In 2019, Italy’s deputy prime minister Luigi Di Maio declared that France is “impoverishing African countries” through its commercial and security ties, prompting an inquiry into how current French-Africa relations impact poverty in Africa. As France’s role in Africa dwindles and French President Emmanuel Macron reassesses French-Africa relations, it is essential to explore the impact of French policies on the African people.
History of France-Africa Relations
After the invasion of Algiers in 1830, France initiated more than a century of colonialism in Africa, subjugating millions of Africans to French rule. French colonization changed the shape of African militaries, economies and politics. Most colonies achieved independence during the 1960s. However, France still “detained a sphere of influence in these regions.”
In the post-independence period, French relations with its former colonies became known by the term “Françafrique,” a portmanteau of France and Afrique (the French word for Africa). This term encompasses the economic, political and military relations between Paris and its former African colonies. However, during the 1990s, the idea of Françafrique faced challenges in France. Activists revealed “African emissaries traveling to France with suitcases full of cash seeking, regardless of who won the election, to cement French politicians’ loyalty and support for certain African heads of state,” according to Global Voices.
Nowadays, French attitude and policy shifts may signify an end of Françafrique, as France transitions from neocolonialism to a desire to build mutually beneficial relationships with African nations.
Emmanuel Macron’s New Direction on Africa
President Macron aimed to start a new chapter of France-Africa relations after his speech in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso in November 2017. Macron expressed his desire to establish more equal partnerships with African nations in his speech.
In October 2021, the President held firm to this policy shift at the New Africa-France Summit, where he worked with African leaders to redefine France-Africa relations.
In his attempt to revolutionize French influence in Africa, the French President has made unprecedented advances by recognizing France’s negative role in Africa, declaring that colonialism was a “grave mistake,” according to Economist Intelligence.
Economic Dependency
Despite Macron’s hopes, forging an equal partnership between France and Africa is challenging, as France created and controls a relevant African currency: the Communauté Financière Africaine (CFA) franc.
The CFA franc is a regional currency used by nations in the West African Economic and Monetary Union and the Economic and Monetary Community of Central African States. Created in the colonial era, France ensured its use in its sub-Saharan colonies, guaranteeing the fixed rate of CFA franc with the French franc and now with the Euro, according to Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Togolese economist Kako Nubukpo criticized the CFA franc because the Central European Bank, instead of a centralized African bank, determines the financial policies that impact this currency, according to Global Voices. France requires African nations to hold 50% to 65% of its foreign reserves in France’s central bank to “guarantee the convertibility of the CFA at a fixed exchange rate,” Global Voices stated.
Additionally, Senegalese economist Ndong Samba Sylla noted that former French colonies that did not have the CFA franc—specifically, Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia—are now “stronger economically than any user of CFA franc,” Global Voices reports.
Military-Driven Security in Africa
Africa also depends on the French military and aid to defend national security, promote political stability and curb threats of terrorism and extremism.
In 2014, France began a military operation in the Sahel, Operation Barkhane, sending 3,000 troops to combat terrorism and maintain regional stability, according to Brookings. France’s military-driven efforts to combat terrorism and instability in Africa are not the most effective, especially since military involvement failed to prevent coups d’état in Chad and Mali, according to Carnegie Endowment.
French Foreign International Development Aid to Africa
Unlike military engagement, French foreign aid is generally well received in Africa, as France remains a top contributor of support for the continent. France has expanded its foreign assistance recently, increasing its international development budget to 0.55% of its GDP. Paris plans to continue this course of increased aid with a 0.7% aid target by 2025.
French foreign aid contributes to humanitarian assistance and economic, social and political development programs. These projects could improve the lives of Africans by cultivating new job opportunities and spurring further economic and technological advancement. One example is the development of a commuter rail line in Nairobi, Kenya, funded by the French government’s contribution of €3 billion.
Targeted foreign aid offers the chance for France to advance meaningful development in Africa while also advancing its diplomatic goals of strengthening French-Africa relations.
Poverty in Africa
According to the World Bank, extreme poverty in Africa fell from 54% in 1990 to 41% in 2015. Despite this seemingly sharp drop in poverty rates, “the number of poor people in Africa has actually increased from 278 million in 1990 to 413 million in 2015.”
Targeted foreign assistance from France may promote job growth, counteracting poverty. For instance, France initiated a project called Choose Africa, giving €2.5 billion to invest in new African businesses, according to France Diplomacy. This project and other French international development projects in Africa could successfully challenge poverty.
Outside of the French government, many nongovernmental organizations fight poverty on the ground, including Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). Commonly known as Doctors Without Borders in English, MSF is an NGO of French origin focusing on providing medical assistance to those in need. Working in more than 70 countries in 2021, MSF brings health care programs across the globe, with much of their work centered on impoverished Africans.
Even though France-Africa relations remain complex, French foreign aid, coupled with the work of NGOs like MSF and other foreign powers, contributes to the enduring battle to tackle poverty in Africa.
– Michael Cardamone
Photo: Flickr
ECOWAS Lifts Sanctions Against Mali
Leaders of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) lifted sanctions imposed on Mali after military rulers proposed a two-year transition to return to civilian led democracy. ECOWAS made the announcement at the July 3rd summit in Accra and received supported from the United States, as well as the European Union.
Colonel Assimi Goïta took power in May 2021 after capturing former President Bah N’daw. West Africa saw a series of military coups in Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso over the past year.
Humanitarian Crisis in Mali
Malian citizens are in urgent need of international aid. Sanctions exacerbated a dire humanitarian crisis in Mali. As a landlocked country, Mali relies on regional trade to reach broader markets.
Food security is a major issue. Around 70% of food in the country is imported. Prices at markets skyrocketed after the announcement of additional ECOWAS sanctions in January 2022. Wholesalers stockpiled resources, leveraging the embargo to make profit off of Malians in poverty. The Food Security Cluster estimates that 1.8 million people in Mali need emergency food assistance as of June 2022.
Along with food insecurity, years of violence in Northern Mali is disproportionately affecting those living in poverty. The Coalition des Mouvements de L’Azawad (CMA), a pro- Tuareg separatist umbrella organization that is made up of multiple different armed groups, Al-Qaeda affiliated radicals in the Sahel and the Malian military, continue to engage in conflict for territory. Security remains a vital concern for Malian citizens and is why many continue to support the military junta after years of state incompetence.
Furthermore, 1/3 of healthcare resources are funded by external donors. Access to medical care is limited, especially in the North where armed violence is concentrated. The conflict restricts the movement of NGO workers and Malian citizens, creating isolation from healthcare institutions.
Sanctions on Mali’s military government disproportionately affect low-income citizens. Now that the embargo is lifted, the international community must act to ease human suffering in Mali.
Effectiveness of Sanctions?
The humanitarian crisis in Mali resurfaces questions about the effectiveness of sanctions. Often perceived as a non-violent alternative to military action, sanctions are now the global norm for “correcting rogue states”.
However, sanctions can threaten the basic needs of poor people around the world. It is not the ruling government, but citizens in poverty that suffer the dramatic impact of international embargos.
There is little evidence to suggest that sanctions successfully pressure illiberal states. Burkina Faso’s military, which launched a coup in early January, announced a 24-month plan to return to a civilian led government. ECOWAS did not enact widespread sanctions against the junta state. Instead, West African leaders opted to send representatives to engage in diplomatic negotiations. ECOWAS mediator Mahamadou Issoufou praised Burkina Faso’s military leadership for their “openness to dialogue”.
Sanctions can cause a divide in global order. Military governments make pacts to survive embargos. Colonel Mamady Doumbouya, who led the September 2021 coup in Guinea, allowed Mali access to the port city of Conakry to bypass trade restrictions.
Sanctions, Embargoes and Support Rallies
During ECOWAS sanctions, Mali substantially increased gross trade with China. Taking advantage of the power vacuum left by Western-backed blockades, Beijing further engrained hegemonic authority in Africa. Russia is also attempting to expand its sphere of influence to the Sahel region. The Kremlin aligned Wagner Group paramilitary force is working closely alongside Mali’s junta government. Sanctions in Mali only hardened diplomatic and economic realignment, empowering Washington’s rival alliance networks.
Furthermore, embargos often produce civilian solidarity with illiberal governments and ferment anti-West sentiment. In Mali, civilians rallied in support of Colonel Goïta’s government after additional ECOWAS sanctions were announced. Sanctions are dangerous to civilians living in poverty and U.S. foreign interests.
Sanctions, lack of mobility and access to the entire country are challenges facing NGOs working in Mali. However, there are still organizations that are doing important work on the ground today. CARE International provides long-term development planning and emergency food relief in Mali. As a partner with USAID’s Office for Food and Peace (FPP), supporting CARE’s mission of combating the humanitarian crisis in Mali will reduce human suffering, as well as improve Washington’s relationship with actors in the African Sahel.
A Look Ahead
ECOWAS lifted sanctions on Mali after military leaders announced a plan to return to civilian led democracy. The announcement comes at an urgent time for Malian citizens, who felt the brunt of the economic embargo.
–Samson Heyer
Photo: Flickr
New Cancer Therapies Bring Ray of Hope
A Panacea for Rectal Cancer
On June 5, The New York Times published a piece about a small clinical trial conducted at New York’s Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center. In this trial, 18 patients with stage three rectal cancer were given a drug called Dostarlimab “every three weeks for six months.” Dostarlimab is an immune checkpoint inhibitor. This means that the drug itself does not attack the cancer cells. Dostarlimab instead exposes the cells and allows the patient’s immune system to then “identify and destroy them.”
All 18 patients were miraculously cured of their cancer, leaving no trace of tumors to be found in any physical examinations or body scans. Scientist Dr. Luis A. Diaz Jr stated that “I believe this is the first time this has happened in the history of cancer,” in regards to this study.
The reason why this experiment is so revolutionary in the field of cancer research is because of its implications. According to Dr.Hanna Sanoff of the University of North Carolina’s Lineberger Comprehensive Cancer Center, rectal cancer patients traditionally have to bear severe consequences after surgeries or chemotherapy.
Sanoff stated in an NPR news interview, “I have had patients who, after their rectal cancer, have barely left the house for years – and in a couple of cases, even decades – because of the consequences of incontinence and the shame that’s associated with this.”
Side Effects and Effectiveness of Dostarlimab
In contrast, this new cancer immunotherapy didn’t bring with it any significant clinical complications for patients. The side effects, if any, were sparse and less in intensity.
However, this study has proven to be useful for only a “subset of patients” who have a specific gene mutation known as mismatch repair gene deficiency. About 5% of cancer patients have such gene abnormalities and they are the ones who will respond well to the Dostarlimab drug.
To gauge the true effectiveness of this research study, a more broad and diverse sample needs to be experimented upon. Nonetheless, this is a hopeful beginning that shows that cancer therapies can cure cancer for good.
New Drugs Synthesized treat Hard-to-Cure Breast Cancers
A new study published on July 5 in the New England Journal of Medicine focused on treating cancer patients with low levels of HER2, a protein “which is a common villain in breast and other cancers.”
Previously, it was found that drugs attacking HER2 only worked for patients who had high levels of the protein. However, 80–85% of breast cancer patients have low levels of HER2 (“a condition known as HER2-low”), making the usage of these drugs unhelpful.
In this clinical trial, 557 patients with HER2-low metastatic breast cancer were divided randomly into two groups. Two-thirds of patients were intravenously injected with a drug called trastuzumab deruxtecan (T-DXd) every three weeks. The rest received standard chemotherapy.
The results showed that patients who had taken T-DXd “survived for a median of 23.4 months overall, while those in the chemotherapy group survived for a median of 16.8 months.” The unique thing about T-DXd is that it contains an antibody attached to a chemotherapy drug. When T-DXd finds a cancer cell with HER2 on it, “the chemotherapy drug separates from the antibody and kills the cell.”
The Impact of T-DXd and Foundation of ERX-41
Breast cancer specialist Jane Meisel, M.D. of Emory University’s Winship Cancer Institute, who was not part of the study, believes that the findings will “change how metastatic HER2-low breast cancer is treated, and are ‘a huge win for [the] patients.’”
In another experiment published on June 9, UT Dallas associate professor Dr. Jung-Mo Ahn synthesized a new compound called ERX-41, which helped in destroying tumor cells in the breast. This compound proved especially effective in treating patients with triple-negative breast cancer (TNBC) and is novel because traditionally, there have been “few treatment options for patients with TNBC.” ERX-41 also proved to be helpful in treating pancreatic, ovarian and brain cancers.
A New WHO Initiative
On June 4, WHO announced its collaboration with the American Society of Clinical Oncology, Inc. (ASCO). The primary goal of this partnership is to reduce inequalities and improve the quality of cancer care, both globally and locally. The emphasis is on low-income countries where “comprehensive treatment” is found in less than 15% of places.
Through innovation, network-building and pooling of resources and tools, the WHO and ASCO will lift the cancer burden on many patients and provide them with effective treatment.
A Look Ahead
Much progress has been made in developing new cancer therapies that would have been unfathomable even a few years back. The road ahead is long and yet there is light at the end of the tunnel.
–Anushka Raychaudhuri
Photo: Unsplash
The History of Poland’s Foreign Aid
In a matter of decades, Poland has gone from being a recipient of foreign aid to a strong presence within the international donor community. Poland is not the only country to do this. China, India, Japan, Korea and Thailand have all undergone a similar recipient-to-donor transition. Just how did Poland and other former aid recipients transform into emerging or full-fledged aid donors? This article will provide a short history of Poland’s foreign aid in the hopes of shedding some light on the answer.
The 1950s-1970s: A Soviet Donor Under Comecon
One of Poland’s earliest exercises in providing international aid was through the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, popularly known as Comecon. Founded in 1949, Comecon’s purpose was to strengthen economic cooperation and development among Eastern European countries. Alongside Poland, the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania and Albania made up Comecon’s membership.
As far as general principles were concerned, Comecon’s preamble emphasized the idea of mutual economic assistance in favor of maintaining the stronghold of communism and socialism in the Eastern bloc. It was through Comecon that Poland first assumed its role as a donor and Poland’s foreign aid began.
The 1980s: Economic Crises and the Fall of the USSR
During the 1980s, an unprecedented economic and political crisis struck Poland. The causes of the country’s crisis had deep roots in its system of a planned economy and policy of forced industrialization.
By the end of 1981, Poland had accumulated a foreign debt of $27 billion. Polish standards of living continued to fall rapidly as the country’s economic struggles worsened until 1989 when the Soviet Union collapsed.
The few years after the fall of the USSR between 1990 and 1994 was when Poland could be said to have fully made the switch from Soviet donor to the beneficiary of the West. During this time, the G-24 and international financial institutions sent $36 billion in aid to Poland. The United States separately committed another $719 million in grant assistance.
The 1990s-2000s: Poland’s Recovery and Accession to the EU and OECD
Poland used its foreign assistance to restabilize and restructure its economy. Over the decades, it has even become one of the fastest-growing economies in Europe. Poland’s process of accession to the European Union, which officially occurred in 2004, marked the beginning of its transition from that of a recipient to a donor.
Polish NGOs began to enter other parts of Eastern Europe to help their Western counterparts communicate with the local communities, according to a University of Cambridge Summary Paper. Polish NGOs then shifted from doing this to starting their own initiatives and establishing the national ODA (Official Development Assistance) structures.
Decades Later, Poland Gives Back
Poland has since become an active participant in global development cooperation.“Polish Aid” is one of Poland’s most prominent development and humanitarian assistance programs today. Directed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), Polish Aid’s mission is to contribute to building a more sustainable world for present and future generations by providing humanitarian aid, development aid and global education.
The program underwent implementation in forms specified in Article 4 of the Development Cooperation Act of September 16, 2011. In 2019, the grant equivalent of Poland’s ODA was nearly PLN 3 billion.
Over the years, Poland has prioritized post-Soviet countries in their aid allocation. Ukraine, Belarus, Turkey, Tanzania, India, Mongolia, China, Kenya, Iraq, Georgia, Moldova and Lebanon were key recipients of Polish bilateral assistance in 2019.
Poland’s bilateral assistance has gone primarily to helping former Communist countries transition to democracy, improve the economy and support civil society.
In effect, Poland’s aid allocation has raised levels of economic, social and political freedom in states that previously struggled to offer these liberties. Ukraine is one such state that has developed rapidly under the auspices of Poland, according to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Since gaining its independence in 1991, Ukraine now boasts a strong civil society, well-organized political parties and a diverse and pluralistic polity with multiple centers of power.
Poland is just one of a plethora of countries that have evolved from beneficiary to donor in a few short decades. The history of Poland’s foreign aid should serve as an important reminder of the reasons for how effective and worthwhile providing aid to a struggling country is. It might be that the initial leg-up is all a country needs to get a position where they too can help others.
– Lauren Hyomin Kim
Photo: Flickr
Expanding Cellular Coverage in Palestine
Expanding cellular coverage in Palestine is one of the first steps toward more equitable access to the internet in the modern age. Palestine struggles with a decades-long conflict with neighboring Israel, which, in turn, affects the living conditions of the Palestinian people. Among other things, access to technology is necessary for many of the daily tasks people in developed, flourishing societies complete on a regular basis.
Access to the internet can help ease tasks such as looking for a job or finding the least expensive childcare or health care. The internet is also essential for maintaining a home computer. Palestine has struggled to expand its cellular networks thus far in the 21st century and limited access to the internet affects the living conditions of the Palestinian people.
Economic Hardship
Aside from the direct ramifications that limited access to the internet causes, there are also macro implications. For instance, in 2016, The World Bank reported that “Palestinian cellular companies lost between $436 million and $1.5 billion in potential revenue.”
Israeli SIM cards can be brought into Palestine by either the many Palestinians who work across the border in Israel or by illegal smuggling, according to Reuters. Since the Israeli SIMs are more reliable and have access to a faster network, they are preferable to the Palestinian ones.
People across Palestine, therefore, are inclined to choose the Israeli SIMs over local Palestinian ones thereby causing the Palestinian companies to lose out. Observers believe that the lack of technology in Palestine contributed to an underdeveloped economy.
Access to the Internet
The quality of Palestine’s internet access has also suffered. Unfortunately, much of Palestine still relies on 2G or 3G due to longstanding conflict and other issues, much of nearby Israel has access to 4G or 5G. Prior to January 2018, Palestinians only had access to 2G. Meanwhile, by 2018 Israel had adopted an upgrade to 3G. In 2018, after Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, cellular providers were able to launch local 3G networks with the long-term goal of expanding cellular networks in Palestine.
Negotiations in Progress
Because the relationship between Palestine and Israel is so contentious, even though talks between the two in April 2022 sought to expand coverage in Palestine, actual expansion has yet to manifest itself. As of August 2021, plans were put in place to expand Palestine’s 3G coverage to 4G.
Israel successfully upgraded its internet access to 4G in 2014, so Palestine remains behind in that regard. Agitating parts of the region such as the tumultuous Gaza strip remain at 2G operation as of 2020, according to Reuters.
Upgrade efforts seek to remedy the disparities, but there are significant political considerations at play. Gaza, for example, is home to Hamas, a Palestinian nationalist political organization, so Israel is hesitant to expand coverage in that region. Other reports suggest that Israel is taking advantage of its more advanced cellular networks for increased revenue and perhaps even surveillance of its political opponents in Palestine. As a result, because the region is so contentious, progress tends to be slow.
Technology Companies
Technology executives at companies such as Palestine Telecom Group (Paltel) are confident that negotiations and cooperation between Palestine and Israel will be successful in expanding cellular coverage in Palestine, according to The Jerusalem Post. Palestinian cellular companies invested over $50 million to expand 3G infrastructure across the West Bank, a positive sign on the path to expanding cellular coverage in Palestine. In late November 2021, negotiations between Israel and Palestine resulted in Israeli officials agreeing to expand 4G coverage to Palestine, according to The Times of Israel.
Moving Forward
In Brussels on May 10, 2022, the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC) viewed the Palestinian Economic Monitoring Report, as an important step in bringing additional assistance to the Palestinian people. The report emphasizes various areas of concern for the Palestinian economy, one of which is digital infrastructure. The report asks for international cooperation and negotiations in order to achieve some of its goals.
Along with the investment that companies are putting in cellular networks and the potential cooperation between Palestine and Israel, some are optimistic that expanding cellular coverage in Palestine is possible. Certain parts of Palestine could hopefully see 4G networks within the coming years. Though the transition from 3G to 4G is slow and costly, permission to expand the networks is a positive step in the direction of progress.
– Lara Drinan
Photo: Flickr
A Tumultuous Turn for France-Africa Relations
History of France-Africa Relations
After the invasion of Algiers in 1830, France initiated more than a century of colonialism in Africa, subjugating millions of Africans to French rule. French colonization changed the shape of African militaries, economies and politics. Most colonies achieved independence during the 1960s. However, France still “detained a sphere of influence in these regions.”
In the post-independence period, French relations with its former colonies became known by the term “Françafrique,” a portmanteau of France and Afrique (the French word for Africa). This term encompasses the economic, political and military relations between Paris and its former African colonies. However, during the 1990s, the idea of Françafrique faced challenges in France. Activists revealed “African emissaries traveling to France with suitcases full of cash seeking, regardless of who won the election, to cement French politicians’ loyalty and support for certain African heads of state,” according to Global Voices.
Nowadays, French attitude and policy shifts may signify an end of Françafrique, as France transitions from neocolonialism to a desire to build mutually beneficial relationships with African nations.
Emmanuel Macron’s New Direction on Africa
President Macron aimed to start a new chapter of France-Africa relations after his speech in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso in November 2017. Macron expressed his desire to establish more equal partnerships with African nations in his speech.
In October 2021, the President held firm to this policy shift at the New Africa-France Summit, where he worked with African leaders to redefine France-Africa relations.
In his attempt to revolutionize French influence in Africa, the French President has made unprecedented advances by recognizing France’s negative role in Africa, declaring that colonialism was a “grave mistake,” according to Economist Intelligence.
Economic Dependency
Despite Macron’s hopes, forging an equal partnership between France and Africa is challenging, as France created and controls a relevant African currency: the Communauté Financière Africaine (CFA) franc.
The CFA franc is a regional currency used by nations in the West African Economic and Monetary Union and the Economic and Monetary Community of Central African States. Created in the colonial era, France ensured its use in its sub-Saharan colonies, guaranteeing the fixed rate of CFA franc with the French franc and now with the Euro, according to Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Togolese economist Kako Nubukpo criticized the CFA franc because the Central European Bank, instead of a centralized African bank, determines the financial policies that impact this currency, according to Global Voices. France requires African nations to hold 50% to 65% of its foreign reserves in France’s central bank to “guarantee the convertibility of the CFA at a fixed exchange rate,” Global Voices stated.
Additionally, Senegalese economist Ndong Samba Sylla noted that former French colonies that did not have the CFA franc—specifically, Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia—are now “stronger economically than any user of CFA franc,” Global Voices reports.
Military-Driven Security in Africa
Africa also depends on the French military and aid to defend national security, promote political stability and curb threats of terrorism and extremism.
In 2014, France began a military operation in the Sahel, Operation Barkhane, sending 3,000 troops to combat terrorism and maintain regional stability, according to Brookings. France’s military-driven efforts to combat terrorism and instability in Africa are not the most effective, especially since military involvement failed to prevent coups d’état in Chad and Mali, according to Carnegie Endowment.
French Foreign International Development Aid to Africa
Unlike military engagement, French foreign aid is generally well received in Africa, as France remains a top contributor of support for the continent. France has expanded its foreign assistance recently, increasing its international development budget to 0.55% of its GDP. Paris plans to continue this course of increased aid with a 0.7% aid target by 2025.
French foreign aid contributes to humanitarian assistance and economic, social and political development programs. These projects could improve the lives of Africans by cultivating new job opportunities and spurring further economic and technological advancement. One example is the development of a commuter rail line in Nairobi, Kenya, funded by the French government’s contribution of €3 billion.
Targeted foreign aid offers the chance for France to advance meaningful development in Africa while also advancing its diplomatic goals of strengthening French-Africa relations.
Poverty in Africa
According to the World Bank, extreme poverty in Africa fell from 54% in 1990 to 41% in 2015. Despite this seemingly sharp drop in poverty rates, “the number of poor people in Africa has actually increased from 278 million in 1990 to 413 million in 2015.”
Targeted foreign assistance from France may promote job growth, counteracting poverty. For instance, France initiated a project called Choose Africa, giving €2.5 billion to invest in new African businesses, according to France Diplomacy. This project and other French international development projects in Africa could successfully challenge poverty.
Outside of the French government, many nongovernmental organizations fight poverty on the ground, including Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). Commonly known as Doctors Without Borders in English, MSF is an NGO of French origin focusing on providing medical assistance to those in need. Working in more than 70 countries in 2021, MSF brings health care programs across the globe, with much of their work centered on impoverished Africans.
Even though France-Africa relations remain complex, French foreign aid, coupled with the work of NGOs like MSF and other foreign powers, contributes to the enduring battle to tackle poverty in Africa.
– Michael Cardamone
Photo: Flickr
The Fight Against Period Poverty in Botswana
Period Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa
Because menstruation is a taboo topic in conservative communities and countries, many girls lack education on proper menstrual health and management. As a result of a lack of education and inability to access menstrual products, girls resort to dangerous substitutes, such as rags, wool and paper, that can lead to both short and long-term negative health consequences. In 2019, the World Bank noted that just 27% of people in sub-Saharan Africa had access to basic forms of sanitation, a factor that exacerbates difficulties in maintaining menstrual hygiene. Furthermore, due to a lack of access to WASH facilities, girls and women in sub-Saharan Africa are more susceptible to reproductive diseases.
Education is a fundamental right and a way out of poverty, yet, according to UNESCO, in 2014, due to period poverty, 10% of girls in sub-Saharan Africa missed school while menstruating. Furthermore, some girls lose 20% of their education, increasing the chances of girls dropping out of school entirely. The Botswana parliament’s motion for free period products to be available in schools highlights the importance of fighting period poverty to move closer to ending global poverty.
Cultural Issues
Due to menstrual taboos and stigmas, girls feel ashamed of their periods and miss school because of misinformation. When girls miss out on school, entire communities area are affected as the girl loses the ability to better the local area through the knowledge and skills gained through education. In Botswana, “religious beliefs, cultural practices and social myths” make discussing menstruation with adults difficult for young girls. As a result, girls do not know how to properly manage their menstruation. When girls do not feel shame about a natural biological process such as menstruation, these girls are empowered socially, physically, and ultimately, economically.
The Economics of Period Poverty
Sub-Saharan Africa has an extreme poverty rate of about 40% without much change from 1990 to 2018. In Botswana specifically, according to the World Bank, the poverty rate reached 60% by April 2021 due to the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. These figures highlight the financial struggle of a vast amount of regional populations, a situation that makes purchasing period products understandably difficult. Period poverty in Botswana is partially a consequence of the high volume of impoverished residents that cannot afford basic necessities.
Solutions
The Botswana government is combating period poverty in Botswana with nationwide legal policies to provide all girls, both in public and private school institutions, with free period products. Through programs and legislation that allows open conversations and access to sanitary products, girls in Botswana are one step closer to breaking free from cycles of poverty.
– Ann Shick
Photo: Flickr
Sali Hughes and Jo Jones’ Beauty Banks
Hygiene poverty, or the inability to afford everyday hygiene or personal grooming products due to low income, is an aspect of living in poverty that people often overlook. In the United Kingdom, hygiene poverty impacts one-fifth of citizens, according to a Canterbury Hub article published in 2020. To help people fight hygiene poverty, journalist Sali Hughes and beauty director Jo Jones teamed up to create the Beauty Banks nonprofit. Beauty Banks combats hygiene poverty by delivering toiletries to women’s refuge centers, homeless shelters and food banks across the U.K.
The Many Faces of Hygiene Poverty
Faced with the difficult decision of choosing between necessities, many people living in poverty prioritize needs such as food or heating their homes over hygiene products.
Hygiene poverty generally refers to an inability to afford hygiene or grooming products, but hygiene poverty takes many forms. For instance, a person living in hygiene poverty may be unable to afford:
The Downside of Hygiene Poverty
People living in hygiene poverty often face judgment from others about the appearance of their body, clothes, home and more. In addition, the health impact of living in hygiene poverty can be severe. In the U.K., for example, the top reason for the hospitalization of children ages 5 to 9 is tooth decay, according to a 2018 statistic. More broadly, poor hygiene increases susceptibility to illnesses, such as influenza, and hygiene-related health conditions, such as lice infestations.
The Creation of Beauty Banks
To fight against hygiene poverty, journalist Sali Hughes and beauty director Jo Jones launched Beauty Banks on February 14, 2018. Hughes, who previously wrote about her experience as a “hidden homeless,” was inspired to start Beauty Banks after participating in a “Sleep Out” for the homeless organization Centrepoint in 2017. Meanwhile, Jones found inspiration in the number of toiletry products going to waste. Subsequently, Hughes and Jones leveraged their resources in the beauty industry to create Beauty Banks.
With the help of brands, retailers and the beauty community, Beauty Banks combats hygiene poverty by collecting and sending “unwanted toiletries for both men and women” to several locations across the U.K. These locations include food banks, homeless shelters and a women’s refuge center.
Beauty Banks seeks out essential toiletries, such as deodorant, shaving cream, shampoo, soap, baby wipes and toothbrushes. Even further, Beauty Banks combats hygiene poverty with particular attention to women. For example, after seeing more reports of period poverty giving rise to girls in the U.K. choosing to miss school because they cannot afford menstrual products, Hughes and Jones began to prioritize period products as well. “The thought of not being able to buy something you absolutely need to protect yourself during your period, it’s such a stark reality most of us don’t consider,” remarked Hughes in a 2018 BBC News article.
Looking Forward
Beauty Banks combats hygiene poverty by providing the essentials and giving much-needed attention to those living in hygiene poverty. Fortunately, Hughes and Jones have used their experience and expertise to develop a viable solution to combating a problem that has gone unnoticed for too long.
– Sarah DiLuzio
Photo: Wikipedia Commons
Indigenous Protesters in Ecuador Demand Change
The president of Ecuador, Guillermo Lasso, lifted a state of emergency imposed as a response to mass protests by Indigenous protesters in Ecuador on June 26, 2022. The demonstrations, beginning on June 13, 2022, were in opposition to the high prices of gasoline and agricultural products and a low education budget. Six civilians have died as a result of them. Ecuador’s largest Indigenous organization, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), has been spearheading the movement and met with President Lasso in late June 2022.
Ecuadorian Indigenous Organizations: CONAIE
According to the International Work Group of Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), around 1.1 million Ecuadorians are Indigenous and 24.1% of them live in the Amazon. Fourteen Indigenous groups live in Ecuador, including the A’i Cofán, Shiwiar, Siekopai and Chachi.
There are many Indigenous organizations in Ecuador. However, CONAIE is the most involved in these Indigenous protests in Ecuador.
In 1986, the organization started operating in Ecuador’s capital, Quito and cited “the continuous struggle of the communities, centers, federations and confederations of Indigenous peoples” as the reason for its existence. Since then, the organization has become known for its direct action and uprising. In 1996, CONAIE famously formed its political movement called the Pachakutik/Nuevo País after halting alliances with other political movements and candidates. Leonidas Iza, who has been representing CONAIE in government dealings, currently leads the Indigenous group.
Poverty and Prices
Poverty in Ecuador has significantly risen in 2022. Among the country’s population of 18 million, 35% live in poverty. Additionally, poverty is commonly and historically found among Ecuador’s Indigenous people, sometimes attributed to discrimination. In 2006, the United Nations Population Fund reported that some 88% of Ecuador’s Indigenous households live under the poverty line.
As aforementioned, recent Ecuadorian protests by members of the country’s Indigenous populations result from high gasoline and agricultural product prices and low education and health care budgets.
In recent months, Ecuadorian fuel prices have distinctly increased. Before President Lasso made adjustments, standard gasoline cost $2.55 a gallon (40 cents higher than neighboring Colombia’s price) and diesel $1.90 a gallon.
Agricultural product prices, another point of protest, have been rising since the end of 2021. Fertilizer prices have also been increasing, potentially leading to less agricultural production and income heading to farming households.
The Ecuadorian educational budget has been declining since 2019, currently at a mere 11.5% of government expenditure and is comparably lower than neighboring South American countries (Colombia is at 14.5%, Bolivia at 14.2%).
Ecuadorian Government Response
Indigenous protesters in Ecuador agreed with their country’s government on the subjects of protest and fuel prices in late June.
After lifting the state of emergency he imposed and the beginning of talks between his government and Indigenous leaders, Ecuadorian President Lasso cut fuel prices– but not to the degree CONAIE wanted. He decreased petrol and diesel price per gallon by 15 cents, whereas the Indigenous organization called for a 45-cent decrease per gallon of petrol and a 40-cent decrease per gallon of diesel, Al Jazeera reported.
Furthermore, CONAIE leader Iza signed a deal with the Ecuadorian government that aims to lower fuel prices, among other costs, limit oil expansion and prohibit mining in protected areas and cease protests. Iza announced the suspension of protests after signing, according to Al Jazeera.
Although the nearly two-week-long protests in Ecuador caused more than 150 arrests, stunted transport and led to at least six deaths, they have amounted to a deal between Indigenous protesters and the Ecuadorian government, hopefully bringing peace and security into the country.
– Sophie Buibas
Photo: Flickr
USAID’s Response to the Record-Breaking Drought in Africa
A Record-Breaking Drought
The past four rainy seasons in the Horn of Africa—a region which includes Ethiopia, Somalia and Kenya—have seen below-average rainfall. The most recent rainy season, from March to May 2022, was the area’s driest rainy season in 70 years. The U.N. expects that the upcoming rainy season from October to December 2022 will also be dry.
This unprecedented drought has had dire consequences for those living in the Horn of Africa:
Immediate Impacts of the Drought
In addition to the immediate impacts on food and water insecurity, the Horn of Africa’s drought has impacted the lives of those living there in more indirect ways. With more than 1.1 million people displaced as a consequence of the drought and women and girls traveling as much as three times as long as they did before to find water, the Horn of Africa has seen an increase in gender-based violence and school drop-out rates.
Approximately 15 million children in the region are now out of school and an additional 3.32 million children across the region are at risk of dropping out because of the drought. The drought has also had negative impacts on hygiene practices. As drinking water has become scarcer, people have started to ration their water, using more water for drinking and cooking and less for hygiene. Consequently, the drought has put people at a higher risk for infection and water-borne diseases.
While the drought on its own has had disastrous effects, Russia’s war on Ukraine has compounded the crisis the Horn of Africa is experiencing. Regionally, 84% of wheat is imported, and 90% of that imported wheat comes from Russia and Ukraine. Due to the combined effects of smaller harvests and war-induced inflation, the cost of food has risen 66% in Ethiopia and 36% in Somalia.
The United States Offers Help
In July 2022, USAID announced an additional $1.18 billion in aid for countries hardest hit by this historic drought. This brings the total U.S. assistance for the crisis up to $1.86 billion in 2022 alone — the greatest contribution of any single country.
The most recent round of funding will go towards measures that will provide immediate assistance to those suffering the consequences of the drought as well as efforts to help the Horn of Africa build resistance against potential future droughts. Funding will support the delivery of emergency food supplies including a grain called shogun, split peas and vegetable oil. To help the high number of children suffering from malnutrition as a result of the drought, USAID will help screen communities for malnutrition in children and provide nutritional supplements for those found to be most at risk.
USAID also plans to use a portion of the funds to help farmers by providing medical services and food to animals as well as working with agricultural communities to develop more drought-resistant farming techniques. Addressing some of the secondary consequences of the drought, USAID will also direct funds toward disease prevention and gender-based violence reduction efforts.
A Look Ahead
While this unprecedented drought has been devastating for the Horn of Africa, the U.N. estimated in July that an additional $1.8 billion in aid was required to address the crisis. The recent announcement by USAID in July covers almost two-thirds of this requirement and has the potential to help the millions who have suffered the dire consequences of the drought in Africa.
– Anna Inghram
Photo: Flickr
The Gender Wage Gap in South Korea
Gender Disparities in the Workforce
Not only do men on average earn over 30% more than women, but female workforce participation is also 20% lower than male participation. From 2009 – 2019 the participation rate inched up only to be decimated during the pandemic. That’s because, despite the fact that South Korea has a higher than average female rate with tertiary education, most South Koren women work in the lower-paying service sectors such as wholesale and retail sales and the food sector — many of these businesses shut down during COVID-19 lockdowns. Quality child care is difficult to access, and that leads to many South Korean women staying home with their children rather than returning to the workforce.
Birthrate Drop
Even before the pandemic, a birthrate drop has been one social problem plaguing South Korea. In 2020, the average number of children a woman has in her lifetime dropped to .84. This was down from .92 in 2019, but the rate has been declining for years, with 2020 being the third year in a row where the rate was below 1%. Analysts fear that the declining birthrate will have dire economic consequences as South Korea’s population ages.
Financial Incentives for Parental Leave
Due to the declining birthrate, in 2020 South Korea instituted new financial incentives for families to have children. On top of the $91 monthly allowance for all children under seven years, the government now gives an additional cash bonus of $275 a month for the first year for all new babies starting in 2022. Unfortunately, as a 2022 study underlined, the longer a woman takes for maternity leave, the wider the wage gap between her and her male counterparts. Lower wages, less prestigious jobs and fewer benefits await women when they return from their maternity leave, according to the study.
Though South Korea allows men to take parental leave, the percentage of leave taken was 24.5% in 2020. Recently, the government has initiated new policies to encourage men to take more parental leave, such as paying three months of salary. When both parents take their parental leave during the first year of their child’s birth, they will receive 100% of their monthly income, rather than previously, when only one parent received 100% while the other received 80%.
Combat Effects of the Pandemic
Not only did South Korean women suffer more job losses than men during the pandemic, they felt the brunt of caretaking responsibility for their children and older family members who fell ill. During the first six months of 2020, 56% of South Korean women said they increased their work related to taking care of their family, and 62% of Koreans taking family leave that year were women.
To address the pandemic’s greater effect on women, the South Korean government introduced unemployment subsidies and expanded childcare leave to 10 days in the early stages of the pandemic. It has also emphasized offering financial support to small and medium enterprises unlikely to manage the economic shocks under the pandemic and providing cash support to households.
Reduce Gender discrimination in the Workplace
In addition to its efforts to combat the effects of the pandemic, in 2021 government enacted new policies to reduce the gender wage gap in South Korea. First, it raised the 2022 minimum wage by roughly 5% from the previous figure. Also, for the first time, employees will be able to petition the Labor Relations Commission for relief in gender discrimination and sexual harassment cases, and the available remedies will include damages.
The Labor Standards Act now also provides pregnant female employees with a right to change their start and end times of daily work while keeping the required working hours. The employer cannot refuse the request unless the changed hours would seriously interfere with the regular operation of the business. Also, private companies with five to 29 employees must now provide holiday pay for public holidays.
Importantly, the government continues to focus on gender mainstreaming. The Framework Act of Gender Equality which was revised in 2014 focuses on enhancing women’s status in the workplace. It also enacted a gender-impact analysis and assessment in 2011, and in 2018 alone put in place over 2600 policy changes as a result of that assessment. Finally, gender-responsive budgeting demands that both national and local governments distribute national resources evenly to men and women.
Looking Forward
As South Korea’s population continues to shrink, continuing to narrow the gender wage gap in South Korea will be increasingly important for social and economic reasons. The government measures including parental subsidies, raising the minimum wage and gender mainstreaming should help, but sustained diligence is crucial. As the OECD comments, however: “In order to successfully overcome the current challenges that Korean society currently confronts, employing these very educated but underutilized human resources is not only the right thing to do, but also the smart thing to do.”
– Shiyu Pan
Photo: Wikimedia