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The Dangerous Ideology of North Korea 

dangerous ideology of North Korea The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has remained an enigma on the world stage for decades. The Kim dynasty, which has ruled since September 1948, transformed the economic outlook of the country with its oppressive and totalitarian regime. The unstable, elusive and dangerous ideology of North Korea makes it increasingly difficult for foreign aid to promote social, economic and political progress.

The Destructive Nature of Juche

North Korea’s unique ideology, coined ‘juche’ by the late Supreme Leader Kim Il-Sung, is a set of beliefs that focuses on self-reliance and finding strength without foreign assistance. In 1982, the revised Constitution accepted this as its authoritative doctrine. By adopting this isolationist ideology, North Korea’s inadequate economic planning soon plunged large portions of its population into extreme poverty and contributed to the deaths of millions from famine.

While the damage of juche is difficult to measure, its endorsement exacerbated the devastating North Korean famine of the 1990s as juche disregarded the potentiality of foreign aid to relieve the effects of the disaster.

As North Korea continued its isolation, the government’s distribution of the food supply began to favor the political and social elites rather than the majority of the population. In addition, the climate and land quality in the country was inadequate and when fuel aid from the USSR ceased, North Korea was unable to continue producing the fertilizer that helped its land provide higher crop yields. The subsequent famine killed millions.

The Inequality of Songbun

‘Songbun’ accompanies ‘juche’ as one of the discriminatory ideologies in the country that disproportionately impacts North Korea’s poor. ‘Songbun’ is a socioeconomic classification scheme that categorizes the population based on their loyalty to the regime. Upon its creation during the regime’s infancy, 28% of the population was considered in the “Core” or related to war heroes or peasants, 45% was considered “Wavering” and 27% was considered “Hostile”.

This system leads to egregious inequality specifically among the North Korean lower class, hindering this group in regard to education and employment.

For example, North Koreans are not able to choose their occupation or educational opportunity as their songbun ranking and government decide this for them.

Discrimination and Atrocity

Extreme gender discrimination within North Korea greatly hinders the prospect of girls and women in every aspect of life. Every day, women and girls fall victim to tremendous levels of sexual assault and persecution, including forced labor, forced marriage and food deprivation. A July 2020 report from the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) observed that North Korean women deported from China were often unable to obtain a fair trial and were wrongfully imprisoned, where they would suffer multiple tortures including rape, infanticide and unlivable prison conditions.

Diplomats worldwide struggle with the predictability of the dangerous ideology of North Korea. As juche, songbun and gender stereotypes and discrimination provoke a greater socioeconomic divide among the North Korean people, poverty worsens within the country. Due to North Korea’s isolationist nature, some previous attempts at sending foreign aid have not been able to adequately advance North Korea’s development.

How Organizations Alleviate North Korean Poverty

Sending aid to North Korea has been difficult in the past due to the country’s intense self-reliance philosophy. However, in the past, the United States has supplied over $400 million in energy assistance as well as $700 million worth of food assistance since 1995 and 1996, respectively.

During times of crisis, many organizations step up to provide life-saving aid. For example, in 2019, with the support of donors, aid from the UN and INGOs reached 2.5 million people in North Korea. The Needs and Priorities Plan of 2020 proposed further aid, which would help give 5.5 million people better access to health services, 1.3 million with food assistance and more.

Although it is challenging for governments to determine whether or not aid is reaching those who need it the most, organizations that focus on serving those in poverty have continued to assist North Koreans for years.

– Caroline Zientek
Photo: Flickr

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Tunisia’s Food Crisis: a Tale Of War, Hunger, and Decree

Tunisia’s Food CrisisTunisia, a North African country with a population of 11.8 million, is facing a dire food crisis in the wake of the Ukraine War. Recently, the country has struggled with various political and economic strife, including 14 government changes in the past decade and a slow economic revival. Reliance on foreign grain exports further exacerbates Tunisia’s food crisis. This makes it particularly susceptible to the dangerous effects of foreign conflicts. In addition, the government has issued decrees that imperil citizens’ freedom of expression.

Import Reliance and War

According to a report by the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), moderate to severe food insecurity affected around 25.1% of Tunisians from 2018 to 2020. Government food subsidies protected many Tunisians from the expensive cost of foreign imports and agriculture in the country for products such as vegetables and fruits is self-sustainable.

However, following the COVID-19 pandemic, the government was unable to continue providing sufficient subsidies as the prices of their imports skyrocketed, which led to Tunisia accepting an emergency loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for $750 million.

In addition to the insecurity introduced by COVID-19, the war in Ukraine presents a significant threat to Tunisian’s food supply. Since the Tunisian diet relies heavily on grains and Tunisia imports around 50% of its wheat from Ukraine and Russia, the Ukraine war has disrupted regular imports and accelerated hunger within the country.

Inside Tunisia

Statistics tell researchers about the numerical values of a food shortage. However, they cannot properly show the real living conditions of the crisis. Inside the personal lives of Tunisians during recent times of food shortage, bakers are running out of ingredients for bread and the lines of customers in the bakeries continue growing. Food insecurity in Tunisia has even affected citizens’ religious practices; during Ramadan, feasting happens nightly during iftars, but with supply limitations, it was often a struggle to fulfill them.

On March 20, Tunisian President Kais Saied enacted Decree-Law 2022-14, which sentenced those who hoarded state-subsidized products, such as cartels hoarding flour, to 10 to 30 years in prison. This decree’s goal is to protect against ongoing price gouging of grain products. In addition to the president’s decree, the government has also focused on police raids of warehouses and placing the blame for empty grocery store shelves on small businesses.

Amnesty International, a non-governmental organization that fights for human rights, suggested that President Kais’ anti-speculation decree could endanger citizens’ freedom of expression because it claims to target the spread of misinformation. Instead of simply protecting citizens from misinformation, the decree prevents citizens from speaking out about food shortages for fear of prosecution.

World Bank Loan

On June 28th, the World Bank’s Board of Executive Directors approved a $130 million loan to help alleviate the devastating effects of Tunisia’s food crisis in the wake of the Ukraine war. Emergency support will be provided, such as imports of wheat and barley for dairy production.

In the long run, the loan could assist Tunisia to become more self-sufficient and less reliant on foreign grain imports. This decision also pushes for the reevaluation of weaknesses in the grain value chain, which greatly contributes to food insecurity globally.

– Caroline Zientek
Photo: Flickr

Climate-Smart Agriculture in Kenya Reduces Poverty

Climate-Smart Agriculture in Kenya
In the past few decades, Kenya has experienced the gravity of severe weather and the effects associated with unstable temperature changes, drought and flooding. Because 98% of Kenya’s agricultural crops is rainfed, a stable climate is essential for food and income security. Therefore, the unstable weather patterns have severely affected livestock populations and crop output. This, in turn, affects the livelihoods of many rural populations in Kenya that depend on farming, with smallholder farmers particularly at risk.

Due to these subpar weather conditions, the nation is seeing a shift toward non-agriculture income ventures with the rural population, the predominant agricultural labor force, reducing by 3.2% between the years 2008 and 2014. The underperformance of the nation’s farming industry stands as one of the factors contributing to its high poverty levels. In 2015, the World Bank reported that about 36% of Kenya’s population lived under the national poverty line, depending on external food aid. To mitigate the socio-economic effects of severe weather, climate-smart agriculture in Kenya is on the rise.

Climate-Smart Agriculture Techniques

Climate-smart agriculture includes a range of techniques based on the three pillars of adaptation, mitigation and productivity. Adaptation centers on increasing crop durability and resistance to their environment, including pests and diseases. Mitigation focuses on reversing the negative effects of severe weather patterns. Finally, the productivity pillar aims to increase crop yield, and thus, achieve income stability for farmers.

Climate-smart agriculture in Kenya is beneficial in achieving food security, poverty reduction, adaptation to severe weather and nutrition. Among the techniques with the highest positive climate smartness impact are intercropping, conservation agriculture, manure composting, crop rotation and the use of biodigesters in dairy production. With climate-smart agriculture expanding economic development by strengthening the farming industry, it remains a key player in helping Kenya reach its goal of a 10% average annual GDP growth rate up to 2030.

Agroforestry is a climate-smart agriculture practice involving the cultivation of native plants and trees in combination with crops in a mutually beneficial manner, increasing crop yield. Agroforestry, an agricultural technique that “mimics a forest” and contributes to conservation efforts, forms part of Kenya’s main strategies to reduce its carbon emissions under the Paris Climate Accords.

Among the Kalenjin indigenous community in Kenya, tree nurseries return more than three times the profit of milk sales and maize harvests while also providing natural resources, including firewood which many poor households depend on for fuel. In addition, experts have associated extended droughts in Kenya with the loss of tree cover. Climate-smart agriculture in Kenya, such as agroforestry, can replenish the land, thus preventing droughts that contribute to crop loss.

The Agroforestry Efforts of ICRAF

The World Agroforestry (ICRAF) is an international organization founded in 1978 and headquartered in Kenya that works to expand agroforestry techniques throughout Africa, Asia and Latin America. Its goals include eradicating hunger, providing affordable and clean energy and reducing poverty. Through a combination of research, training programs and awareness, ICRAF is leading the shift toward more climate-friendly farming.

One of ICRAF’s many projects includes the Rangelands Ecosystem Services Productivity Programme (RangER) in Kenya, which seeks to redesign landscapes in arid and semi-arid lands (ASALs) to serve less-developed populations that depend on these lands for their livelihoods. ASALs make up 80% of Kenya’s surface area and receive “low levels of public, private and commercial investment.”

The RangER project aims to provide food and natural resource security by developing tree nurseries and enterprises in agroforestry. A vital part of this project includes research and health mapping for the implementation of agroforestry as well as the installation of rain and floodwater harvesting systems. These interventions will maximize land use and improve pasture and croplands for increased food and income production.

Looking Ahead

Climate-smart agriculture is providing for Kenya’s poor population through its effectiveness in sustainability and conservation. By aiding the environment, these techniques return greater crop yields and generate larger incomes for farmers. Positive results are long-term as crops strengthen their resistance to their external environments and adapt to changes in weather. As more countries begin to adopt these practices, the agriculture industry can greatly contribute to poverty reduction globally.

– Kimberly Calugaru
Photo: Flickr

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Double Burden of Child Malnutrition in Indonesia

Child Malnutrition in IndonesiaIndonesian children suffered from the double burden of malnutrition in Indonesia even before the COVID-19 pandemic. The double burden of malnutrition refers to having both overnutrition and undernutrition simultaneously. The “minimum dietary diversity” of Indonesian children ages 12 to 23 months rapidly decreased from 81% in 2018 to 55% in 2022. The double burden of child malnutrition in Indonesia directly impacts a child’s physical and mental development and puts children at high risk of illnesses in the future. Diverse nutrient intake is a crucial aspect of a child’s development, therefore, children in Indonesia need immediate assistance.

Effects of COVID-19 on Undernutrition in Indonesia

The rapid spread of COVID-19 impacted the economic stability of households as businesses shut down and the unemployment rate increased. The socio-economic crisis that households faced at the onset of the pandemic reduced parents’ ability to provide adequate nutritious meals for their children. A household’s income status is directly related to a child’s nutrient intake.

A survey of 2,400 Indonesian households between December 2020 and January 2021 revealed that “at least one member of every two households” faced a job loss. In March 2022, Health Minister Budi Gunadi Sadikin reported that 25% of Indonesian children have endured stunting and 10% of Indonesian children suffers malnourishment. Furthermore, an estimated 45% of households could not feed their children nutritious foods, such as fish, meat and fruit, and had to resort to smaller portions of food, increasing the susceptibility to undernutrition.

Overweight and Obesity Rate in Indonesia

The COVID-19 pandemic also increased the number of overweight and obese children in Indonesia. Historically, the childhood obesity rate in Indonesia has been on the rise. Even before the pandemic, according to the 2018 national Basic Health Research Survey (RISKESDAS), about 20% of primary school-aged children and 14% of Indonesian adolescents are obese or overweight.

The COVID-19 pandemic reduced access to healthy food for children. Rather, many households opted for cheaper processed foods, which are generally unhealthy, high in fat, sugar, salt and lack nutrients. Besides the unhealthy food intake, restricted physical activities because of the social distancing put children at a higher risk of becoming overweight. The health risks of being overweight and obese are as severe as undernutrition as these conditions increase the risk of developing life-threatening non-communicable diseases like heart diseases and diabetes.

Response to Malnutrition in Indonesia

In 2022, UNICEF found that more than 75% of Indonesia’s health offices moved their budgets for nutrition services to address the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. The shift of budgetary focus to addressing the pandemic meant that the government had to divert resources and funding for child nutrition programs.

To strengthen food security and decrease child wasting and stunting by 14% before the onset of 2024, UNICEF provides “technical assistance to the Government of Indonesia.” National efforts to address the prevalence of stunting have been visible since 2020 under the National Mid-Term Development Plan 2020-2024.

In 2015, Indonesia joined the SUN Business Network (SBN), “the world’s leading private sector initiative focused on nutrition.” Within this network, the private sector mobilizes to achieve national nutrition goals “through education and fortified food products.” SBN Indonesia commits to three objectives:  “nutrition for the first 1,000 days and adolescence; providing education about, and access to, balanced nutrition; and sanitation, health and hygiene.”

Also, Indonesia is one of the 61 members represented in the Scaling up Nutrition (SUN) Movement, which started in 2010 as a collaborative effort by countries to end malnutrition in all its forms.

Fighting the double burden of child malnutrition in Indonesia has been a perennial issue for the nation. In 2022, UNICEF Executive Director Henrietta Fore noted the importance of addressing child undernutrition, “Poor nutrition intake in the first two years of life can irreversibly harm children’s rapidly growing bodies and brains.”

With both national and international efforts, the double burden of child malnutrition in Indonesia can improve.

– Youngwook Chun
Photo: Flickr

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Everything to Know About Poverty in Colombia

Poverty in Colombia
Despite its economic growth, with Colombia being the fourth-largest economy in Latin America as of 2021, the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated poverty in Colombia where the poverty rate in 2020 was 42.5%. However, with long-term trends toward declining poverty and better economic policies, there is hope for better living conditions in Colombia in the near future. Here is everything you need to know about poverty in Colombia as of 2022.

Quick Facts

  • In a population of 50.9 million, around 2.5 million people live on less than $1.90 as of 2019.
  • The poverty rate in 2021 was 39.3%, with a large gap between rural and urban poverty.
  • The Gini Index, a measure of inequality, is 51.3 as of 2019, according to the World Bank.
  • Annualized gross domestic product per capita growth is 1.02% from 2014 to 2019.

Factors Contributing to Poverty

When learning about poverty in Colombia, it is integral to note that it has a number of factors, including internal conflict, government policies, unequal distribution of land and more.

From the 1960s, Colombia engaged in a decades-long internal conflict between the government, paramilitary groups and antigovernment guerilla groups, which was funded primarily by the drug trade. Peacemaking efforts have been actively worked on since the 2000s and the Colombian government officially signed a peace deal with the main guerilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, in late 2016.

Many Colombians faced internal displacement due to the conflict when they had to abandon their homes and land due to threats to safety. Internally displaced people find it difficult to rebuild their assets and find stable housing or employment after they move, which often leads to living in poverty or extreme poverty. The World Bank estimates that Colombia still has around 5 million internally displaced people as of 2021.

During the conflict, paramilitary groups also seized large amounts of land from citizens, using it to fuel the drug trade. This had a disproportionate impact on the rural population — 18% of the total population as of 2021 — who still largely rely on agriculture, causing higher rates of poverty in the underdeveloped rural regions of Colombia.

Many accuse the Colombian government of pursuing a “pro-rich” model when it comes to the economy, according to Transnational Institute (TNI). Among these policies is an unregulated taxation system in which the wealthiest 20% contribute little in terms of tax revenue, despite receiving 55% of the country’s income in 2018. In addition, the government invested in international and private corporations as well as encouraging domestic export and international fair-trade agreements, leaving small-scale farmers vulnerable to price fluctuations and unable to compete with large agricultural operations.

Recent Trends

Despite these factors contributing to poverty, Colombia made significant improvements through other measures in the past two decades. According to the World Bank, Colombia worked on a debt management system, invested in the domestic market and improved policy coordination between various financial institutions in the country. The government also worked on better welfare programs, such as improving education outcomes as well as restoring land rights taken away during the conflict. The result of these efforts is steady economic growth and a long-term trend of declining inequality and poverty.

Although the COVID-19 pandemic initially disrupted this progress, Colombia’s economy recovered quickly due to its strong economic policy framework in place. Poverty decreased from 42.5% in 2020 to 39.3% in 2021 and extreme poverty is down from 15.1% to 12.2%.

New Challenges

Due to recent global economic trends and the Russia-Ukraine war, Colombia joins a host of Latin American countries grappling with rising inflation. The country experienced the highest rate of inflation in 21 years in April and food prices. The Russia-Ukraine war has disrupted the trade of wheat and fertilizer, which has contributed to food prices rising by 26%.

The United Nations Economic Commission on Latin America and the Caribbean expects another spike in Colombia’s poverty rate, meaning that as many as 880,000 people could enter poverty in 2022 — the largest impact of any Latin American country — due to the economic effects of the Russia-Ukraine War.

Hope for the Future

On June 19, Colombia elected President Gustavo Petro, its first leftist leader, who promised to tackle inequality and poverty in the country. His plans include the improvement of social programs, such as increasing access to higher education, revamping the health care system and more. Petro’s focus on Colombia’s socioeconomic inequalities has the potential for a path toward poverty reduction.

– Ramona Mukherji
Photo: Flickr

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Nollywood Film “The Oratory” Addresses Poverty

The Oratory
The Nigerian film industry, also known as Nollywood, is the second-largest film industry globally as of 2015, producing more than 1,000 films annually. The Nollywood Factory film “The Oratory,” in collaboration with the Salesians of Don Bosco, aims to raise awareness about the growing number of homeless children in Nigeria and inspire initiatives to bring about change.

The Film’s Mission

The Nollywood film “The Oratory” premiered on November 20, 2021, at the Filmhouse Cinemas in Lagos, the largest city in Nigeria with a little over 15 million people residing within the 452 square miles as of 2022. The movie follows an American-born priest who travels to Lagos where he tries to save homeless children trapped in a criminal network in the city. This is “the first Catholic movie from Nigeria” to highlight a topic like this.

The film’s executive producer, Dr. Cyril Odia, is a Nigerian Salesian priest who believes presenting these problems in the form of a movie will help raise awareness and garner more support. “The attempt of this movie is to call for action. As Salesians, we believe in faith in action. If we don’t multiply that effect and get more people to come on board, we can foresee that there is going to be a disaster.” The film producers also cast local children experiencing poverty and living in slums in an attempt to provide them with opportunities and hope to transform their lives.

Nigeria’s Street Children

With more than 250 ethnic groups and more than 500 languages spoken, Lagos is a cultural hub in West Africa. However, the city also struggles with major economic issues, and according to the World Bank, as of 2022, about four in 10 Nigerians live below the national poverty threshold. Tragically, children account for many impoverished persons as 42% of Nigeria’s population is younger than 15, says a 2022 article by The Conversation.

Homeless children in Nigeria are also known as “street children.” These children are pushed to live on the streets due to factors such as “poverty, neglect, abuse [and] domestic violence.” For survival, these children engage in child labor. Some steal and beg while others abuse substances. Children in these conditions join groups “for personal protection against gangs and law enforcement officials.” Unfortunately, the number of “street children” is rising despite calls for the Lagos State Department to invest in more housing accommodations and educational campaigns to raise awareness.

How Salesians Help Children in Nigeria

Salesians are followers of the Roman Catholic Church who dedicate their lives to helping underprivileged youth. This commitment is visible in Nigeria where Salesian missionaries have built schools and orphanages around the country and implemented efforts toward securing access to clean water and health services, among other efforts.

Responses From the World

On September 10, 2021, “The Oratory” premiered in Dublin to critics who praised the film and audiences who gave it a standing ovation. After watching the movie, Denise Onoise, a child protection specialist at the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), said the “movie aligns with the objectives of [UNICEF].” Onoise said that “[a]t UNICEF, we do partnerships like these even with ministries and government agencies. This is particularly interesting for us due to the work we had done in the past six years.”

In 2019, UNICEF collaborated with Salesians to open a juvenile justice center in a Salesian Immaculate Shelter in Togo to support the rehabilitation of minors who contravened the law. Foyer Don Bosco, a home in Benin that houses children victims of abandonment and abuse, released in a report on June 28, 2022, that it had received funding for clothing, food and other essential items from Salesian Missions.

A year after its release, the Nollywood film “The Oratory” continues to inspire the people of Lagos to fight harder for children living in poverty, and the Salesian effort to help only grows stronger.

– Yashavi Upasani
Photo: Flickr

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Addressing Child Poverty in Laos

Child Poverty in LaosLocated in the center of South-East Asia, Laos or Lao People’s Democratic Republic, is one of the poorest countries in Southeast Asia.  Nearly 23% of the total population of 7.2 million people in Laos are below the poverty line.  More than half of the population in Laos are under the age of 18 and they are severely impacted by poverty.  Besides the economic growth, the multidimensional deprivation in children is highly associated with the low levels of infrastructure and the heavy reliance on agricultural activities.  The children in poverty in Laos are impacted in various sectors such as nutrition, child labor and education. It’s important to be addressing child poverty in Laos and the numerous struggles that spawn from it.

Overview of Child Poverty in Laos

In Save the Children’s 2021 Global Childhood Report, Laos was ranked 143 of 186 countries on an index reflecting countries’ average levels of performance based on eight indicators related to child health, education, labor, marriage, childbirth and violence. According to the statistics from UNICEF in 2018, only 12% of children experience no deprivation while the other remaining children under 18 years are suffering from at least two deprivations in the areas of nutrition, health and education.

Food Insecurity

Widespread child malnutrition and food insecurity remain as persistent problems in Laos.  The World Food Program and Lao government ranked Laos 87th out of 177 countries on the 2019 Global Hunger Index.

In terms of food security, the share of the household experiencing severe food insecurity rose to 23% in May 2022.

Child Labor and Education

The report from Save the Children estimated that 28.2% of children aged five to 17 were involved in labor from 2015 to 2020

In 2021, Prime Minister Phankham cited that a low level of development in Laos correlates with the parents’ reliance on their children to help out with finances at home rather than getting an education. The main problem of early involvement in child labor leads to the lack of educational opportunities.  To elaborate, the 2019 Southeast Asia assessment of learning outcomes showed that fifth-grade students are not mastering the minimum proficiency level for the grade in terms of reading, writing and math skills.

Poverty in Laos is forcing children to drop out of school and participate in child labor to help their families.   In 2021, approximately 28% of children are engaged in child labor, instead of learning according to the Save The Children report. Although the Laos Law prohibits child employment under 14, numerous children are engaged in various forms of labor.

Because of the devastating poverty situation, most of the parents in Laos do not see the importance of education and instead encourage their children to participate in physical labor to amend their financial struggle.  According to an official from the Education Department in Sekong province, students aged 10 to 12 from rural areas often quit school or only attend classes two or three days a week. The lack of infrastructure in the education sector and low government spending has aggravated the situation of the children in poverty in Laos for accessing education.

The Impact of COVID-19

Since 2021, the impact of the pandemic adversely impacted the children’s education opportunities in Laos.  Approximately 42% of children stopped attending schools temporarily or permanently after many households faced financial collapse because of the pandemic.

Efforts to address Child Poverty in Laos

The national poverty rate in Laos has continuously dropped with annual GDP growth of 7.3%.  According to the statistics from the World Bank, between 1993 and 2019, the poverty rate fell from 46% to 18%. However, the poverty rate in minority ethnic remained relatively high, with the rate of 34.6%.  This disproportionate poverty rate in minority ethnic groups was ten times higher than among households headed by those who have completed secondary education.

To help improve the education status, the World Bank and the government launched a $47 million national project aimed at improving pre-school and primary education performance in September 2021

USAID also took the progressive approach to child education in Laos in 2022, DA Coleman announced a new $2.6 million USAID grant to support childhood and primary education.

To enhance the nutrition security in Laos, the government of Laos jointly partnered with WFP’s Country Director to launch WFP’s new Country Strategic Plan 2022-2026 in February 2022.  This strategic plan is centered on expanding and strengthening the Government’s school meals program, working to enhance community resilience and ensure food security.

A Look Ahead

By implementing long-term commitments and strategies both nationally and internationally, the prospect of eliminating child poverty in Laos is positive.

–Youngwook Chun
Photo: Flickr

ECOWAS Lifts Sanctions Against Mali

Leaders of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) lifted sanctions imposed on Mali after military rulers proposed a two-year transition to return to civilian led democracy. ECOWAS made the announcement at the July 3rd summit in Accra and received supported from the United States, as well as the European Union.

Colonel Assimi Goïta took power in May 2021 after capturing former President Bah N’daw. West Africa saw a series of military coups in Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso over the past year.

Humanitarian Crisis in Mali

Malian citizens are in urgent need of international aid. Sanctions exacerbated a dire humanitarian crisis in Mali. As a landlocked country, Mali relies on regional trade to reach broader markets.

Food security is a major issue. Around 70% of food in the country is imported. Prices at markets skyrocketed after the announcement of additional ECOWAS sanctions in January 2022. Wholesalers stockpiled resources, leveraging the embargo to make profit off of Malians in poverty. The Food Security Cluster estimates that 1.8 million people in Mali need emergency food assistance as of June 2022.

Along with food insecurity, years of violence in Northern Mali is disproportionately affecting those living in poverty.  The Coalition des Mouvements de L’Azawad (CMA), a pro- Tuareg separatist umbrella organization that is made up of multiple different armed groups, Al-Qaeda affiliated radicals in the Sahel and the Malian military, continue to engage in conflict for territory. Security remains a vital concern for Malian citizens and is why many continue to support the military junta after years of state incompetence.

Furthermore, 1/3 of healthcare resources are funded by external donors. Access to medical care is limited, especially in the North where armed violence is concentrated. The conflict restricts the movement of NGO workers and Malian citizens, creating isolation from healthcare institutions.

Sanctions on Mali’s military government disproportionately affect low-income citizens. Now that the embargo is lifted, the international community must act to ease human suffering in Mali.

Effectiveness of Sanctions?

The humanitarian crisis in Mali resurfaces questions about the effectiveness of sanctions. Often perceived as a non-violent alternative to military action, sanctions are now the global norm for “correcting rogue states”.

However, sanctions can threaten the basic needs of poor people around the world. It is not the ruling government, but citizens in poverty that suffer the dramatic impact of international embargos.

There is little evidence to suggest that sanctions successfully pressure illiberal states. Burkina Faso’s military, which launched a coup in early January, announced a 24-month plan to return to a civilian led government. ECOWAS did not enact widespread sanctions against the junta state. Instead, West African leaders opted to send representatives to engage in diplomatic negotiations. ECOWAS mediator Mahamadou Issoufou praised Burkina Faso’s military leadership for their “openness to dialogue”.

Sanctions can cause a divide in global order. Military governments make pacts to survive embargos. Colonel Mamady Doumbouya, who led the September 2021 coup in Guinea, allowed Mali access to the port city of Conakry to bypass trade restrictions.

Sanctions, Embargoes and Support Rallies

During ECOWAS sanctions, Mali substantially increased gross trade with China. Taking advantage of the power vacuum left by Western-backed blockades, Beijing further engrained hegemonic authority in Africa. Russia is also attempting to expand its sphere of influence to the Sahel region. The Kremlin aligned Wagner Group paramilitary force is working closely alongside Mali’s junta government. Sanctions in Mali only hardened diplomatic and economic realignment, empowering Washington’s rival alliance networks.

Furthermore, embargos often produce civilian solidarity with illiberal governments and ferment anti-West sentiment. In Mali, civilians rallied in support of Colonel Goïta’s government after additional ECOWAS sanctions were announced. Sanctions are dangerous to civilians living in poverty and U.S. foreign interests.

Sanctions, lack of mobility and access to the entire country are challenges facing NGOs working in Mali. However, there are still organizations that are doing important work on the ground today. CARE International provides long-term development planning and emergency food relief in Mali. As a partner with USAID’s Office for Food and Peace (FPP), supporting CARE’s mission of combating the humanitarian crisis in Mali will reduce human suffering, as well as improve Washington’s relationship with actors in the African Sahel.

A Look Ahead

ECOWAS lifted sanctions on Mali after military leaders announced a plan to return to civilian led democracy. The announcement comes at an urgent time for Malian citizens, who felt the brunt of the economic embargo.

–Samson Heyer
Photo: Flickr

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New Cancer Therapies Bring Ray of Hope 

Cancer TherapiesIn 2020, the estimated number of cancer cases of all sexes and ages was 19,292,789 and the number of cancer-related deaths was approximately 10 million. Data suggests that about 400,000 children procure cancer on an annual basis. This goes to show that cancer is still a leading global health problem that has an economic cost of trillions of dollars. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), about 30-50% of cancers can be prevented simply by early detection, correct diagnosis and avoiding risk factors such as tobacco, alcohol, UV radiation and more. Although basic cancer treatments such as radiotherapy and surgery exist, recent advancements show that a number of new cancer therapies developed can significantly increase the survival rate of patients.

A Panacea for Rectal Cancer

On June 5, The New York Times published a piece about a small clinical trial conducted at New York’s Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center. In this trial, 18 patients with stage three rectal cancer were given a drug called Dostarlimab “every three weeks for six months.” Dostarlimab is an immune checkpoint inhibitor. This means that the drug itself does not attack the cancer cells. Dostarlimab instead exposes the cells and allows the patient’s immune system to then “identify and destroy them.”

All 18 patients were miraculously cured of their cancer, leaving no trace of tumors to be found in any physical examinations or body scans. Scientist Dr. Luis A. Diaz Jr stated that “I believe this is the first time this has happened in the history of cancer,” in regards to this study.

The reason why this experiment is so revolutionary in the field of cancer research is because of its implications. According to Dr.Hanna Sanoff of the University of North Carolina’s Lineberger Comprehensive Cancer Center, rectal cancer patients traditionally have to bear severe consequences after surgeries or chemotherapy.

Sanoff stated in an NPR news interview, “I have had patients who, after their rectal cancer, have barely left the house for years – and in a couple of cases, even decades – because of the consequences of incontinence and the shame that’s associated with this.”

Side Effects and Effectiveness of Dostarlimab

In contrast, this new cancer immunotherapy didn’t bring with it any significant clinical complications for patients. The side effects, if any, were sparse and less in intensity.

However, this study has proven to be useful for only a “subset of patients” who have a specific gene mutation known as mismatch repair gene deficiency. About 5% of cancer patients have such gene abnormalities and they are the ones who will respond well to the Dostarlimab drug.

To gauge the true effectiveness of this research study, a more broad and diverse sample needs to be experimented upon. Nonetheless, this is a hopeful beginning that shows that cancer therapies can cure cancer for good.

New Drugs Synthesized treat Hard-to-Cure Breast Cancers

A new study published on July 5 in the New England Journal of Medicine focused on treating cancer patients with low levels of HER2, a protein “which is a common villain in breast and other cancers.”

Previously, it was found that drugs attacking HER2 only worked for patients who had high levels of the protein. However, 80–85% of breast cancer patients have low levels of HER2 (“a condition known as HER2-low”), making the usage of these drugs unhelpful.

In this clinical trial, 557 patients with HER2-low metastatic breast cancer were divided randomly into two groups. Two-thirds of patients were intravenously injected with a drug called trastuzumab deruxtecan (T-DXd) every three weeks. The rest received standard chemotherapy.

The results showed that patients who had taken T-DXd “survived for a median of 23.4 months overall, while those in the chemotherapy group survived for a median of 16.8 months.” The unique thing about T-DXd is that it contains an antibody attached to a chemotherapy drug. When T-DXd finds a cancer cell with HER2 on it, “the chemotherapy drug separates from the antibody and kills the cell.”

The Impact of T-DXd and Foundation of ERX-41

Breast cancer specialist Jane Meisel, M.D. of Emory University’s Winship Cancer Institute, who was not part of the study, believes that the findings will “change how metastatic HER2-low breast cancer is treated, and are ‘a huge win for [the] patients.’”

In another experiment published on June 9,  UT Dallas associate professor Dr. Jung-Mo Ahn synthesized a new compound called  ERX-41, which helped in destroying tumor cells in the breast. This compound proved especially effective in treating patients with triple-negative breast cancer (TNBC) and is novel because traditionally, there have been “few treatment options for patients with TNBC.”  ERX-41 also proved to be helpful in treating pancreatic, ovarian and brain cancers.

A New WHO Initiative

On June 4, WHO announced its collaboration with the American Society of Clinical Oncology, Inc. (ASCO). The primary goal of this partnership is to reduce inequalities and improve the quality of cancer care, both globally and locally. The emphasis is on low-income countries where “comprehensive treatment” is found in less than 15% of places.

Through innovation, network-building and pooling of resources and tools, the WHO and ASCO will lift the cancer burden on many patients and provide them with effective treatment.

A Look Ahead

Much progress has been made in developing new cancer therapies that would have been unfathomable even a few years back. The road ahead is long and yet there is light at the end of the tunnel.

–Anushka Raychaudhuri
Photo: Unsplash

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The History of Poland’s Foreign Aid

Poland's Foreign Aid
In a matter of decades, Poland has gone from being a recipient of foreign aid to a strong presence within the international donor community. Poland is not the only country to do this. China, India, Japan, Korea and Thailand have all undergone a similar recipient-to-donor transition. Just how did Poland and other former aid recipients transform into emerging or full-fledged aid donors? This article will provide a short history of Poland’s foreign aid in the hopes of shedding some light on the answer.

 The 1950s-1970s: A Soviet Donor Under Comecon

One of Poland’s earliest exercises in providing international aid was through the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, popularly known as Comecon. Founded in 1949, Comecon’s purpose was to strengthen economic cooperation and development among Eastern European countries. Alongside Poland, the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania and Albania made up Comecon’s membership.

As far as general principles were concerned, Comecon’s preamble emphasized the idea of mutual economic assistance in favor of maintaining the stronghold of communism and socialism in the Eastern bloc. It was through Comecon that Poland first assumed its role as a donor and Poland’s foreign aid began.

The 1980s: Economic Crises and the Fall of the USSR

During the 1980s, an unprecedented economic and political crisis struck Poland. The causes of the country’s crisis had deep roots in its system of a planned economy and policy of forced industrialization.

By the end of 1981, Poland had accumulated a foreign debt of $27 billion. Polish standards of living continued to fall rapidly as the country’s economic struggles worsened until 1989 when the Soviet Union collapsed.

The few years after the fall of the USSR between 1990 and 1994 was when Poland could be said to have fully made the switch from Soviet donor to the beneficiary of the West. During this time, the G-24 and international financial institutions sent $36 billion in aid to Poland. The United States separately committed another $719 million in grant assistance.

The 1990s-2000s: Poland’s Recovery and Accession to the EU and OECD

Poland used its foreign assistance to restabilize and restructure its economy. Over the decades, it has even become one of the fastest-growing economies in Europe. Poland’s process of accession to the European Union, which officially occurred in 2004, marked the beginning of its transition from that of a recipient to a donor.

Polish NGOs began to enter other parts of Eastern Europe to help their Western counterparts communicate with the local communities, according to a University of Cambridge Summary Paper. Polish NGOs then shifted from doing this to starting their own initiatives and establishing the national ODA (Official Development Assistance) structures.

Decades Later, Poland Gives Back

Poland has since become an active participant in global development cooperation.“Polish Aid” is one of Poland’s most prominent development and humanitarian assistance programs today. Directed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), Polish Aid’s mission is to contribute to building a more sustainable world for present and future generations by providing humanitarian aid, development aid and global education.

 The program underwent implementation in forms specified in Article 4 of the Development Cooperation Act of September 16, 2011. In 2019, the grant equivalent of Poland’s ODA was nearly PLN 3 billion.

Over the years, Poland has prioritized post-Soviet countries in their aid allocation. Ukraine, Belarus, Turkey, Tanzania, India, Mongolia, China, Kenya, Iraq, Georgia, Moldova and Lebanon were key recipients of Polish bilateral assistance in 2019.

Poland’s bilateral assistance has gone primarily to helping former Communist countries transition to democracy, improve the economy and support civil society.

In effect, Poland’s aid allocation has raised levels of economic, social and political freedom in states that previously struggled to offer these liberties. Ukraine is one such state that has developed rapidly under the auspices of Poland, according to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Since gaining its independence in 1991, Ukraine now boasts a strong civil society, well-organized political parties and a diverse and pluralistic polity with multiple centers of power.

Poland is just one of a plethora of countries that have evolved from beneficiary to donor in a few short decades. The history of Poland’s foreign aid should serve as an important reminder of the reasons for how effective and worthwhile providing aid to a struggling country is. It might be that the initial leg-up is all a country needs to get a position where they too can help others.

– Lauren Hyomin Kim
Photo: Flickr