from which the families can form a unified voice to tackle the legal and social issues they face.”
Iraq (2003-2011)
The U.S. military invasion led to several human rights violations as detailed in the accounts of abuse and torture in the Abu Ghraib prison, a U.S. army detention center that housed around 3,800 detainees from 2003 to 2006. Graphic photos of males and females show acts of torture, humiliation and assault. This led to charges against 11 U.S. military authorities, according to CNN.
Through the Iraq Relief and Reconstruction Fund, U.S. Congress allocated $2.5 billion in 2003 to ease acute suffering in areas relevant to food security, water and health care. Later that year, an additional $18.4 billion went toward general reconstruction projects. By February 2006, Congress distributed $10.5 billion of the $18.4 billion for “security, economic and political” initiatives. The economic benefit of such foreign aid is visible in the nation’s gross domestic product, which rose from “$18.9 billion in 2002 to $33.1 billion in 2005,” signifying an improved standard of living.
Kosovo Crisis (1998-1999)
NATO nations endured a cost of £2.5 billion over 78 days while dispersing “more than 23,000 bombs and missiles” in Kosovo. On the first day of the conflict alone, NATO “launched more than £44.4 [million] worth of weapons” against Yugoslavia’s military bases. In total, the Kosovo war and reparation thereafter cost £31.67 billion, around two-thirds of which went toward rebuilding Serbia/Kosovo.
Already suffering from international sanctions, Yugoslavia endured economic shocks with the nation losing 44% of its industrial production. NATO bombings are reported to have set back Yugoslavia by as much as 20 years, with economic costs amounting to $100 billion, as Yugoslav officials reported in 1999.
However, foreign aid assisted in Kosovo’s recovery and economic development. For instance, since 1999, USAID committed itself to the reconstruction of Kosovo in investments totaling more than $1 billion.
Multilateral donors collected around $2 billion in a donors meeting held in 1999 to aid humanitarian support and reconstruction. The benefit of economic reconstruction in Kosovo is visible in its GDP, rising to $9.01 billion in 2021, according to World Bank data, from $1.85 billion in 2000.
Overall, the benefits of foreign aid outweighed the costs of military intervention in conflicts occurring in countries like Libya, Iraq and Kosovo, especially considering the heightened economic and human loss associated with military interventions.
– Noor Al-Zubi
Photo: Unsplash
The Potential of Nuclear Energy in Uganda
Uganda is a landlocked country located in East Africa. Poised to be a significant oil-producing country, Uganda has an estimated 6.5 billion barrels worth of oil reserves in its territory as of 2014. Nevertheless, Uganda’s government is looking to diversify its energy portfolio by investing in nuclear energy in Uganda. In doing so, Uganda could set a precedent for the future where sub-Saharan Africa derives significant power from nuclear energy.
Support From the International Community
On July 26, 2022, Uganda formally asked Russia for assistance in developing nuclear power plants in the country. The current president of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, has stated that developing nuclear power within Uganda is one of his biggest priorities as he believes it is the best way to bring electrical power to the 41% of Ugandan people living in extreme poverty, according to 2019 data. Because Uganda has vast uranium deposits, developing nuclear energy in Uganda is not preposterous as African countries such as Nigeria, with fewer uranium resources than Uganda, have developed plans to create nuclear power plants.
Along with gaining the help of the Russian Federation, Uganda has received significant support from China. On May 11, 2018, Uganda signed a memorandum of understanding with the China National Nuclear Corporation to help Uganda build the capacity to use atomic power for peaceful energy-related purposes. With both Russia and China looking to bring nuclear energy to Uganda, Uganda could set a precedent for other sub-Saharan nations to receive international help in developing nuclear-based energy infrastructure.
The Potential of Sub-Saharan Africa
While Uganda is not the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to receive international help in developing infrastructure, it is unique in being one of the only countries in the region to receive aid specifically for nuclear power. The only others are Kenya and South Africa.
Uganda could set a precedent in the type of infrastructure development that countries in sub-Saharan Africa receive through the development of the nation’s own nuclear facility. Since international powers such as China have already spent a great deal of time and money on developing transportation infrastructure in Africa, these countries now need a source of energy to power the vehicles using the transportation infrastructure.
After Uganda received help from Russia and China to build a nuclear power plant, many other sub-Saharan African nations developed energy-based initiatives of their own. For example, for years now, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has discussed plans for the Grand Inga hydroelectric power project that would supply energy to millions of people along the Congo River. In June 2021, the Congolese government chose “Australia’s Fortescue Metals Group to develop all six phases of the Grand Inga hydroelectric power project,” African Energy reported.
Developing a nuclear power plant in Uganda could set a precedent for other sizeable renewable energy projects in sub-Saharan Africa. Countries generally reliant on fossil fuels to produce energy are now investing large amounts of money in harvesting power from more renewable energy sources.
Looking Forward
By looking to nuclear power as a source of renewable energy to help electrify the nation, Uganda could inspire other sub-Saharan African nations to do the same. Considering that access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa stood at 48% in 2020, according to the World Bank, these initiatives hold significant importance.
Because the 2021-2022 global energy crisis is disproportionately affecting the region through increased oil and gas prices, the construction of renewable power plants, such as nuclear facilities In Uganda, could pave the way for a better future.
– Humzah Ahmad
Photo: Flickr
Hope for Malaria Eradication in the Caribbean
Malaria in today’s world is largely absent from the Caribbean due to the success of past eradication efforts. Despite this, total eradication in the Caribbean is not complete. The island of Hispaniola, which Haiti and the Dominican Republic shares, continues to combat the disease. In the 21st century, efforts focusing on the island have given hope that effective and complete elimination of the disease may be within reach. With the help of international allies, complete malaria eradication in the Caribbean is possible.
Understanding Malaria and Its Dangers
Malaria is a dangerous parasitic infection that humans can catch through female mosquito bites. Symptoms can manifest in various ways, such as fevers and muscle aches. Contracting the disease requires urgent medical care due to the severity of the illness. Symptoms can become extremely painful as they progress and, without treatment, malaria can result in death. While treatment can be effective, no vaccine currently exists against infection. This makes malaria an urgent issue that requires global action.
The dangers of malaria compound its impact on human health. The social and economic effects of malaria can be a major hindrance to a nation’s development. Pregnant women are one of the most vulnerable groups that malaria can affect. This threatens female attendance within education and hinders their participation in the general economy, thus widening the gender equality gap within affected nations such as Haiti or the Dominican Republic. The end result is that women are moving further into poverty.
A History of Malaria in the Caribbean
Malaria has existed across the globe for centuries with it being most prevalent in tropical regions. The Caribbean is no exception to this, however, there is some speculation regarding malaria’s introduction to the region. Theories have determined that malaria arrived in the Caribbean through European exploration of the Americas and the transatlantic slave trade. Epidemics continued to plague the entire region throughout the first half of the 20th century before widespread eradication efforts took hold.
Today, the World Health Organization’s Global Malaria Programme has placed a majority of the Caribbean nations on its certified list of malaria-free countries and territories. Programs such as this have supported malaria eradication in the Caribbean, while investments into health care systems have also helped the region get to where it is at now. These programs are typically a mixture of mass treatment as well as a targeted treatment for the most at-risk groups. As a result, Haiti and the Dominican Republic remain the last two countries within the Caribbean awaiting malaria eradication.
The Last Strong Hold
In 2004, the Dominican Republic was experiencing a rise in malaria cases. This came decades after most of the Caribbean had eliminated it. Reported infections rose by 31% that year alone. Due to the country being a major tourist destination, malaria affected many international visitors. At least 14 international tourists from Western Europe and North America contracted malaria during the spike. Although the risk to tourists remained low and still is to this day, the presence of the disease acts as a deterrent for potential visitors. The Dominican Republic relies heavily on tourist revenue, as do many of its island neighbors. This means that any threat to the industry could result in further impoverishment for the nation’s citizens.
Malaria has an even stronger albeit diminishing hold on neighboring Haiti. Haiti came close to eradicating malaria in 1968 through the Global Eradication Program. As a result, malaria’s presence within Haiti dropped to less than 1%. However, unfortunately, Haiti did not sustain its efforts to eliminate malaria due to a lack of funding and political instability. Haiti saw a rise in malaria cases in the 70s and the turmoil that Haiti’s 2010 earthquake caused further stifled efforts to combat the disease. The most recent statistics for 2020 showed a total of 22,987 cases in Haiti. Limited funds and natural disasters, among other political disturbances, have prevented malaria from being eliminated from the island of Hispaniola.
Solutions
Haiti’s National Malaria Control Program (NMCP), along with support from the U.S.-based CDC, has helped implement widespread testing as well as initiatives to control mosquito populations. These efforts have seen malaria cases in Haiti reduce by 50% since 2009. In 2015, the CDC worked with the Haitian government and researchers to collect blood samples and carry out surveys to identify activities that may be putting individuals at risk of catching malaria. The surveys encompassed approximately 20% of the population in Haiti’s Verrettes and La Chapelle communes. These efforts also extend across the island into the Dominican Republic.
The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) also began operations in Haiti in response to the 2010 earthquake. Rapid diagnostic testing has now become the main method of tracking the spread of malaria across Haiti. Malaria elimination in the Caribbean is now in sight due to international efforts and interventions. With continued help, total malaria eradication will be a reality.
– Bryce Mathurin Lindsay
Photo: Flickr
“Extraordinary Attorney Woo” Sheds Light on Disabilities in South Korea
The Korean drama, or K-Drama, “Extraordinary Attorney Woo,” reached both domestic and global popularity since its debut on June 29, 2022. Between July 25 and July 31, the drama noted more than 65.63 million streaming hours. This K-drama follows the life of an autistic genius, Woo Young-woo, as she juggles her career as a rookie attorney and faces discrimination in the workplace and her personal life. Slowly, as she tackles one case after another, her colleagues begin to accept her and her autism. “Extraordinary Attorney Woo” sheds light on an important issue in South Korea: Disabled people need more support.
Disabled People in South Korea
More than 2.6 million individuals (5%) of South Korea’s population in 2022 are registered as disabled people, but despite this large number, disabled people face persistent barriers and discrimination in transportation, schools and the workplace.
“Extraordinary Attorney Woo” particularly highlights the difficulties Woo endured while trying to secure employment and the discrimination she faced in the workplace. This is a reality for many disabled people in South Korea. Disabled people are also at a higher risk of poverty due to barriers in the workplace, such as a lack of disability facilities.
Although South Korea’s government aimed to increase fair work opportunities for disabled people, the employment rate among people with disabilities stood at 34.5% in 2019, which is significantly lower than South Korea’s national employment rate average of 60.9%. Inadequate accommodation for disabled people in the workplace, “such as wheelchair ramps and accessible toilets,” presents barriers to securing or maintaining employment, which is key to economic security. However, for a majority of disabled people, securing employment is limited due to a lack of disability-friendly facilities and structures.
Additionally, disabled people in South Korea also have limited access to education. Despite more than 98,000 students meeting the eligibility requirements for “special education” in 2021, less than 28% of them attended specialized schools for students with disabilities and the others studied in “special education classes” in traditional schools. However, disabled students in traditional schools are subject to “bullying and condescension.” Moreover, traditional school designs do not account for the needs of disabled students.
Progress for Disabled People in South Korea
“Extraordinary Attorney Woo” depicts a relatively more accepting work environment that is not far from reality. In 2017, 80% of disabled people reported facing discrimination, but in 2021, the figure has fallen to almost 66%. South Korea has made many leaps in progress to bring equality to disabled people.
Advocacy is key to bringing change for disabled people as protests and movements led the government to pass many pieces of legislation. For instance, the 2005 Act on Promoting Transportation Convenience for Mobility Disadvantaged Persons mandated the accommodation of disabled people in public transportation through special customizations. In 2007, through legislation, South Korea prohibited the discrimination of disabled persons.
Moreover, South Korea has law firms that have a disability as a practice area, allowing disabled people to secure their rights. Public interest law firms such as Gonggam, engage in and finance disability rights advocacy. Furthermore, the Korea Disability Law Association “published a manual on disability rights for lawyers and judges in 2013.” Such support for disabled people from institutions “bolsters policy implementation” and strengthens “disability-related governance.”
In the show, “Extraordinary Attorney Woo,” Woo stood as a harbinger of change as she made others realize their discriminatory perspectives. Similarly, self-advocacy by disabled people was pivotal in bringing change and expanding the rights of disabled people in South Korea. Although “Extraordinary Attorney Woo” highlights South Korea’s shortcomings in disability support, South Korea has been increasingly making progress in recognizing the rights of people with disabilities. With legal institutions and advocates stepping up, disabled people can participate in society more fully and rise up out of poverty.
– Samyukta Gaddam
Photo: Flickr