A closer look at the costs of military intervention versus the benefits of foreign aid provides insight into why humanitarian assistance trumps military intervention.
The Costs of Conflict, Violence and Military Intervention
In March 2011, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) led a multi-state coalition in response to conflict escalation in Libya. To curb violence and human rights violations in line with the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ norm, NATO created a no-fly zone followed by air strikes. According to a 2012 Reuters report, NATO coordinated “26,000 sorties including some 9,600 strike missions and destroyed about 5,900 targets before operations ended on October 31.”
To terminate the rule of Saddam Hussein and abolish weapons of mass destruction, U.S. forces began the invasion of Iraq in 2003. The U.S. saw success as troops captured Hussein and the last U.S. troops exited Iraq in December 2011. The nine-year conflict cost the U.S. Treasury $800 billion and led to more than “4,700 U.S. and allied troop deaths” along with the deaths of more than 100,000 Iraqi people, highlighting the human and material costs of military intervention and war.
Kosovo was once a province of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which currently consists of today’s two states, Serbia and Montenegro. The Kosovo crisis escalated in early 1998 upon Kosovo’s desire for sovereign autonomy from Yugoslavia. With Kosovo’s mixed population of Albanians and Serbs, clashes between the ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs took place and the Yugoslav government took a firm stance against the Kosovo Liberation Army, a rebel Albanian group. The crisis led to displacement and death, prompting NATO’s intervention.
Libya (March 2011-October 2011)
While the total scope of collateral damage remains unacknowledged, Human Rights Watch reported 72 civilian casualties as a result of aerial strikes that NATO carried out in Libya in 2011. The number of internally displaced persons fluctuated throughout the intervention period, and by late 2011, the number stood at a minimum of 154,000 people, highlighting the profound implications of military intervention on human welfare.
A month after the intervention ended, The New York Times carried out investigations in Libya’s capital of Tripoli along with several other sites and findings show ramifications on civilian infrastructure. The airstrikes led to the destruction of residential and commercial buildings and many people suffered injuries, unable to access health care amid a chaotic political atmosphere.
However, the benefits of foreign aid outweighed military intervention as it helped restore social and economic order within Libya during and following the crisis. Since 2011, USAID has facilitated the delivery of social services, development and humanitarian support in Libya in an investment valued at more than $900 million.
For instance, in June 2011, to “build an inclusive and peaceful democratic future that reflects the will and needs of the Libyan people,” USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives allocated $12.2 million. The program goals included conversations to unite together Libya’s community leaders in creating “strategies to mitigate conflict and promote reconciliation” and public outreach initiatives to keep locals up-to-date on information about Libya’s transition process.
In 2012, USAID provided grants to build a computer center in the Mafqood Center for Missing Persons “where families from all sides of the conflict will receive training on advocacy using social networking and online media.” According to USAID, the center’s goal is to stand as “a sanctuary for families to seek solace and comfort” as well as “a platform from which the families can form a unified voice to tackle the legal and social issues they face.”
Iraq (2003-2011)
The U.S. military invasion led to several human rights violations as detailed in the accounts of abuse and torture in the Abu Ghraib prison, a U.S. army detention center that housed around 3,800 detainees from 2003 to 2006. Graphic photos of males and females show acts of torture, humiliation and assault. This led to charges against 11 U.S. military authorities, according to CNN.
Through the Iraq Relief and Reconstruction Fund, U.S. Congress allocated $2.5 billion in 2003 to ease acute suffering in areas relevant to food security, water and health care. Later that year, an additional $18.4 billion went toward general reconstruction projects. By February 2006, Congress distributed $10.5 billion of the $18.4 billion for “security, economic and political” initiatives. The economic benefit of such foreign aid is visible in the nation’s gross domestic product, which rose from “$18.9 billion in 2002 to $33.1 billion in 2005,” signifying an improved standard of living.
Kosovo Crisis (1998-1999)
NATO nations endured a cost of £2.5 billion over 78 days while dispersing “more than 23,000 bombs and missiles” in Kosovo. On the first day of the conflict alone, NATO “launched more than £44.4 [million] worth of weapons” against Yugoslavia’s military bases. In total, the Kosovo war and reparation thereafter cost £31.67 billion, around two-thirds of which went toward rebuilding Serbia/Kosovo.
Already suffering from international sanctions, Yugoslavia endured economic shocks with the nation losing 44% of its industrial production. NATO bombings are reported to have set back Yugoslavia by as much as 20 years, with economic costs amounting to $100 billion, as Yugoslav officials reported in 1999.
However, foreign aid assisted in Kosovo’s recovery and economic development. For instance, since 1999, USAID committed itself to the reconstruction of Kosovo in investments totaling more than $1 billion.
Multilateral donors collected around $2 billion in a donors meeting held in 1999 to aid humanitarian support and reconstruction. The benefit of economic reconstruction in Kosovo is visible in its GDP, rising to $9.01 billion in 2021, according to World Bank data, from $1.85 billion in 2000.
Overall, the benefits of foreign aid outweighed the costs of military intervention in conflicts occurring in countries like Libya, Iraq and Kosovo, especially considering the heightened economic and human loss associated with military interventions.
– Noor Al-Zubi
Photo: Unsplash
How Waste Pickers in Bogota Fought for Rights and Recognition
In 1950s Columbia, during the 10-year Civil War known as “La Violencia,” masses of people were fleeing violence in the countryside in favor of cities. Many of these rural refugees fled to the capital city of Bogota, sitting on a plateau in the center of Columbia.
With no other way of sustaining themselves, many migrants began to roam the rolling hills of trash in open-air landfills. These waste pickers in Bogota would collect bottles, cans and metal that they could sell to recycling warehouses. Scavenging the dumpsites with bulging bags of recyclables slung over their shoulders, these migrants worked long and hard hours to make a meager living, keeping themselves from absolute poverty.
The Waste Picker’s Struggle
For decades, these waste pickers in Bogota, known as “recicladores,” collected, sorted, packaged and recycled the city’s waste as informal workers. Aside from the job being extremely difficult, it was also dangerous, with risks of infection or sickness from the waste they collected.
Recicladores also faced discrimination and hindrance from policy structures. Waste collection and management became privatized in Bogota in the 80s, and people were beginning to see landfills as a health concern. As a result, the open-air dumpsites that had been their livelihoods closed in favor of new sanitation facilities. The city did not consider how these changes would affect the waste-picking population, as recicladores had to leave the homes they had built in the wastelands and descended further into poverty.
The discrimination they faced stood in opposition to the good they do for the city. Today, waste pickers in Bogota prevent 1,200 tons of waste from going to landfills per day. They organize the waste into recyclables, which also provide a valuable service to local businesses. Despite their value to the community, the average waste picker in Bogota makes only $3.41 per day.
The Fight for Rights and Recognition
However, waste pickers in Bogota refused to accept poverty as their reality. Bogota’s waste pickers are distinct in their predilection for strong, centralized worker organizations. In particular, the Asociación Cooperativa de Recicladores de Bogotá (ARB) represents roughly 1,800 waste pickers in the city and has been fighting for their rights for decades.
Since its inception, ARB and the communities it represents have experienced success on many levels. In 2011, Columbia’s Constitutional Court ruled that waste pickers had a special protection status by the state. Therefore, state authorities had an obligation to protect them as well as help them overcome the poverty and sicknesses that they are susceptible to. The Constitutional Court ruling also ensured that waste pickers have safe access to the recyclable waste material essential to their work.
However, their success didn’t end there. In 2016, the government passed a legal framework for fully formalizing the work of waste pickers. That same year, workers were able to secure additional compensation from the city in the form of payments between $50 and $170 per month – doubling or even tripling their normal wage.
Columbia is the only country in Latin America that has formally recognized the rights of its waste pickers. This was a direct result of the advocacy that waste pickers did for themselves, which led to the protection and improvement of their livelihoods.
– Grace Ramsey
Photo: Flickr
The Bioceanic Road Corridor in Latin America
Paraguay is a landlocked country with neglected transportation infrastructure. The inner portion of Paraguay in particular contains very few paved roads. In fact, the entirety of Paraguay contains 9,300 miles of paved roads, primarily on the outer edges of the country. For comparison, California, which is roughly the same size as Paraguay, contains 396,540 miles of paved roads.
The inland of Paraguay is incredibly difficult to traverse in its current state, with hundreds of miles of swamp, savannah and scrub, called the Gran Chaco. Traveling through the country with large vehicles, such as semi-trailer trucks, is nearly impossible. One truck driver noted that driving from the industrial city of Loma Plata to Carmelo Peralta, a mere 165 miles away, could take up to 12 hours, primarily on dirt roads. If it rained, the truck could end up stuck in the mud for days. This made transport across Paraguay a logistical disaster. Export of goods to non-local markets was incredibly difficult and expensive. However, this may soon be a worry of the past. The Paraguay government has constructed 1,864 miles of paved roads since 2018. More importantly, it began construction on its portion of the Bioceanic Road Corridor in 2019.
Bioceanic Road Corridor
The Bioceanic Road Corridor is a dual-carriage motorway that will stretch east to west from Chile, through Argentina and Paraguay, and end in Brazil. The four countries have long discussed this plan but Paraguay is finally putting it into action. Paraguay’s section of the road will stretch 338 miles. Additionally, this project plans to implement rail and fiber optic connections from Chile to Brazil. Thanks to the corridor, the stretch of road between Loma Plata to Carmelo Peralta now only takes four hours to traverse.
Impact on Paraguay
The completion of the Bioceanic Road Corridor will revolutionize trade for Paraguay. The primary stretch of road will travel across the country, with a large bridge from Carmelo Peralta to Brazil over the Apa River. Simultaneously, the Trans-Chaco Highway running north to south will widen and improve. Before this project began, shipping goods was very costly. Now, the country will have access to the Pacific ports of Chile and the Atlantic ports of Brazil. The hope is that this corridor will allow Paraguayan goods to enter the booming Asian market. Expectations have determined that, upon the completion of the corridor, agricultural producers in the southern cone of Paraguay will save an average of 14 days and $1,000 per container shipment.
Not only will trade improve but day-to-day life in Paraguay will also see benefits. Getting to the hospital from the Chaco will be far easier with these newly paved roads. In addition, an increase in the transport industry should create hundreds of regional jobs.
Issues
While the Bioceanic Road Corridor will have plenty of benefits, some issues may arise from the construction of such a large road through the Chaco. Of course, there are worries about deforestation in the Chaco leading to the loss of biodiversity. To counter this, the government plans for the corridor to include 15 underpasses for wildlife. Furthermore, some believe this investment would be better placed in the hands of the small agricultural producers that make up 20% of Paraguay’s GDP.
Despite these concerns, Paraguay’s future looks brighter with the implementation of the corridor. The corridor should lead to an increase in trade, the creation of more jobs and the saving of thousands of hours of manpower. Additionally, the quality of life of those living in the Chaco should improve. As of right now, the Bioceanic Road Corridor looks to be the new Silk Road for those in Paraguay.
– Benjamin Brown
Photo: Flickr
The Two-Month Truce Extension in Yemen
Warring factions announced a two-month truce extension in Yemen to a ceasefire agreement. The previous peace agreement expired on August 2, 2022. This is now the longest period of non-conflict during the seven-year war between the Saudi-backed Yemeni government and rebel Houthi forces. However, mistrust between the two sides runs deep. The Saudi coalition and the Houthi rebels are both accused of war crimes that violate international law.
Yemeni civilians in extreme poverty suffer the most from this violence. The extent of civilian causalities is severe. Conservative estimates from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) claim that Saudi-led airstrikes killed more than 12,600 confirmed noncombatants. The U.N. Development Program estimates that almost 60% of deaths during the conflict come from a lack of food and water, as well as extremely limited health care services.
Humanitarian Concerns
Yemen continues to experience one of the worst humanitarian crises in recent history. Basic government services are not available due to the circumstances of war and around 80% of the population needs support. The price of petrol and food skyrocketed as a result of rising global prices. While a temporary truce is in place, food insecurity and disease susceptibility continue to plague Yemeni civil society.
De-facto blockades limiting the freedom of movement exacerbate humanitarian concerns. Saudi Arabia blocked the flow of resources into the capital Sanaa, which Houthi forces controlled. Access to roads connecting the rest of the country, as well as the contested region of Taiz, is limited, further intensifying the struggle for food security.
These issues remained divisive during previous periods of peace. Houthi leaders accuse the Saudi coalition of not delivering the agreed number of petrol shipments into the Hodeidah port. However, the Saudi coalition blames the Houthis for not reopening roads in the Taiz region.
Prospects for Peace
While the two-month truce extension in Yemen puts a bandage over the bleeding, there must be an international effort to bring sustainable peace to Yemen. Previous international efforts to end the conflict in Yemen failed to bring sustainable peace. The 2018 Stockholm Agreement prevented a battle for the port city of Hodeidah but fell short of creating a joint committee to de-escalate violence in Taiz.
With the announcement of a peace extension, the United States reopened the sale of weapons to the Saudi coalition. The Biden Administration previously halted the sale of U.S. manufactured military support for the aerial bombardment of Yemen. However, Washington approved a $3.5 billion sale of advanced Patriot ballistic missiles to Saudi Arabia and a $2.24 billion Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile system for the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
While the Biden Administration claims these deals are for defensive purposes only, the stockpiling of weapons by Riyadh during periods of non-conflict does not fare well for sustainable peace. These deals only deepen distrust between the warring sides.
Outside Interference Exacerbates War in Yemen
Different neighboring countries are also prolonging the conflict in Yemen. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Iran inserted themselves into the war. The military capacity of these countries amplifies the scale of human causalities. Before the recent truce agreements, the Saudi coalition’s indiscriminate aerial campaign devastated Yemen’s infrastructure and killed thousands of civilians.
Iran is a known backer of the Houthi rebels. While experts claim that Tehran’s influence over Houthi leadership is exaggerated, there is certainly communication and collaboration between leadership circles that share similar geopolitical ambitions. Yemen is now the site of Iran and the Gulf’s contest for authority in the Middle East.
An International Commitment to Sustainable Peace is Necessary for a Resolution in Yemen
The two-month truce extension in Yemen announced on August 2, 2022 delays Yemen’s suffering for the immediate future. However, blockades and limitations on movement, as well as high gas and food prices, exacerbate the humanitarian crisis in the country. There needs to be a sustainable peace resolution to begin rebuilding Yemen and address the pressing issues of mass poverty and hunger.
Previous international efforts to bring peace to Yemen failed to make an impact on the ground. Washington’s recommitment to weapon sales to Saudi Arabia and the UAE is harmful to negotiations. World leaders must reconvene on the conflict in Yemen and truly commit to a resolution that will bring sustainable peace.
– Samson Heyer
Photo: Flickr
Always Works to End Period Poverty in Jamaica
The feminine hygiene product brand, Always, is addressing period poverty in Jamaica for the fourth year in a row. By providing thousands of girls with sanitary pads, Always works to end period poverty in Jamaica.
About Period Poverty
Period poverty, or the lack of access to menstrual products and hygiene facilities, is a public health crisis that is currently affecting about 500 million women worldwide as of 2021. As of 2017, according to the World Bank, around 19.3% of people in Jamaica live below the poverty line. According to a study that Shelly-Ann Weeks conducted through the HerFlow Foundation, 44% of girls in Jamaica suffer from period poverty and have to go without sanitary supplies for months at a time.
Aside from the obvious implications, girls in Jamaica are ending up at a major disadvantage due to their lack of access to period products. Many girls facing period poverty miss as much as a week of school per month, causing their grades to drop and their self-esteem to dwindle. Girls facing period poverty suffer from the psychological impacts of feeling inferior and of lower status as a result of a basic biological process. This shame and guilt among teenagers can affect them well into womanhood. The inability to properly care for their bodies puts girls at risk for health issues that many in Jamaica cannot afford to treat, such as reproductive and urinary tract infections.
Period Poverty and COVID-19
Although period poverty is a historically taboo issue, the world has put the problem on the back burner during the past two years due to other issues deemed more urgent, stemming from COVID-19. The hotel and restaurant industries in Jamaica endured hard hits when tourism came to a halt in 2020 as the tourism sector laid off as many as 50,000 employees. In a country where many have lived in poverty since before the onset of the pandemic, this hit only worsened people’s living conditions and made basic products, such as feminine hygiene products, even less accessible.
How Always Works to End Period Poverty in Jamaica
Always acknowledges the timeliness of this campaign, as many families have lost their jobs and are struggling to put food on the table, never mind purchasing sanitary pads. As Always continues to work to end period poverty in Jamaica, it set a goal for 2022 to donate more than 200,000 sanitary pads to 14 schools in 14 different parishes throughout Jamaica. From the beginning of March 2022 to June 2022, Always ran a period poverty campaign where, for every Always product purchase by a consumer, the company will make a direct donation to a female in need.
Always is working in conjunction with the HerFlow Foundation, the country’s leading enterprise in addressing the stigma around menstruation and ending period poverty. Volunteers at the HerFlow Foundation will ensure that the Always product donations make their way to the designated schools. Various social media influencers from Jamaica have agreed to help expand the campaign and educate people about the issue and how they can help make a difference.
Looking Ahead
While Always is working to end period poverty in Jamaica, the fight will not end with just one effort. Girls will continue to turn to harmful alternatives for feminine hygiene products and will remain unable to learn and socialize as a result of period poverty. Amid its recovery from the impacts of COVID-19, Jamaica is still not equipped to provide access to sanitary products to every girl in need. In order to preserve girls’ confidence and health in the most basic of ways, it is vital that companies and organizations continue prioritizing access to menstrual products for young girls in Jamaica.
– Ava Lombardi
Photo: Unsplash
The Costs of Military Intervention Versus the Benefits of Foreign Aid
A closer look at the costs of military intervention versus the benefits of foreign aid provides insight into why humanitarian assistance trumps military intervention.
The Costs of Conflict, Violence and Military Intervention
In March 2011, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) led a multi-state coalition in response to conflict escalation in Libya. To curb violence and human rights violations in line with the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ norm, NATO created a no-fly zone followed by air strikes. According to a 2012 Reuters report, NATO coordinated “26,000 sorties including some 9,600 strike missions and destroyed about 5,900 targets before operations ended on October 31.”
To terminate the rule of Saddam Hussein and abolish weapons of mass destruction, U.S. forces began the invasion of Iraq in 2003. The U.S. saw success as troops captured Hussein and the last U.S. troops exited Iraq in December 2011. The nine-year conflict cost the U.S. Treasury $800 billion and led to more than “4,700 U.S. and allied troop deaths” along with the deaths of more than 100,000 Iraqi people, highlighting the human and material costs of military intervention and war.
Kosovo was once a province of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which currently consists of today’s two states, Serbia and Montenegro. The Kosovo crisis escalated in early 1998 upon Kosovo’s desire for sovereign autonomy from Yugoslavia. With Kosovo’s mixed population of Albanians and Serbs, clashes between the ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs took place and the Yugoslav government took a firm stance against the Kosovo Liberation Army, a rebel Albanian group. The crisis led to displacement and death, prompting NATO’s intervention.
Libya (March 2011-October 2011)
While the total scope of collateral damage remains unacknowledged, Human Rights Watch reported 72 civilian casualties as a result of aerial strikes that NATO carried out in Libya in 2011. The number of internally displaced persons fluctuated throughout the intervention period, and by late 2011, the number stood at a minimum of 154,000 people, highlighting the profound implications of military intervention on human welfare.
A month after the intervention ended, The New York Times carried out investigations in Libya’s capital of Tripoli along with several other sites and findings show ramifications on civilian infrastructure. The airstrikes led to the destruction of residential and commercial buildings and many people suffered injuries, unable to access health care amid a chaotic political atmosphere.
However, the benefits of foreign aid outweighed military intervention as it helped restore social and economic order within Libya during and following the crisis. Since 2011, USAID has facilitated the delivery of social services, development and humanitarian support in Libya in an investment valued at more than $900 million.
For instance, in June 2011, to “build an inclusive and peaceful democratic future that reflects the will and needs of the Libyan people,” USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives allocated $12.2 million. The program goals included conversations to unite together Libya’s community leaders in creating “strategies to mitigate conflict and promote reconciliation” and public outreach initiatives to keep locals up-to-date on information about Libya’s transition process.
In 2012, USAID provided grants to build a computer center in the Mafqood Center for Missing Persons “where families from all sides of the conflict will receive training on advocacy using social networking and online media.” According to USAID, the center’s goal is to stand as “a sanctuary for families to seek solace and comfort” as well as “a platform from which the families can form a unified voice to tackle the legal and social issues they face.”
Iraq (2003-2011)
The U.S. military invasion led to several human rights violations as detailed in the accounts of abuse and torture in the Abu Ghraib prison, a U.S. army detention center that housed around 3,800 detainees from 2003 to 2006. Graphic photos of males and females show acts of torture, humiliation and assault. This led to charges against 11 U.S. military authorities, according to CNN.
Through the Iraq Relief and Reconstruction Fund, U.S. Congress allocated $2.5 billion in 2003 to ease acute suffering in areas relevant to food security, water and health care. Later that year, an additional $18.4 billion went toward general reconstruction projects. By February 2006, Congress distributed $10.5 billion of the $18.4 billion for “security, economic and political” initiatives. The economic benefit of such foreign aid is visible in the nation’s gross domestic product, which rose from “$18.9 billion in 2002 to $33.1 billion in 2005,” signifying an improved standard of living.
Kosovo Crisis (1998-1999)
NATO nations endured a cost of £2.5 billion over 78 days while dispersing “more than 23,000 bombs and missiles” in Kosovo. On the first day of the conflict alone, NATO “launched more than £44.4 [million] worth of weapons” against Yugoslavia’s military bases. In total, the Kosovo war and reparation thereafter cost £31.67 billion, around two-thirds of which went toward rebuilding Serbia/Kosovo.
Already suffering from international sanctions, Yugoslavia endured economic shocks with the nation losing 44% of its industrial production. NATO bombings are reported to have set back Yugoslavia by as much as 20 years, with economic costs amounting to $100 billion, as Yugoslav officials reported in 1999.
However, foreign aid assisted in Kosovo’s recovery and economic development. For instance, since 1999, USAID committed itself to the reconstruction of Kosovo in investments totaling more than $1 billion.
Multilateral donors collected around $2 billion in a donors meeting held in 1999 to aid humanitarian support and reconstruction. The benefit of economic reconstruction in Kosovo is visible in its GDP, rising to $9.01 billion in 2021, according to World Bank data, from $1.85 billion in 2000.
Overall, the benefits of foreign aid outweighed the costs of military intervention in conflicts occurring in countries like Libya, Iraq and Kosovo, especially considering the heightened economic and human loss associated with military interventions.
– Noor Al-Zubi
Photo: Unsplash
The Potential of Nuclear Energy in Uganda
Uganda is a landlocked country located in East Africa. Poised to be a significant oil-producing country, Uganda has an estimated 6.5 billion barrels worth of oil reserves in its territory as of 2014. Nevertheless, Uganda’s government is looking to diversify its energy portfolio by investing in nuclear energy in Uganda. In doing so, Uganda could set a precedent for the future where sub-Saharan Africa derives significant power from nuclear energy.
Support From the International Community
On July 26, 2022, Uganda formally asked Russia for assistance in developing nuclear power plants in the country. The current president of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, has stated that developing nuclear power within Uganda is one of his biggest priorities as he believes it is the best way to bring electrical power to the 41% of Ugandan people living in extreme poverty, according to 2019 data. Because Uganda has vast uranium deposits, developing nuclear energy in Uganda is not preposterous as African countries such as Nigeria, with fewer uranium resources than Uganda, have developed plans to create nuclear power plants.
Along with gaining the help of the Russian Federation, Uganda has received significant support from China. On May 11, 2018, Uganda signed a memorandum of understanding with the China National Nuclear Corporation to help Uganda build the capacity to use atomic power for peaceful energy-related purposes. With both Russia and China looking to bring nuclear energy to Uganda, Uganda could set a precedent for other sub-Saharan nations to receive international help in developing nuclear-based energy infrastructure.
The Potential of Sub-Saharan Africa
While Uganda is not the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to receive international help in developing infrastructure, it is unique in being one of the only countries in the region to receive aid specifically for nuclear power. The only others are Kenya and South Africa.
Uganda could set a precedent in the type of infrastructure development that countries in sub-Saharan Africa receive through the development of the nation’s own nuclear facility. Since international powers such as China have already spent a great deal of time and money on developing transportation infrastructure in Africa, these countries now need a source of energy to power the vehicles using the transportation infrastructure.
After Uganda received help from Russia and China to build a nuclear power plant, many other sub-Saharan African nations developed energy-based initiatives of their own. For example, for years now, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has discussed plans for the Grand Inga hydroelectric power project that would supply energy to millions of people along the Congo River. In June 2021, the Congolese government chose “Australia’s Fortescue Metals Group to develop all six phases of the Grand Inga hydroelectric power project,” African Energy reported.
Developing a nuclear power plant in Uganda could set a precedent for other sizeable renewable energy projects in sub-Saharan Africa. Countries generally reliant on fossil fuels to produce energy are now investing large amounts of money in harvesting power from more renewable energy sources.
Looking Forward
By looking to nuclear power as a source of renewable energy to help electrify the nation, Uganda could inspire other sub-Saharan African nations to do the same. Considering that access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa stood at 48% in 2020, according to the World Bank, these initiatives hold significant importance.
Because the 2021-2022 global energy crisis is disproportionately affecting the region through increased oil and gas prices, the construction of renewable power plants, such as nuclear facilities In Uganda, could pave the way for a better future.
– Humzah Ahmad
Photo: Flickr
Hope for Malaria Eradication in the Caribbean
Malaria in today’s world is largely absent from the Caribbean due to the success of past eradication efforts. Despite this, total eradication in the Caribbean is not complete. The island of Hispaniola, which Haiti and the Dominican Republic shares, continues to combat the disease. In the 21st century, efforts focusing on the island have given hope that effective and complete elimination of the disease may be within reach. With the help of international allies, complete malaria eradication in the Caribbean is possible.
Understanding Malaria and Its Dangers
Malaria is a dangerous parasitic infection that humans can catch through female mosquito bites. Symptoms can manifest in various ways, such as fevers and muscle aches. Contracting the disease requires urgent medical care due to the severity of the illness. Symptoms can become extremely painful as they progress and, without treatment, malaria can result in death. While treatment can be effective, no vaccine currently exists against infection. This makes malaria an urgent issue that requires global action.
The dangers of malaria compound its impact on human health. The social and economic effects of malaria can be a major hindrance to a nation’s development. Pregnant women are one of the most vulnerable groups that malaria can affect. This threatens female attendance within education and hinders their participation in the general economy, thus widening the gender equality gap within affected nations such as Haiti or the Dominican Republic. The end result is that women are moving further into poverty.
A History of Malaria in the Caribbean
Malaria has existed across the globe for centuries with it being most prevalent in tropical regions. The Caribbean is no exception to this, however, there is some speculation regarding malaria’s introduction to the region. Theories have determined that malaria arrived in the Caribbean through European exploration of the Americas and the transatlantic slave trade. Epidemics continued to plague the entire region throughout the first half of the 20th century before widespread eradication efforts took hold.
Today, the World Health Organization’s Global Malaria Programme has placed a majority of the Caribbean nations on its certified list of malaria-free countries and territories. Programs such as this have supported malaria eradication in the Caribbean, while investments into health care systems have also helped the region get to where it is at now. These programs are typically a mixture of mass treatment as well as a targeted treatment for the most at-risk groups. As a result, Haiti and the Dominican Republic remain the last two countries within the Caribbean awaiting malaria eradication.
The Last Strong Hold
In 2004, the Dominican Republic was experiencing a rise in malaria cases. This came decades after most of the Caribbean had eliminated it. Reported infections rose by 31% that year alone. Due to the country being a major tourist destination, malaria affected many international visitors. At least 14 international tourists from Western Europe and North America contracted malaria during the spike. Although the risk to tourists remained low and still is to this day, the presence of the disease acts as a deterrent for potential visitors. The Dominican Republic relies heavily on tourist revenue, as do many of its island neighbors. This means that any threat to the industry could result in further impoverishment for the nation’s citizens.
Malaria has an even stronger albeit diminishing hold on neighboring Haiti. Haiti came close to eradicating malaria in 1968 through the Global Eradication Program. As a result, malaria’s presence within Haiti dropped to less than 1%. However, unfortunately, Haiti did not sustain its efforts to eliminate malaria due to a lack of funding and political instability. Haiti saw a rise in malaria cases in the 70s and the turmoil that Haiti’s 2010 earthquake caused further stifled efforts to combat the disease. The most recent statistics for 2020 showed a total of 22,987 cases in Haiti. Limited funds and natural disasters, among other political disturbances, have prevented malaria from being eliminated from the island of Hispaniola.
Solutions
Haiti’s National Malaria Control Program (NMCP), along with support from the U.S.-based CDC, has helped implement widespread testing as well as initiatives to control mosquito populations. These efforts have seen malaria cases in Haiti reduce by 50% since 2009. In 2015, the CDC worked with the Haitian government and researchers to collect blood samples and carry out surveys to identify activities that may be putting individuals at risk of catching malaria. The surveys encompassed approximately 20% of the population in Haiti’s Verrettes and La Chapelle communes. These efforts also extend across the island into the Dominican Republic.
The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) also began operations in Haiti in response to the 2010 earthquake. Rapid diagnostic testing has now become the main method of tracking the spread of malaria across Haiti. Malaria elimination in the Caribbean is now in sight due to international efforts and interventions. With continued help, total malaria eradication will be a reality.
– Bryce Mathurin Lindsay
Photo: Flickr
“Extraordinary Attorney Woo” Sheds Light on Disabilities in South Korea
The Korean drama, or K-Drama, “Extraordinary Attorney Woo,” reached both domestic and global popularity since its debut on June 29, 2022. Between July 25 and July 31, the drama noted more than 65.63 million streaming hours. This K-drama follows the life of an autistic genius, Woo Young-woo, as she juggles her career as a rookie attorney and faces discrimination in the workplace and her personal life. Slowly, as she tackles one case after another, her colleagues begin to accept her and her autism. “Extraordinary Attorney Woo” sheds light on an important issue in South Korea: Disabled people need more support.
Disabled People in South Korea
More than 2.6 million individuals (5%) of South Korea’s population in 2022 are registered as disabled people, but despite this large number, disabled people face persistent barriers and discrimination in transportation, schools and the workplace.
“Extraordinary Attorney Woo” particularly highlights the difficulties Woo endured while trying to secure employment and the discrimination she faced in the workplace. This is a reality for many disabled people in South Korea. Disabled people are also at a higher risk of poverty due to barriers in the workplace, such as a lack of disability facilities.
Although South Korea’s government aimed to increase fair work opportunities for disabled people, the employment rate among people with disabilities stood at 34.5% in 2019, which is significantly lower than South Korea’s national employment rate average of 60.9%. Inadequate accommodation for disabled people in the workplace, “such as wheelchair ramps and accessible toilets,” presents barriers to securing or maintaining employment, which is key to economic security. However, for a majority of disabled people, securing employment is limited due to a lack of disability-friendly facilities and structures.
Additionally, disabled people in South Korea also have limited access to education. Despite more than 98,000 students meeting the eligibility requirements for “special education” in 2021, less than 28% of them attended specialized schools for students with disabilities and the others studied in “special education classes” in traditional schools. However, disabled students in traditional schools are subject to “bullying and condescension.” Moreover, traditional school designs do not account for the needs of disabled students.
Progress for Disabled People in South Korea
“Extraordinary Attorney Woo” depicts a relatively more accepting work environment that is not far from reality. In 2017, 80% of disabled people reported facing discrimination, but in 2021, the figure has fallen to almost 66%. South Korea has made many leaps in progress to bring equality to disabled people.
Advocacy is key to bringing change for disabled people as protests and movements led the government to pass many pieces of legislation. For instance, the 2005 Act on Promoting Transportation Convenience for Mobility Disadvantaged Persons mandated the accommodation of disabled people in public transportation through special customizations. In 2007, through legislation, South Korea prohibited the discrimination of disabled persons.
Moreover, South Korea has law firms that have a disability as a practice area, allowing disabled people to secure their rights. Public interest law firms such as Gonggam, engage in and finance disability rights advocacy. Furthermore, the Korea Disability Law Association “published a manual on disability rights for lawyers and judges in 2013.” Such support for disabled people from institutions “bolsters policy implementation” and strengthens “disability-related governance.”
In the show, “Extraordinary Attorney Woo,” Woo stood as a harbinger of change as she made others realize their discriminatory perspectives. Similarly, self-advocacy by disabled people was pivotal in bringing change and expanding the rights of disabled people in South Korea. Although “Extraordinary Attorney Woo” highlights South Korea’s shortcomings in disability support, South Korea has been increasingly making progress in recognizing the rights of people with disabilities. With legal institutions and advocates stepping up, disabled people can participate in society more fully and rise up out of poverty.
– Samyukta Gaddam
Photo: Flickr
How Digital Wages Empower Women in South Asia’s Informal Economy
For many workers in South Asia, employment in South Asia’s informal economy remains the only way to earn a living. Informal employment is a massive development concern for the region and has continued to grow in South Asian countries over the past few years. The World Bank estimated that in 2020, more than 80% of people under employment in the South Asian region were informal workers, and about 90% of businesses were informal. A significant portion of these workers are women; according to UN Women, 95% of the total informal employment consisted of women in 2016.
The lack of labor law protection and social benefits, combined with extremely low wages, results in women in South Asia suffering from financial exclusion. Wage digitization can help tackle this issue and encourage financial inclusion in the region.
Women in South Asia’s Informal Economy
In South Asia, women make up a disproportionate amount of informal workers and often do not have the protection of any laws or regulations. Many such female workers face issues like low or unpaid wages, unsafe working conditions and lack of social benefits.
Informal work for South Asian women ranges from self-employment in the form of subsistence farmers or street vendors to waged work such as domestic work. However, informal work, which people often refer to as the gray economy, falls outside of labor laws and thus workers do not receive protection. This means the majority of the women working under such conditions have no wage guarantees either. Many are either receiving low or irregular wages, with some not receiving wages at all.
According to World Bank, one of the biggest reasons women in South Asian countries only remain employed in the informal economy is due to the lack of infrastructure available to increase economic opportunities for women. Without educational opportunities and adequate technological training, women are unable to compete for jobs in the formal job market and end up dependent on the informal economy. Other reasons for women in these regions being unable to participate in the economy formally are cultural and societal norms, such as patriarchal social structures, that prevent women from fully participating in the job market. For example, in Pakistan, for a woman to register a business, she must provide a father or husband’s name in front of a witness.
The Benefits of Digital Wages
A way that women in South Asia’s informal economy experience empowerment is through digital wages. Global Findex’s 2021 report, which showed how digital wages have created new opportunities for female garment workers in Bangladesh, stated that although men were more likely to have bank accounts, there has been an increasing trend since 2017 toward financial inclusion for women in lower-income countries. This includes digital accounts and payments of wages digitally.
One of the countries that has benefitted from digital wages is Bangladesh. According to the 2021 Global Findex report, there was a 7% increase in women’s digital account ownership in Bangladesh, which cut the financial gender gap in the country by a third. Apart from allowing female workers to receive their wages, digital wages help companies as well by cutting down administrative costs and time.
Possibilities for the Future
The use of digital wages and the increased financial security that comes with it can help women in South Asia who rely on the informal economy to achieve greater financial freedom. Moreover, the financial awareness that comes with digital wages could particularly benefit the women of the region who traditionally have to give their cash earnings to their husbands or fathers. By having digital accounts and direct deposits, they can obtain a certain degree of autonomy.
The case of Bangladesh proves that financial inclusion through technology can help women’s empowerment; the International Labor Organization (ILO) is already moving to digitize garment worker wages in Cambodia as well. Digital wages can prove to be an efficient and inclusive way of empowering women in South Asia’s vast informal economy.
– Umaima Munir
Photo: Pixabay
The Promise to Halve the Poverty Rate in the Philippines
The pandemic had a negative impact on every country in the world. From economic depression to increased poverty, conditions in rich and poor countries declined. One of the countries that the pandemic hit hardest was the Philippines. The pandemic pushed more than 2.3 million Filipinos under the poverty line. By 2021, poverty in the Philippines was above 18%, well overshooting the government target of 15.5%. The Philippines is also $242 billion in debt, amounting to nearly 64% of its GDP. This 16-year high is partly due to the pandemic, as the financial stress it caused led to the government borrowing more. To top it all off, inflation is rising at the highest rate since 2018, further exacerbating the country’s economic struggle. Luckily, the new president of the Philippines has a plan to reduce the poverty rate in the Philippines by half.
The Newly Inaugurated President’s Plan
Despite the country’s increasing economic disparity, the newly inaugurated President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. proposed a record budget to tackle poverty, health care and social welfare in 2023. For him, boosting the economy and reducing poverty in the Philippines is supposedly at the forefront of his agenda. He recently proposed a 2023 budget of $94 billion (5.29 trillion pesos) – a significant increase from the previous year’s budget. This budget aims at lifting millions of people out of poverty and significantly boosting economic growth. He also pledged to cut the poverty rate in half, aiming for 9% by the end of his term in 2028.
Furthermore, Marcos intends to reduce the Philippine debt to less than 60% of its GDP. He also plans to initiate the nation’s own Center for Disease Control and Prevention. Establishing a CDC is a step that makes vaccines more available, lowers the cost of medicine and expands health care accessibility in rural areas that lack it.
A Tarnished Family Legacy
While Marcos’ budget sounds promising for tackling the poverty rate in the Philippines and promoting economic growth, his presidency carries a heavily tarnished past. Marcos Jr. is the son of late former President Ferdinand Marcos Sr., who served as the 10th Philippine president for 21 years. Controversy, corruption and even dictatorship marred the Marcos Sr. presidency. In 1972, Marcos Sr. put the country under martial law, which lasted for nine years. During that time, numerous human rights violations occurred, followed by economic collapse and rising inflation.
By the end of his rule, the poverty rate in the Philippines was at an all-time high, having risen from 42% to 59%. It is well documented that Marcos Sr.’s political opponents and critics were assassinated or tortured and that the Muslim minority was heavily silenced and oppressed. In addition, he and his wife Imelda received accusations of plundering around $10 billion, much of which was never recovered. Despite the numerous charges of racketeering, graft and corruption, Imelda Marcos ended up serving as a congresswoman for nine years. Her daughter Imee currently serves as a senator. Additionally, on May 25, 2022, her son Marcos Jr. officially became the 17th President of the Philippines.
Mixed Feelings
Some say that the Philippines is heading into another era of corruption and dictatorship. Others say that Marcos Jr. is fighting hard to escape his father’s shadow. Whatever the case may be, one thing is certain; this struggling Asian country requires strong leadership and sound judgment if it is to recover from its current economic crisis.
– Padma Balaji
Photo: Flickr