Archive for category: Global Poverty

Key articles and information on global poverty.

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Double Burden of Child Malnutrition in Indonesia

Child Malnutrition in IndonesiaIndonesian children suffered from the double burden of malnutrition in Indonesia even before the COVID-19 pandemic. The double burden of malnutrition refers to having both overnutrition and undernutrition simultaneously. The “minimum dietary diversity” of Indonesian children ages 12 to 23 months rapidly decreased from 81% in 2018 to 55% in 2022. The double burden of child malnutrition in Indonesia directly impacts a child’s physical and mental development and puts children at high risk of illnesses in the future. Diverse nutrient intake is a crucial aspect of a child’s development, therefore, children in Indonesia need immediate assistance.

Effects of COVID-19 on Undernutrition in Indonesia

The rapid spread of COVID-19 impacted the economic stability of households as businesses shut down and the unemployment rate increased. The socio-economic crisis that households faced at the onset of the pandemic reduced parents’ ability to provide adequate nutritious meals for their children. A household’s income status is directly related to a child’s nutrient intake.

A survey of 2,400 Indonesian households between December 2020 and January 2021 revealed that “at least one member of every two households” faced a job loss. In March 2022, Health Minister Budi Gunadi Sadikin reported that 25% of Indonesian children have endured stunting and 10% of Indonesian children suffers malnourishment. Furthermore, an estimated 45% of households could not feed their children nutritious foods, such as fish, meat and fruit, and had to resort to smaller portions of food, increasing the susceptibility to undernutrition.

Overweight and Obesity Rate in Indonesia

The COVID-19 pandemic also increased the number of overweight and obese children in Indonesia. Historically, the childhood obesity rate in Indonesia has been on the rise. Even before the pandemic, according to the 2018 national Basic Health Research Survey (RISKESDAS), about 20% of primary school-aged children and 14% of Indonesian adolescents are obese or overweight.

The COVID-19 pandemic reduced access to healthy food for children. Rather, many households opted for cheaper processed foods, which are generally unhealthy, high in fat, sugar, salt and lack nutrients. Besides the unhealthy food intake, restricted physical activities because of the social distancing put children at a higher risk of becoming overweight. The health risks of being overweight and obese are as severe as undernutrition as these conditions increase the risk of developing life-threatening non-communicable diseases like heart diseases and diabetes.

Response to Malnutrition in Indonesia

In 2022, UNICEF found that more than 75% of Indonesia’s health offices moved their budgets for nutrition services to address the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. The shift of budgetary focus to addressing the pandemic meant that the government had to divert resources and funding for child nutrition programs.

To strengthen food security and decrease child wasting and stunting by 14% before the onset of 2024, UNICEF provides “technical assistance to the Government of Indonesia.” National efforts to address the prevalence of stunting have been visible since 2020 under the National Mid-Term Development Plan 2020-2024.

In 2015, Indonesia joined the SUN Business Network (SBN), “the world’s leading private sector initiative focused on nutrition.” Within this network, the private sector mobilizes to achieve national nutrition goals “through education and fortified food products.” SBN Indonesia commits to three objectives:  “nutrition for the first 1,000 days and adolescence; providing education about, and access to, balanced nutrition; and sanitation, health and hygiene.”

Also, Indonesia is one of the 61 members represented in the Scaling up Nutrition (SUN) Movement, which started in 2010 as a collaborative effort by countries to end malnutrition in all its forms.

Fighting the double burden of child malnutrition in Indonesia has been a perennial issue for the nation. In 2022, UNICEF Executive Director Henrietta Fore noted the importance of addressing child undernutrition, “Poor nutrition intake in the first two years of life can irreversibly harm children’s rapidly growing bodies and brains.”

With both national and international efforts, the double burden of child malnutrition in Indonesia can improve.

– Youngwook Chun
Photo: Flickr

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Everything to Know About Poverty in Colombia

Poverty in Colombia
Despite its economic growth, with Colombia being the fourth-largest economy in Latin America as of 2021, the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated poverty in Colombia where the poverty rate in 2020 was 42.5%. However, with long-term trends toward declining poverty and better economic policies, there is hope for better living conditions in Colombia in the near future. Here is everything you need to know about poverty in Colombia as of 2022.

Quick Facts

  • In a population of 50.9 million, around 2.5 million people live on less than $1.90 as of 2019.
  • The poverty rate in 2021 was 39.3%, with a large gap between rural and urban poverty.
  • The Gini Index, a measure of inequality, is 51.3 as of 2019, according to the World Bank.
  • Annualized gross domestic product per capita growth is 1.02% from 2014 to 2019.

Factors Contributing to Poverty

When learning about poverty in Colombia, it is integral to note that it has a number of factors, including internal conflict, government policies, unequal distribution of land and more.

From the 1960s, Colombia engaged in a decades-long internal conflict between the government, paramilitary groups and antigovernment guerilla groups, which was funded primarily by the drug trade. Peacemaking efforts have been actively worked on since the 2000s and the Colombian government officially signed a peace deal with the main guerilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, in late 2016.

Many Colombians faced internal displacement due to the conflict when they had to abandon their homes and land due to threats to safety. Internally displaced people find it difficult to rebuild their assets and find stable housing or employment after they move, which often leads to living in poverty or extreme poverty. The World Bank estimates that Colombia still has around 5 million internally displaced people as of 2021.

During the conflict, paramilitary groups also seized large amounts of land from citizens, using it to fuel the drug trade. This had a disproportionate impact on the rural population — 18% of the total population as of 2021 — who still largely rely on agriculture, causing higher rates of poverty in the underdeveloped rural regions of Colombia.

Many accuse the Colombian government of pursuing a “pro-rich” model when it comes to the economy, according to Transnational Institute (TNI). Among these policies is an unregulated taxation system in which the wealthiest 20% contribute little in terms of tax revenue, despite receiving 55% of the country’s income in 2018. In addition, the government invested in international and private corporations as well as encouraging domestic export and international fair-trade agreements, leaving small-scale farmers vulnerable to price fluctuations and unable to compete with large agricultural operations.

Recent Trends

Despite these factors contributing to poverty, Colombia made significant improvements through other measures in the past two decades. According to the World Bank, Colombia worked on a debt management system, invested in the domestic market and improved policy coordination between various financial institutions in the country. The government also worked on better welfare programs, such as improving education outcomes as well as restoring land rights taken away during the conflict. The result of these efforts is steady economic growth and a long-term trend of declining inequality and poverty.

Although the COVID-19 pandemic initially disrupted this progress, Colombia’s economy recovered quickly due to its strong economic policy framework in place. Poverty decreased from 42.5% in 2020 to 39.3% in 2021 and extreme poverty is down from 15.1% to 12.2%.

New Challenges

Due to recent global economic trends and the Russia-Ukraine war, Colombia joins a host of Latin American countries grappling with rising inflation. The country experienced the highest rate of inflation in 21 years in April and food prices. The Russia-Ukraine war has disrupted the trade of wheat and fertilizer, which has contributed to food prices rising by 26%.

The United Nations Economic Commission on Latin America and the Caribbean expects another spike in Colombia’s poverty rate, meaning that as many as 880,000 people could enter poverty in 2022 — the largest impact of any Latin American country — due to the economic effects of the Russia-Ukraine War.

Hope for the Future

On June 19, Colombia elected President Gustavo Petro, its first leftist leader, who promised to tackle inequality and poverty in the country. His plans include the improvement of social programs, such as increasing access to higher education, revamping the health care system and more. Petro’s focus on Colombia’s socioeconomic inequalities has the potential for a path toward poverty reduction.

– Ramona Mukherji
Photo: Flickr

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Nollywood Film “The Oratory” Addresses Poverty

The Oratory
The Nigerian film industry, also known as Nollywood, is the second-largest film industry globally as of 2015, producing more than 1,000 films annually. The Nollywood Factory film “The Oratory,” in collaboration with the Salesians of Don Bosco, aims to raise awareness about the growing number of homeless children in Nigeria and inspire initiatives to bring about change.

The Film’s Mission

The Nollywood film “The Oratory” premiered on November 20, 2021, at the Filmhouse Cinemas in Lagos, the largest city in Nigeria with a little over 15 million people residing within the 452 square miles as of 2022. The movie follows an American-born priest who travels to Lagos where he tries to save homeless children trapped in a criminal network in the city. This is “the first Catholic movie from Nigeria” to highlight a topic like this.

The film’s executive producer, Dr. Cyril Odia, is a Nigerian Salesian priest who believes presenting these problems in the form of a movie will help raise awareness and garner more support. “The attempt of this movie is to call for action. As Salesians, we believe in faith in action. If we don’t multiply that effect and get more people to come on board, we can foresee that there is going to be a disaster.” The film producers also cast local children experiencing poverty and living in slums in an attempt to provide them with opportunities and hope to transform their lives.

Nigeria’s Street Children

With more than 250 ethnic groups and more than 500 languages spoken, Lagos is a cultural hub in West Africa. However, the city also struggles with major economic issues, and according to the World Bank, as of 2022, about four in 10 Nigerians live below the national poverty threshold. Tragically, children account for many impoverished persons as 42% of Nigeria’s population is younger than 15, says a 2022 article by The Conversation.

Homeless children in Nigeria are also known as “street children.” These children are pushed to live on the streets due to factors such as “poverty, neglect, abuse [and] domestic violence.” For survival, these children engage in child labor. Some steal and beg while others abuse substances. Children in these conditions join groups “for personal protection against gangs and law enforcement officials.” Unfortunately, the number of “street children” is rising despite calls for the Lagos State Department to invest in more housing accommodations and educational campaigns to raise awareness.

How Salesians Help Children in Nigeria

Salesians are followers of the Roman Catholic Church who dedicate their lives to helping underprivileged youth. This commitment is visible in Nigeria where Salesian missionaries have built schools and orphanages around the country and implemented efforts toward securing access to clean water and health services, among other efforts.

Responses From the World

On September 10, 2021, “The Oratory” premiered in Dublin to critics who praised the film and audiences who gave it a standing ovation. After watching the movie, Denise Onoise, a child protection specialist at the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), said the “movie aligns with the objectives of [UNICEF].” Onoise said that “[a]t UNICEF, we do partnerships like these even with ministries and government agencies. This is particularly interesting for us due to the work we had done in the past six years.”

In 2019, UNICEF collaborated with Salesians to open a juvenile justice center in a Salesian Immaculate Shelter in Togo to support the rehabilitation of minors who contravened the law. Foyer Don Bosco, a home in Benin that houses children victims of abandonment and abuse, released in a report on June 28, 2022, that it had received funding for clothing, food and other essential items from Salesian Missions.

A year after its release, the Nollywood film “The Oratory” continues to inspire the people of Lagos to fight harder for children living in poverty, and the Salesian effort to help only grows stronger.

– Yashavi Upasani
Photo: Flickr

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Addressing Child Poverty in Laos

Child Poverty in LaosLocated in the center of South-East Asia, Laos or Lao People’s Democratic Republic, is one of the poorest countries in Southeast Asia.  Nearly 23% of the total population of 7.2 million people in Laos are below the poverty line.  More than half of the population in Laos are under the age of 18 and they are severely impacted by poverty.  Besides the economic growth, the multidimensional deprivation in children is highly associated with the low levels of infrastructure and the heavy reliance on agricultural activities.  The children in poverty in Laos are impacted in various sectors such as nutrition, child labor and education. It’s important to be addressing child poverty in Laos and the numerous struggles that spawn from it.

Overview of Child Poverty in Laos

In Save the Children’s 2021 Global Childhood Report, Laos was ranked 143 of 186 countries on an index reflecting countries’ average levels of performance based on eight indicators related to child health, education, labor, marriage, childbirth and violence. According to the statistics from UNICEF in 2018, only 12% of children experience no deprivation while the other remaining children under 18 years are suffering from at least two deprivations in the areas of nutrition, health and education.

Food Insecurity

Widespread child malnutrition and food insecurity remain as persistent problems in Laos.  The World Food Program and Lao government ranked Laos 87th out of 177 countries on the 2019 Global Hunger Index.

In terms of food security, the share of the household experiencing severe food insecurity rose to 23% in May 2022.

Child Labor and Education

The report from Save the Children estimated that 28.2% of children aged five to 17 were involved in labor from 2015 to 2020

In 2021, Prime Minister Phankham cited that a low level of development in Laos correlates with the parents’ reliance on their children to help out with finances at home rather than getting an education. The main problem of early involvement in child labor leads to the lack of educational opportunities.  To elaborate, the 2019 Southeast Asia assessment of learning outcomes showed that fifth-grade students are not mastering the minimum proficiency level for the grade in terms of reading, writing and math skills.

Poverty in Laos is forcing children to drop out of school and participate in child labor to help their families.   In 2021, approximately 28% of children are engaged in child labor, instead of learning according to the Save The Children report. Although the Laos Law prohibits child employment under 14, numerous children are engaged in various forms of labor.

Because of the devastating poverty situation, most of the parents in Laos do not see the importance of education and instead encourage their children to participate in physical labor to amend their financial struggle.  According to an official from the Education Department in Sekong province, students aged 10 to 12 from rural areas often quit school or only attend classes two or three days a week. The lack of infrastructure in the education sector and low government spending has aggravated the situation of the children in poverty in Laos for accessing education.

The Impact of COVID-19

Since 2021, the impact of the pandemic adversely impacted the children’s education opportunities in Laos.  Approximately 42% of children stopped attending schools temporarily or permanently after many households faced financial collapse because of the pandemic.

Efforts to address Child Poverty in Laos

The national poverty rate in Laos has continuously dropped with annual GDP growth of 7.3%.  According to the statistics from the World Bank, between 1993 and 2019, the poverty rate fell from 46% to 18%. However, the poverty rate in minority ethnic remained relatively high, with the rate of 34.6%.  This disproportionate poverty rate in minority ethnic groups was ten times higher than among households headed by those who have completed secondary education.

To help improve the education status, the World Bank and the government launched a $47 million national project aimed at improving pre-school and primary education performance in September 2021

USAID also took the progressive approach to child education in Laos in 2022, DA Coleman announced a new $2.6 million USAID grant to support childhood and primary education.

To enhance the nutrition security in Laos, the government of Laos jointly partnered with WFP’s Country Director to launch WFP’s new Country Strategic Plan 2022-2026 in February 2022.  This strategic plan is centered on expanding and strengthening the Government’s school meals program, working to enhance community resilience and ensure food security.

A Look Ahead

By implementing long-term commitments and strategies both nationally and internationally, the prospect of eliminating child poverty in Laos is positive.

–Youngwook Chun
Photo: Flickr

ECOWAS Lifts Sanctions Against Mali

Leaders of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) lifted sanctions imposed on Mali after military rulers proposed a two-year transition to return to civilian led democracy. ECOWAS made the announcement at the July 3rd summit in Accra and received supported from the United States, as well as the European Union.

Colonel Assimi Goïta took power in May 2021 after capturing former President Bah N’daw. West Africa saw a series of military coups in Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso over the past year.

Humanitarian Crisis in Mali

Malian citizens are in urgent need of international aid. Sanctions exacerbated a dire humanitarian crisis in Mali. As a landlocked country, Mali relies on regional trade to reach broader markets.

Food security is a major issue. Around 70% of food in the country is imported. Prices at markets skyrocketed after the announcement of additional ECOWAS sanctions in January 2022. Wholesalers stockpiled resources, leveraging the embargo to make profit off of Malians in poverty. The Food Security Cluster estimates that 1.8 million people in Mali need emergency food assistance as of June 2022.

Along with food insecurity, years of violence in Northern Mali is disproportionately affecting those living in poverty.  The Coalition des Mouvements de L’Azawad (CMA), a pro- Tuareg separatist umbrella organization that is made up of multiple different armed groups, Al-Qaeda affiliated radicals in the Sahel and the Malian military, continue to engage in conflict for territory. Security remains a vital concern for Malian citizens and is why many continue to support the military junta after years of state incompetence.

Furthermore, 1/3 of healthcare resources are funded by external donors. Access to medical care is limited, especially in the North where armed violence is concentrated. The conflict restricts the movement of NGO workers and Malian citizens, creating isolation from healthcare institutions.

Sanctions on Mali’s military government disproportionately affect low-income citizens. Now that the embargo is lifted, the international community must act to ease human suffering in Mali.

Effectiveness of Sanctions?

The humanitarian crisis in Mali resurfaces questions about the effectiveness of sanctions. Often perceived as a non-violent alternative to military action, sanctions are now the global norm for “correcting rogue states”.

However, sanctions can threaten the basic needs of poor people around the world. It is not the ruling government, but citizens in poverty that suffer the dramatic impact of international embargos.

There is little evidence to suggest that sanctions successfully pressure illiberal states. Burkina Faso’s military, which launched a coup in early January, announced a 24-month plan to return to a civilian led government. ECOWAS did not enact widespread sanctions against the junta state. Instead, West African leaders opted to send representatives to engage in diplomatic negotiations. ECOWAS mediator Mahamadou Issoufou praised Burkina Faso’s military leadership for their “openness to dialogue”.

Sanctions can cause a divide in global order. Military governments make pacts to survive embargos. Colonel Mamady Doumbouya, who led the September 2021 coup in Guinea, allowed Mali access to the port city of Conakry to bypass trade restrictions.

Sanctions, Embargoes and Support Rallies

During ECOWAS sanctions, Mali substantially increased gross trade with China. Taking advantage of the power vacuum left by Western-backed blockades, Beijing further engrained hegemonic authority in Africa. Russia is also attempting to expand its sphere of influence to the Sahel region. The Kremlin aligned Wagner Group paramilitary force is working closely alongside Mali’s junta government. Sanctions in Mali only hardened diplomatic and economic realignment, empowering Washington’s rival alliance networks.

Furthermore, embargos often produce civilian solidarity with illiberal governments and ferment anti-West sentiment. In Mali, civilians rallied in support of Colonel Goïta’s government after additional ECOWAS sanctions were announced. Sanctions are dangerous to civilians living in poverty and U.S. foreign interests.

Sanctions, lack of mobility and access to the entire country are challenges facing NGOs working in Mali. However, there are still organizations that are doing important work on the ground today. CARE International provides long-term development planning and emergency food relief in Mali. As a partner with USAID’s Office for Food and Peace (FPP), supporting CARE’s mission of combating the humanitarian crisis in Mali will reduce human suffering, as well as improve Washington’s relationship with actors in the African Sahel.

A Look Ahead

ECOWAS lifted sanctions on Mali after military leaders announced a plan to return to civilian led democracy. The announcement comes at an urgent time for Malian citizens, who felt the brunt of the economic embargo.

–Samson Heyer
Photo: Flickr

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New Cancer Therapies Bring Ray of Hope 

Cancer TherapiesIn 2020, the estimated number of cancer cases of all sexes and ages was 19,292,789 and the number of cancer-related deaths was approximately 10 million. Data suggests that about 400,000 children procure cancer on an annual basis. This goes to show that cancer is still a leading global health problem that has an economic cost of trillions of dollars. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), about 30-50% of cancers can be prevented simply by early detection, correct diagnosis and avoiding risk factors such as tobacco, alcohol, UV radiation and more. Although basic cancer treatments such as radiotherapy and surgery exist, recent advancements show that a number of new cancer therapies developed can significantly increase the survival rate of patients.

A Panacea for Rectal Cancer

On June 5, The New York Times published a piece about a small clinical trial conducted at New York’s Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center. In this trial, 18 patients with stage three rectal cancer were given a drug called Dostarlimab “every three weeks for six months.” Dostarlimab is an immune checkpoint inhibitor. This means that the drug itself does not attack the cancer cells. Dostarlimab instead exposes the cells and allows the patient’s immune system to then “identify and destroy them.”

All 18 patients were miraculously cured of their cancer, leaving no trace of tumors to be found in any physical examinations or body scans. Scientist Dr. Luis A. Diaz Jr stated that “I believe this is the first time this has happened in the history of cancer,” in regards to this study.

The reason why this experiment is so revolutionary in the field of cancer research is because of its implications. According to Dr.Hanna Sanoff of the University of North Carolina’s Lineberger Comprehensive Cancer Center, rectal cancer patients traditionally have to bear severe consequences after surgeries or chemotherapy.

Sanoff stated in an NPR news interview, “I have had patients who, after their rectal cancer, have barely left the house for years – and in a couple of cases, even decades – because of the consequences of incontinence and the shame that’s associated with this.”

Side Effects and Effectiveness of Dostarlimab

In contrast, this new cancer immunotherapy didn’t bring with it any significant clinical complications for patients. The side effects, if any, were sparse and less in intensity.

However, this study has proven to be useful for only a “subset of patients” who have a specific gene mutation known as mismatch repair gene deficiency. About 5% of cancer patients have such gene abnormalities and they are the ones who will respond well to the Dostarlimab drug.

To gauge the true effectiveness of this research study, a more broad and diverse sample needs to be experimented upon. Nonetheless, this is a hopeful beginning that shows that cancer therapies can cure cancer for good.

New Drugs Synthesized treat Hard-to-Cure Breast Cancers

A new study published on July 5 in the New England Journal of Medicine focused on treating cancer patients with low levels of HER2, a protein “which is a common villain in breast and other cancers.”

Previously, it was found that drugs attacking HER2 only worked for patients who had high levels of the protein. However, 80–85% of breast cancer patients have low levels of HER2 (“a condition known as HER2-low”), making the usage of these drugs unhelpful.

In this clinical trial, 557 patients with HER2-low metastatic breast cancer were divided randomly into two groups. Two-thirds of patients were intravenously injected with a drug called trastuzumab deruxtecan (T-DXd) every three weeks. The rest received standard chemotherapy.

The results showed that patients who had taken T-DXd “survived for a median of 23.4 months overall, while those in the chemotherapy group survived for a median of 16.8 months.” The unique thing about T-DXd is that it contains an antibody attached to a chemotherapy drug. When T-DXd finds a cancer cell with HER2 on it, “the chemotherapy drug separates from the antibody and kills the cell.”

The Impact of T-DXd and Foundation of ERX-41

Breast cancer specialist Jane Meisel, M.D. of Emory University’s Winship Cancer Institute, who was not part of the study, believes that the findings will “change how metastatic HER2-low breast cancer is treated, and are ‘a huge win for [the] patients.’”

In another experiment published on June 9,  UT Dallas associate professor Dr. Jung-Mo Ahn synthesized a new compound called  ERX-41, which helped in destroying tumor cells in the breast. This compound proved especially effective in treating patients with triple-negative breast cancer (TNBC) and is novel because traditionally, there have been “few treatment options for patients with TNBC.”  ERX-41 also proved to be helpful in treating pancreatic, ovarian and brain cancers.

A New WHO Initiative

On June 4, WHO announced its collaboration with the American Society of Clinical Oncology, Inc. (ASCO). The primary goal of this partnership is to reduce inequalities and improve the quality of cancer care, both globally and locally. The emphasis is on low-income countries where “comprehensive treatment” is found in less than 15% of places.

Through innovation, network-building and pooling of resources and tools, the WHO and ASCO will lift the cancer burden on many patients and provide them with effective treatment.

A Look Ahead

Much progress has been made in developing new cancer therapies that would have been unfathomable even a few years back. The road ahead is long and yet there is light at the end of the tunnel.

–Anushka Raychaudhuri
Photo: Unsplash

Expanding Cellular Coverage in Palestine

Cellular Coverage in Palestine
Expanding cellular coverage in Palestine is one of the first steps toward more equitable access to the internet in the modern age. Palestine struggles with a decades-long conflict with neighboring Israel, which, in turn, affects the living conditions of the Palestinian people. Among other things, access to technology is necessary for many of the daily tasks people in developed, flourishing societies complete on a regular basis.

Access to the internet can help ease tasks such as looking for a job or finding the least expensive childcare or health care. The internet is also essential for maintaining a home computer. Palestine has struggled to expand its cellular networks thus far in the 21st century and limited access to the internet affects the living conditions of the Palestinian people.

Economic Hardship

Aside from the direct ramifications that limited access to the internet causes, there are also macro implications. For instance, in 2016, The World Bank reported that “Palestinian cellular companies lost between $436 million and $1.5 billion in potential revenue.”

Israeli SIM cards can be brought into Palestine by either the many Palestinians who work across the border in Israel or by illegal smuggling, according to Reuters. Since the Israeli SIMs are more reliable and have access to a faster network, they are preferable to the Palestinian ones.

People across Palestine, therefore, are inclined to choose the Israeli SIMs over local Palestinian ones thereby causing the Palestinian companies to lose out. Observers believe that the lack of technology in Palestine contributed to an underdeveloped economy.

Access to the Internet

The quality of Palestine’s internet access has also suffered. Unfortunately, much of Palestine still relies on 2G or 3G due to longstanding conflict and other issues, much of nearby Israel has access to 4G or 5G. Prior to January 2018, Palestinians only had access to 2G. Meanwhile, by 2018 Israel had adopted an upgrade to 3G. In 2018, after Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, cellular providers were able to launch local 3G networks with the long-term goal of expanding cellular networks in Palestine.

Negotiations in Progress

Because the relationship between Palestine and Israel is so contentious, even though talks between the two in April 2022 sought to expand coverage in Palestine, actual expansion has yet to manifest itself. As of August 2021, plans were put in place to expand Palestine’s 3G coverage to 4G.

Israel successfully upgraded its internet access to 4G in 2014, so Palestine remains behind in that regard. Agitating parts of the region such as the tumultuous Gaza strip remain at 2G operation as of 2020, according to Reuters.

Upgrade efforts seek to remedy the disparities, but there are significant political considerations at play. Gaza, for example, is home to Hamas, a Palestinian nationalist political organization, so Israel is hesitant to expand coverage in that region. Other reports suggest that Israel is taking advantage of its more advanced cellular networks for increased revenue and perhaps even surveillance of its political opponents in Palestine. As a result, because the region is so contentious, progress tends to be slow.

Technology Companies

Technology executives at companies such as Palestine Telecom Group (Paltel) are confident that negotiations and cooperation between Palestine and Israel will be successful in expanding cellular coverage in Palestine, according to The Jerusalem Post. Palestinian cellular companies invested over $50 million to expand 3G infrastructure across the West Bank, a positive sign on the path to expanding cellular coverage in Palestine. In late November 2021, negotiations between Israel and Palestine resulted in Israeli officials agreeing to expand 4G coverage to Palestine, according to The Times of Israel.

Moving Forward

In Brussels on May 10, 2022, the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC) viewed the Palestinian Economic Monitoring Report, as an important step in bringing additional assistance to the Palestinian people. The report emphasizes various areas of concern for the Palestinian economy, one of which is digital infrastructure. The report asks for international cooperation and negotiations in order to achieve some of its goals.

Along with the investment that companies are putting in cellular networks and the potential cooperation between Palestine and Israel, some are optimistic that expanding cellular coverage in Palestine is possible. Certain parts of Palestine could hopefully see 4G networks within the coming years. Though the transition from 3G to 4G is slow and costly, permission to expand the networks is a positive step in the direction of progress.

– Lara Drinan
Photo: Flickr

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The History of Poland’s Foreign Aid

Poland's Foreign Aid
In a matter of decades, Poland has gone from being a recipient of foreign aid to a strong presence within the international donor community. Poland is not the only country to do this. China, India, Japan, Korea and Thailand have all undergone a similar recipient-to-donor transition. Just how did Poland and other former aid recipients transform into emerging or full-fledged aid donors? This article will provide a short history of Poland’s foreign aid in the hopes of shedding some light on the answer.

 The 1950s-1970s: A Soviet Donor Under Comecon

One of Poland’s earliest exercises in providing international aid was through the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, popularly known as Comecon. Founded in 1949, Comecon’s purpose was to strengthen economic cooperation and development among Eastern European countries. Alongside Poland, the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania and Albania made up Comecon’s membership.

As far as general principles were concerned, Comecon’s preamble emphasized the idea of mutual economic assistance in favor of maintaining the stronghold of communism and socialism in the Eastern bloc. It was through Comecon that Poland first assumed its role as a donor and Poland’s foreign aid began.

The 1980s: Economic Crises and the Fall of the USSR

During the 1980s, an unprecedented economic and political crisis struck Poland. The causes of the country’s crisis had deep roots in its system of a planned economy and policy of forced industrialization.

By the end of 1981, Poland had accumulated a foreign debt of $27 billion. Polish standards of living continued to fall rapidly as the country’s economic struggles worsened until 1989 when the Soviet Union collapsed.

The few years after the fall of the USSR between 1990 and 1994 was when Poland could be said to have fully made the switch from Soviet donor to the beneficiary of the West. During this time, the G-24 and international financial institutions sent $36 billion in aid to Poland. The United States separately committed another $719 million in grant assistance.

The 1990s-2000s: Poland’s Recovery and Accession to the EU and OECD

Poland used its foreign assistance to restabilize and restructure its economy. Over the decades, it has even become one of the fastest-growing economies in Europe. Poland’s process of accession to the European Union, which officially occurred in 2004, marked the beginning of its transition from that of a recipient to a donor.

Polish NGOs began to enter other parts of Eastern Europe to help their Western counterparts communicate with the local communities, according to a University of Cambridge Summary Paper. Polish NGOs then shifted from doing this to starting their own initiatives and establishing the national ODA (Official Development Assistance) structures.

Decades Later, Poland Gives Back

Poland has since become an active participant in global development cooperation.“Polish Aid” is one of Poland’s most prominent development and humanitarian assistance programs today. Directed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), Polish Aid’s mission is to contribute to building a more sustainable world for present and future generations by providing humanitarian aid, development aid and global education.

 The program underwent implementation in forms specified in Article 4 of the Development Cooperation Act of September 16, 2011. In 2019, the grant equivalent of Poland’s ODA was nearly PLN 3 billion.

Over the years, Poland has prioritized post-Soviet countries in their aid allocation. Ukraine, Belarus, Turkey, Tanzania, India, Mongolia, China, Kenya, Iraq, Georgia, Moldova and Lebanon were key recipients of Polish bilateral assistance in 2019.

Poland’s bilateral assistance has gone primarily to helping former Communist countries transition to democracy, improve the economy and support civil society.

In effect, Poland’s aid allocation has raised levels of economic, social and political freedom in states that previously struggled to offer these liberties. Ukraine is one such state that has developed rapidly under the auspices of Poland, according to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Since gaining its independence in 1991, Ukraine now boasts a strong civil society, well-organized political parties and a diverse and pluralistic polity with multiple centers of power.

Poland is just one of a plethora of countries that have evolved from beneficiary to donor in a few short decades. The history of Poland’s foreign aid should serve as an important reminder of the reasons for how effective and worthwhile providing aid to a struggling country is. It might be that the initial leg-up is all a country needs to get a position where they too can help others.

– Lauren Hyomin Kim
Photo: Flickr

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A Tumultuous Turn for France-Africa Relations

France-Africa RelationsIn 2019, Italy’s deputy prime minister Luigi Di Maio declared that France is “impoverishing African countries” through its commercial and security ties, prompting an inquiry into how current French-Africa relations impact poverty in Africa. As France’s role in Africa dwindles and French President Emmanuel Macron reassesses French-Africa relations, it is essential to explore the impact of French policies on the African people.

History of France-Africa Relations

After the invasion of Algiers in 1830, France initiated more than a century of colonialism in Africa, subjugating millions of Africans to French rule. French colonization changed the shape of African militaries, economies and politics. Most colonies achieved independence during the 1960s. However, France still “detained a sphere of influence in these regions.”

In the post-independence period, French relations with its former colonies became known by the term “Françafrique,” a portmanteau of France and Afrique (the French word for Africa). This term encompasses the economic, political and military relations between Paris and its former African colonies. However, during the 1990s, the idea of Françafrique faced challenges in France. Activists revealed “African emissaries traveling to France with suitcases full of cash seeking, regardless of who won the election, to cement French politicians’ loyalty and support for certain African heads of state,” according to Global Voices.

Nowadays, French attitude and policy shifts may signify an end of Françafrique, as France transitions from neocolonialism to a desire to build mutually beneficial relationships with African nations.

Emmanuel Macron’s New Direction on Africa

President Macron aimed to start a new chapter of France-Africa relations after his speech in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso in November 2017. Macron expressed his desire to establish more equal partnerships with African nations in his speech.

In October 2021, the President held firm to this policy shift at the New Africa-France Summit, where he worked with African leaders to redefine France-Africa relations.

In his attempt to revolutionize French influence in Africa, the French President has made unprecedented advances by recognizing France’s negative role in Africa, declaring that colonialism was a “grave mistake,” according to Economist Intelligence.

Economic Dependency

Despite Macron’s hopes, forging an equal partnership between France and Africa is challenging, as France created and controls a relevant African currency: the Communauté Financière Africaine (CFA) franc.

The CFA franc is a regional currency used by nations in the West African Economic and Monetary Union and the Economic and Monetary Community of Central African States. Created in the colonial era, France ensured its use in its sub-Saharan colonies, guaranteeing the fixed rate of CFA franc with the French franc and now with the Euro, according to Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Togolese economist Kako Nubukpo criticized the CFA franc because the Central European Bank, instead of a centralized African bank, determines the financial policies that impact this currency, according to Global Voices. France requires African nations to hold 50% to 65% of its foreign reserves in France’s central bank to “guarantee the convertibility of the CFA at a fixed exchange rate,” Global Voices stated.

Additionally, Senegalese economist Ndong Samba Sylla noted that former French colonies that did not have the CFA franc—specifically, Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia—are now “stronger economically than any user of CFA franc,” Global Voices reports.

Military-Driven Security in Africa

Africa also depends on the French military and aid to defend national security, promote political stability and curb threats of terrorism and extremism.

In 2014, France began a military operation in the Sahel, Operation Barkhane, sending 3,000 troops to combat terrorism and maintain regional stability, according to Brookings. France’s military-driven efforts to combat terrorism and instability in Africa are not the most effective, especially since military involvement failed to prevent coups d’état in Chad and Mali, according to Carnegie Endowment.

French Foreign International Development Aid to Africa

Unlike military engagement, French foreign aid is generally well received in Africa, as France remains a top contributor of support for the continent. France has expanded its foreign assistance recently, increasing its international development budget to 0.55% of its GDP. Paris plans to continue this course of increased aid with a 0.7% aid target by 2025.

French foreign aid contributes to humanitarian assistance and economic, social and political development programs. These projects could improve the lives of Africans by cultivating new job opportunities and spurring further economic and technological advancement. One example is the development of a commuter rail line in Nairobi, Kenya, funded by the French government’s contribution of €3 billion.

Targeted foreign aid offers the chance for France to advance meaningful development in Africa while also advancing its diplomatic goals of strengthening French-Africa relations.

Poverty in Africa

According to the World Bank, extreme poverty in Africa fell from 54% in 1990 to 41% in 2015. Despite this seemingly sharp drop in poverty rates, “the number of poor people in Africa has actually increased from 278 million in 1990 to 413 million in 2015.”

Targeted foreign assistance from France may promote job growth, counteracting poverty. For instance, France initiated a project called Choose Africa, giving €2.5 billion to invest in new African businesses, according to France Diplomacy. This project and other French international development projects in Africa could successfully challenge poverty.

Outside of the French government, many nongovernmental organizations fight poverty on the ground, including Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). Commonly known as Doctors Without Borders in English, MSF is an NGO of French origin focusing on providing medical assistance to those in need. Working in more than 70 countries in 2021, MSF brings health care programs across the globe, with much of their work centered on impoverished Africans.

Even though France-Africa relations remain complex, French foreign aid, coupled with the work of NGOs like MSF and other foreign powers, contributes to the enduring battle to tackle poverty in Africa.

– Michael Cardamone
Photo: Flickr

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The Fight Against Period Poverty in Botswana

Period Poverty in BotswanaPeriod poverty is a global socio-economic issue that girls and women face due to the unaffordability of menstrual products and inaccessibility of water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) facilities. To address period poverty in Botswana, the nation passed a motion in 2017 to supply free menstrual products to girls in both public and private schools. This will allow girls to continue their education amid their menstrual cycles.

Period Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa

Because menstruation is a taboo topic in conservative communities and countries, many girls lack education on proper menstrual health and management. As a result of a lack of education and inability to access menstrual products, girls resort to dangerous substitutes, such as rags, wool and paper, that can lead to both short and long-term negative health consequences. In 2019, the World Bank noted that just 27% of people in sub-Saharan Africa had access to basic forms of sanitation, a factor that exacerbates difficulties in maintaining menstrual hygiene. Furthermore, due to a lack of access to WASH facilities, girls and women in sub-Saharan Africa are more susceptible to reproductive diseases.

Education is a fundamental right and a way out of poverty, yet, according to UNESCO, in 2014, due to period poverty, 10% of girls in sub-Saharan Africa missed school while menstruating. Furthermore, some girls lose 20% of their education, increasing the chances of girls dropping out of school entirely. The Botswana parliament’s motion for free period products to be available in schools highlights the importance of fighting period poverty to move closer to ending global poverty.

Cultural Issues

Due to menstrual taboos and stigmas, girls feel ashamed of their periods and miss school because of misinformation. When girls miss out on school, entire communities area are affected as the girl loses the ability to better the local area through the knowledge and skills gained through education. In Botswana, “religious beliefs, cultural practices and social myths” make discussing menstruation with adults difficult for young girls. As a result, girls do not know how to properly manage their menstruation. When girls do not feel shame about a natural biological process such as menstruation, these girls are empowered socially, physically, and ultimately, economically.

The Economics of Period Poverty

Sub-Saharan Africa has an extreme poverty rate of about 40% without much change from 1990 to 2018.  In Botswana specifically, according to the World Bank, the poverty rate reached 60% by April 2021 due to the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. These figures highlight the financial struggle of a vast amount of regional populations, a situation that makes purchasing period products understandably difficult. Period poverty in Botswana is partially a consequence of the high volume of impoverished residents that cannot afford basic necessities.

Solutions

The Botswana government is combating period poverty in Botswana with nationwide legal policies to provide all girls, both in public and private school institutions, with free period products. Through programs and legislation that allows open conversations and access to sanitary products, girls in Botswana are one step closer to breaking free from cycles of poverty.

– Ann Shick
Photo: Flickr