Since the 2021 military overthrow of Myanmar’s democratically elected Aung San Suu Kyi government, the country has faced ongoing turmoil. Years of brutal fighting between the military junta, known as the Tatmadaw and a patchwork of regional resistance forces and ethnic armed groups have left Myanmar devastated.

According to the most recent U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) report on the humanitarian situation in embattled Myanmar, 19.9 million people are “estimated to need humanitarian assistance.” More than 15 million people face acute food insecurity, while almost 6.3 million children are counted among the individuals in need of assistance. This is out of a total population of roughly 54.8 million.

The Weaponization of Humanitarian Aid

“The junta has chosen to use aid as a weapon,” said U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation in Myanmar Tom Andrews in a June article posted to the U.N. News website. After the devastating 7.7-magnitude earthquake that struck central Myanmar this past March, the country was left reeling.

In the weeks that followed, aid groups and international reporting outlets raised an outcry over the junta’s blocking of international humanitarian assistance. John Quinley, director of the international nonprofit Fortify Rights, told the BBC, “They pick and choose when aid can go in and if they can’t monitor it and they can’t use it how they want, they restrict it.”

This has long been a tactic favored by the junta, with examples of such exploitation going back to the previous 49-year stretch of junta rule in Myanmar. Cyclone Nargis ripped through southern Myanmar in May 2008, killing more than 140,000 people, mostly in and around the Irrawaddy Delta. However, the junta delayed and obstructed international aid and relief from entering affected areas for weeks.

Everyone Is an Enemy

The regime feared that such widespread foreign involvement would undermine its authority and spark possible dissent. Thus, it chooses to prioritize its control of its population over its people’s urgent humanitarian needs. Al Jazeera, speaking on the regime’s attitude after the cyclone, stated that, “They see everyone as a potential enemy intent on overthrowing their rule.”

Still, it is not only the junta that has harmed aid delivery. Though on a far lesser scale, anti-junta factions have also impacted food delivery and humanitarian supplies. The New Humanitarian reported in 2023 that after a recent offensive by the Three Brotherhood Alliance, the town of Laukkai in Shan State experienced shortages of basic resources after anti-junta forces blocked parts of the state from junta forces. Crucial roads and bridges were also damaged or destroyed by anti-junta forces in their fight.

Who Is Fighting Back?

The junta, which now fully controls only around 21% of the nation’s territory, continues the weaponization of humanitarian aid. However, many local groups have worked hard to fill the gaps in governmental and international aid. Humanitarian Outcomes reported that most international humanitarian action, done by “formal” entities such as the U.N., is limited to junta-controlled areas. Still, the same report makes note of local, clandestine groups and networks that work to smuggle money and goods into contested areas. Many of these are Burmese diaspora members or other groups operating from the other side of the Thai border.

Aid and support also move across the Indian border and are conducted by several humanitarian and anti-coup groups. The Free Burma Rangers (FBR) is among the most prominent aid organizations formed during offensives by the junta in 1997. It has worked to train 250 “multi-ethnic relief teams,” 71 of which are active in a dozen regions across Myanmar. The FBR teams provide “emergency medical, educational, spiritual, material and general assistance” to civilians in conflict zones.

Another notable aid organization is the Back Pack Health Worker Team. It sends out “mobile back pack teams of three-five trained health workers [who] provide a range of curative and preventative health care services to their communities.” The organization currently operates 113 backpack teams, with 456 total workers. These workers, with a network of nearly 2,000 community-embedded health services, provide health services to more than 292,000 IDPs and war-affected residents across the country.

All of this goes to show that formal humanitarian services often fail to reach many civilians in Myanmar. In their absence, thousands of local organizations and groups are stepping up for their communities and finding ways to circumvent the weaponization of humanitarian aid.

– Alex Degterev

Alex is based in Boston, MA, USA and focuses on Global Health and Politics for The Borgen Project.

Photo: Unsplash