Archive for category: Global Poverty

Key articles and information on global poverty.

The Correlation Between Drugs and Poverty

The Correlation Between Drugs and Poverty
According to the World Health Organization (WHO), about 284 million people globally undergo drug abuse between the ages of 15 to 64. The correlation between drugs and poverty takes a variety of different stances.

The Problem

Although drugs do not discriminate against anyone, in particular, they tend to favor the lower-income population the most. People in poverty sometimes use drugs to cope with their living situation. The stress of being in poverty often inspires a feeling of hopelessness that leaves the individual vulnerable to substance abuse.

The act of substance abuse can lead someone who is wealthier into poverty as well. For instance, drug addiction often inspires a lack of motivation. This can be especially harmful in the workforce where the desire to work hard and meet deadlines is crucial. If terminated from a job, it can be very difficult to find a new one. Considering that, most people will waste away the rest of their money in an act of despondency.

The Lack of Resources

Unfortunately, many people living in poverty lack the funds they need to access support for drug addiction. In fact, in Pakistan, 99.7% of the people seeking help for drug addiction, cannot afford it.  

One case shows a boy at the young age of 14 who was unable to seek the help he needed to get over his addiction. Due to the steep prices and lack of space, the boy was denied a spot at this rehabilitation center in Pakistan. Many know this South Asian country for its lack of drug support centers. The number of opium users bypasses the number of support groups, leading to an increase in the amount of poverty seen throughout the country. This further indicates the correlation between drugs and poverty.

The Solution

Many countries have already taken action to counteract these effects. For instance, several South Asian countries brought public awareness over drug abuse on World Drug Day. Communities joined together in activities that helped people recognize the importance of acknowledging drug abuse. Organizations from across the globe united as one to address the issues that follow drug addiction and are also working to ensure the services and medicine necessary to assist drug addicts end up in place.

The Karim Khan Afridi Welfare Foundation (KKAWF), established in 2015, focuses to raise awareness about drug abuse in Pakistan. KKAWF served more than 5,000 people with the activities it developed in 2018, including sports events, workshops and campaigns that focused on raising awareness. The Foundation engages politically by urging the authorities to address “the challenges of drug trafficking and the spread of substance abuse.”

Several South Asian countries have attempted to monitor and confiscate drugs more often. However, drugs still continue to be sold illegally due to the large percentage of crime taking place throughout South Asian countries. To counter this problem of illegal drug trafficking, the UNODC (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime) composed the Regional programme to aid the factors contributing to the selling and buying of drugs.

Looking Ahead

Although there is no direct correlation between drugs and poverty, it is evident that the two tie together. By recognizing the link between the two, elected officials can begin to take drastic action in fighting off this devastating loop.

– Madison Stivala
Photo: Wikipedia Commons

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Schools in Bangladesh Address Learning Losses

Schools in Bangladesh
Schools in Bangladesh, both public and private, opened their doors to students in September 2021 after enduring the most extended period of closure the world has ever seen, as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, there are some concerns, such as, how teachers will address the loss of learning that affects students around the country. Schools in Bangladesh are now employing new strategies to ensure students can get back on track with their learning after a more than one and a half year-long absence from the classroom.

New Protocol

Bangladesh experienced the world’s longest school shutdown period of 543 days, implemented at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. Schools in Bangladesh, including schools that the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) runs finally reopened back in September 2021. In the week of September 19, 2021, BRAC welcomed 129,000 students back into school, according to the BRAC website.

After welcoming students back to its schools, BRAC pointed out two challenges that schools now face. The first challenge is to safeguard the health and well-being of both students and faculty during the continuing pandemic. BRAC schools began checking the temperatures of students and faculty upon entry every day, “either using temporary measures such as digital thermometers… or thermal scanners,” according to the BRAC website. These schools required students and faculty to wear masks and students received an outdoor break every hour.

BRAC has established handwashing stations across the schools and reduced class sizing by 50% to adhere to social distancing protocols, “with students attending in different sessions and no more than 15-20 students in a class at any one time.”

Extended Absence

The second challenge schools in Bangladesh now face is: understanding the extent to which a loss of learning has impacted students and helping them catch up. To address learning losses, BRAC educators conducted an “initial formative assessment” to identify areas of need and “design a remedial intervention for the next 17-20 school days.” BRAC educators also made accommodations for extra learning days where necessary.

Amid the pandemic, BRAC introduced remote learning for students. While the switch to remote learning proved troublesome for all, the task proved even more difficult for lower-level income households. According to BRAC, only 8.7% of the most impoverished 20% of families in Bangladesh had internet access in their residences.

As a result of the limited access to internet connections and devices, “children have suffered enormous setbacks in their learning journey,” said George Laryea-Adjei, regional director of the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) in an interview with Al Jazeera. Only 41% of  Bangladesh’s 169 million people have access to smartphones, according to the Association of Mobile Telecom Operators of Bangladesh.

The Awaited Return

Upon returning to the classroom, students met with celebration. One public school in Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, welcomed its students back with flowers and candy. “We are really excited to be back at school,” said 15-year-old Muntasir Ahmed to Agence France-Presse (AFP). Ahmed also expressed excitement about seeing friends and classmates in person rather than through the screen of a device.

During the first week of BRAC schools reopening, there was a major focus on the physical and mental well-being of its returning students. “The key is not only getting students to return, but to want to stay in school after such a long break,” BRAC said on its website.

Schools in Bangladesh closed in March 2020 to curb the spread of COVID-19. At the time of reopening, Dipu Monu, education minister of Bangladesh, visited an educational institution in Dhaka and said that only students who are taking public exams would attend classes day-to-day upon school reopening. She also added that students who are not taking public exams would attend class once or twice a week.

While schools in Bangladesh endured the longest school closure during the COVID-19 pandemic, the implementation of new safety and learning procedures seems to provide hope for both returning students and their families. Educators have been working diligently since schools shut down to prepare for the return of their students, ready to provide the remedial education necessary to recover learning losses.

– Henry Hyman
Photo: Wikipedia Commons

Microfinance in Mexico Helps Women Escape Poverty

Microfinance in Mexico
Microfinance is a form of banking that provides financial support to those who would not normally have access to conventional types of financial services, due to reasons such as unemployment and poverty. Microfinance also provides access to important financial tools such as insurance, funds and savings. According to a 2016 research article by Subhabrata Bobby Banerjee and others, microfinance “aims to alleviate poverty by providing the poor new opportunities for entrepreneurship. It also aims to promote empowerment (especially among women) while enhancing social capital in poor communities.” Although microfinancing has also led to negative outcomes for communities, when implemented responsibly, microfinance has significant poverty reduction potential. In particular, microfinance in Mexico has the potential to empower women and reduce gender inequality.

Microfinance in Mexico

As it stands, Mexico falls behind in relation to financial inclusion. In Mexico, only 37% of adult citizens have bank accounts and only 32% have engaged in digital payment transactions. Access to a bank account provides individuals with the opportunity to use microfinance services. The World Bank outlines how Mexico’s current microfinance system is lagging behind countries at a similar level of development: “credit to the private nonfinancial sector was just 42% of GDP, far below the 143% average for emerging markets worldwide” in 2019.

Poverty and Gender Inequality in Mexico

According to the World Bank, almost 42% of people in Mexico lived under the national poverty line in 2018, equating to 52.4 million people. In some areas of Mexico, poverty is significantly high — in 2018, Chiapas, home to large numbers of Indigenous people, noted a poverty rate of almost 80%.

Gender equality also plays a role in poverty. Unemployment rates for women in Mexico are greater than those of men and pay for the same work is on average 22% less for women than men, according to a 2018 article by The Conversation.

Microfinance in Mexico can reduce poverty among women by providing the financial support required to decrease the gender inequality gap. Providing more access to microfinance for women and educating women on how to use microfinance most effectively is important. For example, a survey utilizing a hypothetical microcredit situation found that Mexican women would only invest about 6% of the money received through microfinance. To promote long-term growth in Mexico, this investment rate would need to increase considerably. This highlights the importance of providing more financial education.

Mexico’s Urban-Rural Divide

Poverty in Mexico is amplified by the government’s poor provision of infrastructure and education. This has resulted in a large urban-rural inequality gap in education and wealth, especially for women in these rural areas.

There is an 8% difference in access to bank accounts by men and women in Mexico. This exacerbates the gender inequality gap as men have higher rates of access to financial institutions than women do. On top of this, 90% of the credit goes to urban areas despite more than 20% of adult Mexicans residing in rural parts of Mexico. Without aiming for financial inclusion among marginalized groups, these new financial institutions may exacerbate poverty in Mexico.

How Microcredit Can Help

Banco Compartamos is leading the way in expanding microfinance in Mexico. More importantly, Banco Compartamos is making its financial services accessible to all regions and populations, including low-income groups and women. Women account for as much as 88% of the institute’s clients in Mexico. Banco Compartamos empowers women with the financial tools necessary to achieve financial independence and explore female entrepreneurship opportunities. Not only does Banco Compartamos strive for financial inclusion but it also promotes financial literacy through initiatives to empower communities to make better financial decisions.

Banco Compartamos currently has 180 branches in 29 Mexican states. This demonstrates the bank’s goal of being accessible to all in Mexico. The institution noted 2.6 million clients in Mexico by July 2020.

To accelerate the financial inclusion of marginalized populations, such as women and people in rural areas, the Mexican government launched the 2020–2024 National Financial Inclusion Policy (PNIF). One of the goals of this policy is for 77% of Mexican adults to have “at least one financial product” by 2024 and for more than 90% of Mexican municipalities to have “at least one financial access point” by 2024, the World Bank reported.

By expanding access to microfinance in Mexico, marginalized groups, such as women, can access financial resources to help them rise out of poverty. In turn, this will reduce the gender inequality gap and help expand the Mexican economy through the economic contributions of women in the form of entrepreneurship, increased consumption rates and more.

– Reuben Cochrane
Photo: Flickr

Filipino Remittance Brings Billions to the Philippines

Filipino Remittance
Each year, millions of global emigrants from the Philippines send billions of dollars in aid back home. Even in 2020 – a year of notable economic turmoil, Filipinos leveraged low fees and favorable currency exchanges, sending nearly $35 billion in remittances. Currently, the Philippines is ranked fourth in the world by money received from overseas, just behind India, China and Mexico. Filipino remittance is a large boon for many facing poverty in the Philippines. Throughout the pandemic, more than 2 million Filipinos fell into poverty, raising the poverty rate to 18.1%. During this period, severe job loss occurred, along with a sharp decline in tourism and a rapid rise in inflation. Even the number of workers going overseas decreased, placing more pressure on Filipinos already established and working around the globe.

Now, Filipinos continue to look to family living outside of the Philippines for support as the country attempts to recover from the pandemic.

A Brief History of Remittances in the Philippines

Though the roots of Filipino labor migration go back to the 17th century, the Filipino government began supporting the practice in the 1970s. At that time, rising oil prices were creating economic problems in the Philippines. However, the oil-rich Gulf countries needed workers to build infrastructure. The Philippine government established an overseas workers program with these countries to make use of the nation’s excess laborers.

During this period, it was men working in construction that made up the majority of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). However, women soon took the lead. They rose to prominence as the demand for teachers, nurses, domestic workers and entertainers increased.

OFWs commonly send money from their paychecks back home to family, becoming a significant part of the Philippine economy. The World Bank has noted that remittance started at 1.5% of the nation’s GDP in 1977 and has risen since, peaking at 12.8% in 2005. In response to the growth of Filipino remittance, some Philippine businesses, like LBC Express, opened storefronts around the world to help OFWs send money and goods directly back home.

In recent years, the Philippine government has decreased programs encouraging citizens to work outside of the country. The government said it wants the decision to work abroad to be a choice instead of a necessity. Regardless, Filipino remittance remains high.

Filipino Remittance in the Modern Day

Remittance remains a strong part of the Philippine economy — most recently making up 9.6% of the nation’s GDP in 2020. However, the geographic concentration of workers sending money home has shifted to the West. In 2020, Filipinos living in the United States sent the most money back to the Philippines. Remittances from workers in the Gulf countries dropped by as much as 36% from their 2015 peak.

Yen Osborne, a moderator of the Facebook group “Filipino Community in Illinois,” spoke with The Borgen Project about her thoughts on remittance and its role within her online community. “It’s a great benefit to the families attending their financial needs,” Osborne said. According to her, it is normal for Filipinos to send a monthly allowance to their families living in the Philippines using a variety of online services and bank-to-bank transfers.

Osborne also raised concerns about the negative effects of people in the Philippines becoming reliant on remittances. “The bad side is people are getting lazy knowing they have a family member who sends them monthly [money],” Osborne said. At the same time, with exception of the pandemic, the Philippines’ economic growth has risen. According to the World Bank, the Philippines’ average economic growth increased to 6.4% in 2019, while foreign remittance in the country’s GDP grew to 9.3%.

Osborne concluded that remittance is ultimately a positive part of Filipino life. For her, it’s a part of “Filipino culture where we help our families.”

–  Ryan Morton
Photo: Flickr

How Waste Pickers in Bogota Fought for Rights and Recognition

Waste Pickers in Bogota
In 1950s Columbia, during the 10-year Civil War known as “La Violencia,” masses of people were fleeing violence in the countryside in favor of cities. Many of these rural refugees fled to the capital city of Bogota, sitting on a plateau in the center of Columbia.

With no other way of sustaining themselves, many migrants began to roam the rolling hills of trash in open-air landfills. These waste pickers in Bogota would collect bottles, cans and metal that they could sell to recycling warehouses. Scavenging the dumpsites with bulging bags of recyclables slung over their shoulders, these migrants worked long and hard hours to make a meager living, keeping themselves from absolute poverty.

The Waste Picker’s Struggle

For decades, these waste pickers in Bogota, known as “recicladores,” collected, sorted, packaged and recycled the city’s waste as informal workers. Aside from the job being extremely difficult, it was also dangerous, with risks of infection or sickness from the waste they collected.

Recicladores also faced discrimination and hindrance from policy structures. Waste collection and management became privatized in Bogota in the 80s, and people were beginning to see landfills as a health concern. As a result, the open-air dumpsites that had been their livelihoods closed in favor of new sanitation facilities. The city did not consider how these changes would affect the waste-picking population, as recicladores had to leave the homes they had built in the wastelands and descended further into poverty.

The discrimination they faced stood in opposition to the good they do for the city. Today, waste pickers in Bogota prevent 1,200 tons of waste from going to landfills per day. They organize the waste into recyclables, which also provide a valuable service to local businesses. Despite their value to the community, the average waste picker in Bogota makes only $3.41 per day.

The Fight for Rights and Recognition

However, waste pickers in Bogota refused to accept poverty as their reality. Bogota’s waste pickers are distinct in their predilection for strong, centralized worker organizations. In particular, the Asociación Cooperativa de Recicladores de Bogotá (ARB) represents roughly 1,800 waste pickers in the city and has been fighting for their rights for decades.

Since its inception, ARB and the communities it represents have experienced success on many levels. In 2011, Columbia’s Constitutional Court ruled that waste pickers had a special protection status by the state. Therefore, state authorities had an obligation to protect them as well as help them overcome the poverty and sicknesses that they are susceptible to. The Constitutional Court ruling also ensured that waste pickers have safe access to the recyclable waste material essential to their work.

However, their success didn’t end there. In 2016, the government passed a legal framework for fully formalizing the work of waste pickers. That same year, workers were able to secure additional compensation from the city in the form of payments between $50 and $170 per month – doubling or even tripling their normal wage.

Columbia is the only country in Latin America that has formally recognized the rights of its waste pickers. This was a direct result of the advocacy that waste pickers did for themselves, which led to the protection and improvement of their livelihoods.

– Grace Ramsey
Photo: Flickr

The Bioceanic Road Corridor in Latin America

The Bioceanic Road Corridor
Paraguay is a landlocked country with neglected transportation infrastructure. The inner portion of Paraguay in particular contains very few paved roads. In fact, the entirety of Paraguay contains 9,300 miles of paved roads, primarily on the outer edges of the country. For comparison, California, which is roughly the same size as Paraguay, contains 396,540 miles of paved roads.

The inland of Paraguay is incredibly difficult to traverse in its current state, with hundreds of miles of swamp, savannah and scrub, called the Gran Chaco. Traveling through the country with large vehicles, such as semi-trailer trucks, is nearly impossible. One truck driver noted that driving from the industrial city of Loma Plata to Carmelo Peralta, a mere 165 miles away,  could take up to 12 hours, primarily on dirt roads. If it rained, the truck could end up stuck in the mud for days. This made transport across Paraguay a logistical disaster. Export of goods to non-local markets was incredibly difficult and expensive. However, this may soon be a worry of the past. The Paraguay government has constructed 1,864 miles of paved roads since 2018. More importantly, it began construction on its portion of the Bioceanic Road Corridor in 2019.

Bioceanic Road Corridor 

The Bioceanic Road Corridor is a dual-carriage motorway that will stretch east to west from Chile, through Argentina and Paraguay, and end in Brazil. The four countries have long discussed this plan but Paraguay is finally putting it into action. Paraguay’s section of the road will stretch 338 miles. Additionally, this project plans to implement rail and fiber optic connections from Chile to Brazil. Thanks to the corridor, the stretch of road between Loma Plata to Carmelo Peralta now only takes four hours to traverse.

Impact on Paraguay 

The completion of the Bioceanic Road Corridor will revolutionize trade for Paraguay. The primary stretch of road will travel across the country, with a large bridge from Carmelo Peralta to Brazil over the Apa River. Simultaneously, the Trans-Chaco Highway running north to south will widen and improve. Before this project began, shipping goods was very costly. Now, the country will have access to the Pacific ports of Chile and the Atlantic ports of Brazil. The hope is that this corridor will allow Paraguayan goods to enter the booming Asian market. Expectations have determined that, upon the completion of the corridor, agricultural producers in the southern cone of Paraguay will save an average of 14 days and $1,000 per container shipment.

Not only will trade improve but day-to-day life in Paraguay will also see benefits. Getting to the hospital from the Chaco will be far easier with these newly paved roads. In addition, an increase in the transport industry should create hundreds of regional jobs.

Issues

While the Bioceanic Road Corridor will have plenty of benefits, some issues may arise from the construction of such a large road through the Chaco. Of course, there are worries about deforestation in the Chaco leading to the loss of biodiversity. To counter this, the government plans for the corridor to include 15 underpasses for wildlife. Furthermore, some believe this investment would be better placed in the hands of the small agricultural producers that make up 20% of Paraguay’s GDP.

Despite these concerns, Paraguay’s future looks brighter with the implementation of the corridor. The corridor should lead to an increase in trade, the creation of more jobs and the saving of thousands of hours of manpower. Additionally, the quality of life of those living in the Chaco should improve. As of right now, the Bioceanic Road Corridor looks to be the new Silk Road for those in Paraguay.  

 – Benjamin Brown
Photo: Flickr

The Two-Month Truce Extension in Yemen

Two-Month Truce Extension
Warring factions announced a two-month truce extension in Yemen to a ceasefire agreement. The previous peace agreement expired on August 2, 2022. This is now the longest period of non-conflict during the seven-year war between the Saudi-backed Yemeni government and rebel Houthi forces. However, mistrust between the two sides runs deep. The Saudi coalition and the Houthi rebels are both accused of war crimes that violate international law.

Yemeni civilians in extreme poverty suffer the most from this violence. The extent of civilian causalities is severe. Conservative estimates from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) claim that Saudi-led airstrikes killed more than 12,600 confirmed noncombatants. The U.N. Development Program estimates that almost 60% of deaths during the conflict come from a lack of food and water, as well as extremely limited health care services.

Humanitarian Concerns

Yemen continues to experience one of the worst humanitarian crises in recent history. Basic government services are not available due to the circumstances of war and around 80% of the population needs support. The price of petrol and food skyrocketed as a result of rising global prices. While a temporary truce is in place, food insecurity and disease susceptibility continue to plague Yemeni civil society.

De-facto blockades limiting the freedom of movement exacerbate humanitarian concerns. Saudi Arabia blocked the flow of resources into the capital Sanaa, which Houthi forces controlled. Access to roads connecting the rest of the country, as well as the contested region of Taiz, is limited, further intensifying the struggle for food security.

These issues remained divisive during previous periods of peace. Houthi leaders accuse the Saudi coalition of not delivering the agreed number of petrol shipments into the Hodeidah port. However, the Saudi coalition blames the Houthis for not reopening roads in the Taiz region.

Prospects for Peace

While the two-month truce extension in Yemen puts a bandage over the bleeding, there must be an international effort to bring sustainable peace to Yemen. Previous international efforts to end the conflict in Yemen failed to bring sustainable peace. The 2018 Stockholm Agreement prevented a battle for the port city of Hodeidah but fell short of creating a joint committee to de-escalate violence in Taiz.

With the announcement of a peace extension, the United States reopened the sale of weapons to the Saudi coalition. The Biden Administration previously halted the sale of U.S. manufactured military support for the aerial bombardment of Yemen. However, Washington approved a $3.5 billion sale of advanced Patriot ballistic missiles to Saudi Arabia and a $2.24 billion Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile system for the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

While the Biden Administration claims these deals are for defensive purposes only, the stockpiling of weapons by Riyadh during periods of non-conflict does not fare well for sustainable peace. These deals only deepen distrust between the warring sides.

Outside Interference Exacerbates War in Yemen

Different neighboring countries are also prolonging the conflict in Yemen. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Iran inserted themselves into the war. The military capacity of these countries amplifies the scale of human causalities. Before the recent truce agreements, the Saudi coalition’s indiscriminate aerial campaign devastated Yemen’s infrastructure and killed thousands of civilians.

Iran is a known backer of the Houthi rebels. While experts claim that Tehran’s influence over Houthi leadership is exaggerated, there is certainly communication and collaboration between leadership circles that share similar geopolitical ambitions. Yemen is now the site of Iran and the Gulf’s contest for authority in the Middle East.

An International Commitment to Sustainable Peace is Necessary for a Resolution in Yemen

The two-month truce extension in Yemen announced on August 2, 2022 delays Yemen’s suffering for the immediate future. However, blockades and limitations on movement, as well as high gas and food prices, exacerbate the humanitarian crisis in the country. There needs to be a sustainable peace resolution to begin rebuilding Yemen and address the pressing issues of mass poverty and hunger.

Previous international efforts to bring peace to Yemen failed to make an impact on the ground. Washington’s recommitment to weapon sales to Saudi Arabia and the UAE is harmful to negotiations. World leaders must reconvene on the conflict in Yemen and truly commit to a resolution that will bring sustainable peace.

– Samson Heyer
Photo: Flickr

Always Works to End Period Poverty in Jamaica

Period Poverty in Jamaica
The feminine hygiene product brand, Always, is addressing period poverty in Jamaica for the fourth year in a row. By providing thousands of girls with sanitary pads, Always works to end period poverty in Jamaica.

About Period Poverty

Period poverty, or the lack of access to menstrual products and hygiene facilities, is a public health crisis that is currently affecting about 500 million women worldwide as of 2021. As of 2017, according to the World Bank, around 19.3% of people in Jamaica live below the poverty line. According to a study that Shelly-Ann Weeks conducted through the HerFlow Foundation, 44% of girls in Jamaica suffer from period poverty and have to go without sanitary supplies for months at a time.

Aside from the obvious implications, girls in Jamaica are ending up at a major disadvantage due to their lack of access to period products. Many girls facing period poverty miss as much as a week of school per month, causing their grades to drop and their self-esteem to dwindle. Girls facing period poverty suffer from the psychological impacts of feeling inferior and of lower status as a result of a basic biological process. This shame and guilt among teenagers can affect them well into womanhood. The inability to properly care for their bodies puts girls at risk for health issues that many in Jamaica cannot afford to treat, such as reproductive and urinary tract infections.

Period Poverty and COVID-19

Although period poverty is a historically taboo issue, the world has put the problem on the back burner during the past two years due to other issues deemed more urgent, stemming from COVID-19. The hotel and restaurant industries in Jamaica endured hard hits when tourism came to a halt in 2020 as the tourism sector laid off as many as 50,000 employees. In a country where many have lived in poverty since before the onset of the pandemic, this hit only worsened people’s living conditions and made basic products, such as feminine hygiene products, even less accessible.

How Always Works to End Period Poverty in Jamaica

Always acknowledges the timeliness of this campaign, as many families have lost their jobs and are struggling to put food on the table, never mind purchasing sanitary pads. As Always continues to work to end period poverty in Jamaica, it set a goal for 2022 to donate more than 200,000 sanitary pads to 14 schools in 14 different parishes throughout Jamaica. From the beginning of March 2022 to June 2022, Always ran a period poverty campaign where, for every Always product purchase by a consumer, the company will make a direct donation to a female in need.

Always is working in conjunction with the HerFlow Foundation, the country’s leading enterprise in addressing the stigma around menstruation and ending period poverty. Volunteers at the HerFlow Foundation will ensure that the Always product donations make their way to the designated schools. Various social media influencers from Jamaica have agreed to help expand the campaign and educate people about the issue and how they can help make a difference.

Looking Ahead

While Always is working to end period poverty in Jamaica, the fight will not end with just one effort. Girls will continue to turn to harmful alternatives for feminine hygiene products and will remain unable to learn and socialize as a result of period poverty. Amid its recovery from the impacts of COVID-19, Jamaica is still not equipped to provide access to sanitary products to every girl in need. In order to preserve girls’ confidence and health in the most basic of ways, it is vital that companies and organizations continue prioritizing access to menstrual products for young girls in Jamaica.

– Ava Lombardi
Photo: Unsplash

The Costs of Military Intervention Versus the Benefits of Foreign Aid

costs of military intervention
A closer look at the costs of military intervention versus the benefits of foreign aid provides insight into why humanitarian assistance trumps military intervention.

The Costs of Conflict, Violence and Military Intervention

In March 2011, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) led a multi-state coalition in response to conflict escalation in Libya. To curb violence and human rights violations in line with the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ norm, NATO created a no-fly zone followed by air strikes. According to a 2012 Reuters report, NATO coordinated “26,000 sorties including some 9,600 strike missions and destroyed about 5,900 targets before operations ended on October 31.”

To terminate the rule of Saddam Hussein and abolish weapons of mass destruction, U.S. forces began the invasion of Iraq in 2003. The U.S. saw success as troops captured Hussein and the last U.S. troops exited Iraq in December 2011. The nine-year conflict cost the U.S. Treasury $800 billion and led to more than “4,700 U.S. and allied troop deaths” along with the deaths of more than 100,000 Iraqi people, highlighting the human and material costs of military intervention and war.

Kosovo was once a province of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which currently consists of today’s two states, Serbia and Montenegro. The Kosovo crisis escalated in early 1998 upon Kosovo’s desire for sovereign autonomy from Yugoslavia. With Kosovo’s mixed population of Albanians and Serbs, clashes between the ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs took place and the Yugoslav government took a firm stance against the Kosovo Liberation Army, a rebel Albanian group. The crisis led to displacement and death, prompting NATO’s intervention.

Libya (March 2011-October 2011)

While the total scope of collateral damage remains unacknowledged, Human Rights Watch reported 72 civilian casualties as a result of aerial strikes that NATO carried out in Libya in 2011. The number of internally displaced persons fluctuated throughout the intervention period, and by late 2011, the number stood at a minimum of 154,000 people, highlighting the profound implications of military intervention on human welfare.

A month after the intervention ended, The New York Times carried out investigations in Libya’s capital of Tripoli along with several other sites and findings show ramifications on civilian infrastructure. The airstrikes led to the destruction of residential and commercial buildings and many people suffered injuries, unable to access health care amid a chaotic political atmosphere.

However, the benefits of foreign aid outweighed military intervention as it helped restore social and economic order within Libya during and following the crisis. Since 2011, USAID has facilitated the delivery of social services, development and humanitarian support in Libya in an investment valued at more than $900 million.

For instance, in June 2011, to “build an inclusive and peaceful democratic future that reflects the will and needs of the Libyan people,” USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives allocated $12.2 million. The program goals included conversations to unite together Libya’s community leaders in creating “strategies to mitigate conflict and promote reconciliation” and public outreach initiatives to keep locals up-to-date on information about Libya’s transition process.

In 2012, USAID provided grants to build a computer center in the Mafqood Center for Missing Persons “where families from all sides of the conflict will receive training on advocacy using social networking and online media.” According to USAID, the center’s goal is to stand as “a sanctuary for families to seek solace and comfort” as well as “a platform from which the families can form a unified voice to tackle the legal and social issues they face.”

Iraq (2003-2011)

The U.S. military invasion led to several human rights violations as detailed in the accounts of abuse and torture in the Abu Ghraib prison, a U.S. army detention center that housed around 3,800 detainees from 2003 to 2006. Graphic photos of males and females show acts of torture, humiliation and assault. This led to charges against 11 U.S. military authorities, according to CNN.

Through the Iraq Relief and Reconstruction Fund, U.S. Congress allocated $2.5 billion in 2003 to ease acute suffering in areas relevant to food security, water and health care. Later that year, an additional $18.4 billion went toward general reconstruction projects. By February 2006, Congress distributed $10.5 billion of the $18.4 billion for “security, economic and political” initiatives. The economic benefit of such foreign aid is visible in the nation’s gross domestic product, which rose from “$18.9 billion in 2002 to $33.1 billion in 2005,” signifying an improved standard of living.

Kosovo Crisis (1998-1999)

NATO nations endured a cost of £2.5 billion over 78 days while dispersing “more than 23,000 bombs and missiles” in Kosovo. On the first day of the conflict alone, NATO “launched more than £44.4 [million] worth of weapons” against Yugoslavia’s military bases. In total, the Kosovo war and reparation thereafter cost £31.67 billion, around two-thirds of which went toward rebuilding Serbia/Kosovo.

Already suffering from international sanctions, Yugoslavia endured economic shocks with the nation losing 44% of its industrial production. NATO bombings are reported to have set back Yugoslavia by as much as 20 years, with economic costs amounting to $100 billion, as Yugoslav officials reported in 1999.

However, foreign aid assisted in Kosovo’s recovery and economic development. For instance, since 1999, USAID committed itself to the reconstruction of Kosovo in investments totaling more than $1 billion.

Multilateral donors collected around $2 billion in a donors meeting held in 1999 to aid humanitarian support and reconstruction. The benefit of economic reconstruction in Kosovo is visible in its GDP, rising to $9.01 billion in 2021, according to World Bank data, from $1.85 billion in 2000.

Overall, the benefits of foreign aid outweighed the costs of military intervention in conflicts occurring in countries like Libya, Iraq and Kosovo, especially considering the heightened economic and human loss associated with military interventions.

– Noor Al-Zubi
Photo: Unsplash

The Potential of Nuclear Energy in Uganda

Nuclear Energy in Uganda
Uganda is a landlocked country located in East Africa. Poised to be a significant oil-producing country, Uganda has an estimated 6.5 billion barrels worth of oil reserves in its territory as of 2014. Nevertheless, Uganda’s government is looking to diversify its energy portfolio by investing in nuclear energy in Uganda. In doing so, Uganda could set a precedent for the future where sub-Saharan Africa derives significant power from nuclear energy.

Support From the International Community

On July 26, 2022, Uganda formally asked Russia for assistance in developing nuclear power plants in the country. The current president of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, has stated that developing nuclear power within Uganda is one of his biggest priorities as he believes it is the best way to bring electrical power to the 41% of Ugandan people living in extreme poverty, according to 2019 data. Because Uganda has vast uranium deposits, developing nuclear energy in Uganda is not preposterous as African countries such as Nigeria, with fewer uranium resources than Uganda, have developed plans to create nuclear power plants.

Along with gaining the help of the Russian Federation, Uganda has received significant support from China. On May 11, 2018, Uganda signed a memorandum of understanding with the China National Nuclear Corporation to help Uganda build the capacity to use atomic power for peaceful energy-related purposes. With both Russia and China looking to bring nuclear energy to Uganda, Uganda could set a precedent for other sub-Saharan nations to receive international help in developing nuclear-based energy infrastructure.

The Potential of Sub-Saharan Africa

While Uganda is not the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to receive international help in developing infrastructure, it is unique in being one of the only countries in the region to receive aid specifically for nuclear power. The only others are Kenya and South Africa.

Uganda could set a precedent in the type of infrastructure development that countries in sub-Saharan Africa receive through the development of the nation’s own nuclear facility. Since international powers such as China have already spent a great deal of time and money on developing transportation infrastructure in Africa, these countries now need a source of energy to power the vehicles using the transportation infrastructure.

After Uganda received help from Russia and China to build a nuclear power plant, many other sub-Saharan African nations developed energy-based initiatives of their own. For example, for years now, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has discussed plans for the Grand Inga hydroelectric power project that would supply energy to millions of people along the Congo River. In June 2021, the Congolese government chose “Australia’s Fortescue Metals Group to develop all six phases of the Grand Inga hydroelectric power project,” African Energy reported.

Developing a nuclear power plant in Uganda could set a precedent for other sizeable renewable energy projects in sub-Saharan Africa. Countries generally reliant on fossil fuels to produce energy are now investing large amounts of money in harvesting power from more renewable energy sources.

Looking Forward

By looking to nuclear power as a  source of renewable energy to help electrify the nation, Uganda could inspire other sub-Saharan African nations to do the same. Considering that access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa stood at 48% in 2020, according to the World Bank, these initiatives hold significant importance.

Because the 2021-2022 global energy crisis is disproportionately affecting the region through increased oil and gas prices, the construction of renewable power plants, such as nuclear facilities In Uganda, could pave the way for a better future.

– Humzah Ahmad
Photo: Flickr